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Guide to Activism in the northern part of Cyprus to support yourself and each other
1st edition: 13 – 04 – 2023
[Türkçe açıklama devamında yer almaktadır]
Avli, with support of a legal expert, Aslı Murat, conducted preliminary research for those in organising roles in activities, events, protests and activism in general, and for anyone wanting to know more about their rights.
Why? Simply because we want to enable peaceful and non-violent activism to take place in the northern part of Cyprus, by knowing rights to assembly and speech, and being in a position to protect everyone who is taking part of it.
As the tendency to limit and violate fundamental freedoms is gaining more force, specifically in the northern part of Cyprus. The types of problems that have been increasingly experienced/faced include legal texts and interventions against freedom of speech, policing in various civil society activities negatively affecting freedoms of assembly and association, limitations and violation of data protection, etc.
In the recent past, there have been instances that the authoritarian interventions of “the police” have negatively affected our activities and actions including but not limited to demands for personal data during environmental peacebuilding summer camps. Based on these previous experiences, it was crucial to respond if we want to carry on our existing and future actions that take place in the northern part of Cyprus. Thus, we wanted to Know Our Rights in cases of assembly, public speech, and non-violent direct action by drafting a Guide to Activism for the northern part of Cyprus. The guide can be used by any activist and civil society group on the ground, who fights for a peaceful and sustainable island.
Avli and Aslı Murat presents two important documents:
The brief ‘Guide to Activism in the northern part of Cyprus’
This guide aims to help us understand the general aspects of the criminal law system in the northern part of Cyprus during the investigation phase, and the powers and duties of the police in peaceful assemblies and protests in particular. With the “freedom of thought, speech and expression”, the Constitution regulates that everyone has the freedom of thought and the right to express and disseminate their ideas individually or collectively, without censorship, through speech, writing, pictures. It also enumerates the grounds on which the right may be legally restricted. On the other hand, the right to assembly and demonstration also regulates that citizens can take peaceful actions without obtaining prior permission from any authority . Even though the police tried to prevent meetings and demonstrations involving foreigners from time to time , there was generally no intervention to halt the activity.
The Bust Card is a pocket-sized cardboard slip produced by legal supporters which includes phone numbers for a friendly solicitor and legal support, as well as other information useful in situations where there is a risk of arrest.
[TR]
Avli, hukuk uzmanı Aslı Murat’ın da desteğiyle, aktivitelerde, etkinliklerde ve protestolarda organizator rolü olan aktivistler veya toplanma ve ifade özgürlükleri hakkında daha fazla bilgi edinmek isteyenler için ön araştırma yaptı.
Neden? Basitçe, toplanma ve ifade haklarını bilerek kendi ve etrafındakilerin haklarını koruyabilecek bir konumda olup Kıbrıs’ın kuzey kesiminde barışçıl ve şiddet içermeyen aktivizmin gerçekleşmesini sağlamak istediğimiz için!
Temel özgürlükleri sınırlama ve ihlal etme eğilimi, özellikle Kıbrıs’ın kuzey kesiminde daha fazla güç kazanıyor. İfade özgürlüğüne yönelik yasal metinler ve müdahaleler, polisin çeşitli sivil toplum faaliyetlerinde toplanma ve örgütlenme özgürlüklerini olumsuz etkilemesi, veri korumasının sınırlandırılması ve ihlali vb. giderek artan bir şekilde yaşanan/karşılaşılan sorun türleri olmuştur. Yakın geçmişte “polis”in otoriter müdahalelerinin, çevresel barış inşası yaz kampları sırasında kişisel veri talepleri dahil olmak üzere faaliyetlerimizi ve eylemlerimizi olumsuz etkilediği durumlar olmuştur.
Geçmiş deneyimlere dayanarak, Kıbrıs’ın kuzey kesiminde yer alan mevcut ve gelecekteki eylemlerimizi sürdürmek istiyorsak olup bitenlere bir karşılık vermek çok önemliydi. Bu nedenle, hem kendi faaliyetlerimizde ve hem de genel olarak barışçıl ve sürdürülebilir bir ada isteyen aktivistler ve sivil toplum tarafından kullanılabilecek bir rehber oluşturmak amacıyla Kıbrıs’ın kuzeyinde bir Aktivizm Rehberi taslağı hazırlayarak toplanma hakkı ve ifade özgürlüklerini koruma ve savunmanın yasallığı konusundaki Haklarımızı Bilmek istedik.
Avli ve Aslı Murat iki belge sunar:
Kısaca ‘Kıbrıs’ın kuzey kesiminde Aktivizm Rehberi’
Bu kılavuz, genel olarak Kıbrıs’ın kuzeyindeki ceza hukuku sisteminin soruşturma aşamasındaki genel hatlarını, özelde ise barışçıl toplantı ve protestolarda polisin yetki ve görevlerini kavramamıza yardımcı olmayı hedeflemektedir. Anayasa “düşünce, söz ve anlatım özgürlüğü” ile, herkesin düşünce özgürlüğüne sahip olduğunu ve fikirlerini, sansürsüz bir şekilde söz, yazı, resim aracılığıyla tek başına veya toplu olarak açıklama ve yayma hakkını düzenler. Ayrıca hakkın yasal olarak sınırlanabileceği gerekçeleri de sayar. Diğer yandan toplantı ve gösteri yürüyüşü hakkı da, yurttaşlara önceden herhangi bir makamdan izin almaksızın barışçıl eylem yapabileceklerini düzenler. Zaman zaman yabancıların dâhil olduğu toplantı ve eylemleri polis engellemeye çalışmış olsa bile, genellikle etkinliği durdurucu bir müdahale ile karşılaşılmamıştır.
‘Kıbrıs’ın kuzeyindeki barışçıl protesto ve diğer ilgili olaylarda haklarınızı bilin’ bustcard
Bustcard, yasal destekçiler tarafından üretilen, yasal destek için ulaşılabilecek cana yakın avukat ve telefon numaralarının yanı sıra tutuklanma riskinin olduğu durumlarda yararlı olabilecek diğer bilgileri içeren cep boyutunda bir karton sliptir.
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Credits: Aslı Murat, legal expert
Author/Συντάκτης/Yazar: Josef Boraei
Çevirmenler/Μεταφραστές/Translators: Kemal Çufoğlu, Vijdan Şengör
Συντάκτες/Editors/Editörler: Vijdan Şengör, Myrto Skouroupathi
The post Know Your Rights (EN, TR) first appeared on AVLI.written by Avli’s members Myrto Skouroupathi and Josef Boraei
PRIDE
If you haven’t already heard, it’s Pride Month! June is established as the Pride month, a month to celebrate and uplift LGBTQIA+* communities. People are coming together in love, friendship, and solidarity to celebrate the wins, mourn the losses, and demand LGBTQIA+ liberation.
The first Pride was held as an anniversary of the Stonewall Riots. The Stonewall riots were crucial protests in 1969 in the US, that started as a pushback to police brutality and discrimination experienced by queer people. Queer** feminist and activist Brenda Howard – also known as ‘The Mother of Pride’, together with other activists commemorated the Riots with a rally in July 1969 which become what we today know us pride. It is important, then, to remember that the first Pride was a riot. [1]
We, as environmental peace-building activists, have other identities, such as LGBTQIA+ identities that are intertwined with our climate and peace activism. With the climate crisis being the greatest threat to human rights, social justice, and ecosystems we wanted to take the opportunity of the Pride Month to explore why the Climate Crisis is a LGBTQIA+ issue.
CLIMATE DISPROPORTIONATE IMPACTS
Climate crisis is affecting every one of us. However, the impacts of it are not experienced equally. They disproportionately affect those that are already marginalised, either across the divide in Cyprus or across the world – including LBGTQI+ people.
It affects each person differently based on biological, social, and cultural parameters such as gender, race, social class, ability, age, sexuality and so on – perceived as norms.
According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), it is clear that the people who are already most vulnerable and marginalised will experience the greatest impacts of climate change. [2,3]
Marginalised people have higher chances to live in areas at most risk of climate change, and way less chances to access resources or ability to relocate. It is also crystal clear that in times of crisis (i.e. economical, political, social, climate, health), the most marginalised are the first to be impacted. LGBTQI+ people across the world are more likely to experience homelessness, lack of financial resources and support structures. In case of conflict and (climate) disasters, marginalised people are less mobile and receive less support. This is especially true for Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour (BIPoC) LGBTQI+ people.
An example is Hurricane Katrina, during which trans people faced discrimination in emergency shelters, with some turned away, while the black gay community has yet to fully recover [4,5]. This can also apply in the case of Cyprus, where the right to change one’s legal gender is non-existence in the southern part [6] of the island, while in the northern it’s only possible with full gender reassignment surgery [7], which means that trans people are limited in their movement and the services they are able to receive in case of a crisis.
THE ROOTS OF INTERLINKED OPPRESSIONS
Climate justice teaches us that the roots of the climate crisis are strongly connected with multiple oppressions. Several forms of power and systematic oppression interact on multiple and often simultaneous levels, through institutions such as racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, xenophobia, classism, ageism and others. Therefore, the climate crisis and other environmental and social struggles, are the results of capitalism, colonialism, racism, patriarchy, neoliberalism, and neocolonialism among others. [8]
We recognise that these oppressive structures have brought us to the exploitation of the people and the planet, for human rights and environmental degradation respectively.
This has been a struggle and a threat for the queer community and therefore queer liberation for a long time, that unfortunately pushes down the beauty of diversity. It is a danger for gender and sexual identities as much as it is for the planet, biodiversity, and natural heritage on the altar of money and profit. [9]
We strongly believe that there is one struggle and one fight. Thus, fighting against the oppressive systems of capitalism, colonialism, racism, sexism, neoliberalism and neocolonialism, is crucial to fight both the climate crisis and for queer liberation.
QUEERS EXPERIENCE IN THE CLIMATE JUSTICE MOVEMENT IS BENEFICIAL
The climate justice movement can also benefit from the contribution of the LGBTQI+ community while fighting against the climate crisis. By looking at the history of LGBTQI+ communities across the globe and the fights given against common oppressive systems, it shows how much experience we can offer on skills sharing, survival, practices of resistance and resilience. It hasn’t been an easy struggle for LGBTQI+ community, but we know how to struggle, how to organise, how to demonstrate and how to win. The queer community knows very well how a community of love and care looks like, and also how concrete solidarity should be.
Great examples of recognition of struggles and concrete solidarity by the LGBTQI+ community towards other communities are the “Lesbians and Gays support the Miners” [10] and “Lesbians and Gays support the Migrants”. [11]
Another example are the “disable and trans people of colour, who have a lot to teach us on how to deal with climate catastrophe and as they say ‘welcome to our world’. Even in the moments when we’re in pain, when we’re uncomfortable, when the task ahead feels overwhelming, and we feel defeated by the sheer scope of everything that’s wrong in the world, we don’t have to give up on life or on humanity. Queer and trans disabled people know that, because that’s how we live. At this moment of climate chaos, we’re saying: Welcome to our world. We have some things to teach you if you’ll listen, so that we can all survive.” [12]
Queer communities are already providing support on survival skills, spaces to host people in times of crisis, and even mobilise their communities to fight against the climate crisis. The legacy of LGBTQIA+ people is so rich with experience on activism, resistance, campaigns which can be shared, used and strengthened when fighting for climate justice. We, as queer people, are already part of the fight.
QUEER LIBERATION and CLIMATE JUSTICE go hand in hand.
Finally, we would like to conclude that Avli members are standing for a truly intersectional movement fighting for collective liberation and justice.
There is no climate justice without queer liberation, and there is no queer liberation without climate justice. The fight against the climate crisis and queer oppression are strongly linked and its roots are the same oppressive systems. We do not stand for neither a queer-exclusive climate movement nor for a capitalist “rainbow washed” pride. We stand together, united against all kinds of oppression.
*LGBTQIA+ stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, asexual. The + is an inclusive symbol to mean ‘and others’ to include people of all identities.
**Queer is a reclaimed slur which some but not all people in the LGBTQIA+ community use.
INVITATION TO JOINS US IN THE CLIMATE JUSTICE BLOC led by Avli
On Saturday, 18 June 2022, LGBTQI+ people from all around Cyprus and beyond are gathering and marching for their rights, in Nicosia.
For the first time in Cyprus, LGBTQIA+ organisations and communities across the island are coming together and joining forces for an intercommunal, self-organised, self-funded, grassroots Pride with the slogan “United by Pride”.
Co-hosts: Queer Collective Cy, Queer Cyprus Association, LGBT PILIPINAS, LGBT Africa and the LGBTQIA+ & Allies Students Club of the University of Cyprus.
Avli, as an initiative working on environmental peace building also recognises the multidimensional form of the climate crisis, thus we are launching an open call to all environmental and climate organisations and initiatives across the island to support the upcoming march ‘United by Pride’.
As we have explained, there is no Climate Justice without Social Justice and Queer liberation. Therefore, we would like to invite you to support and participate within the climate justice bloc of the march on June 18, 2022 at 18:00. Our main message will be ‘No pride on a dead planet – Save Akamas’. The climate justice bloc also aims to offer space for anyone who identifies as queer but is not able to participate in the march as an individual in fear of discrimination. Anyone is welcome to join us!
Author/Συντάκτης/Yazar: Myrto Skouroupathi, Josef Boraei
Çevirmenler/Μεταφραστές/Translators: N/A
Συντάκτες/Editors/Editörler: Myrto Skouroupathi, Nikolas Michael
Δικαίωμα ελεύθερης σκέψης τζαι συνείδησης: Κύπρο του 2022
Αντιρρησίες συνειδήσεις που το βορρά ως το νότο
English: Can I avoid the army? YES
Όταν ήμασταν ακόμα σχολείο – δηλαδή ανήλικοι, στα 17 μας – ήρταν τζαι είπαν μας ότι καλούν μας να ‘υπηρετήσουμε’ την πατρίδα μας, ότι εννα την προστατεύσουμε που τον εχθρό τζαι ότι εννα βάλουμε νου τζαι να γίνουμε αδρώποι, τάχατες άντρες με τα όλα τους. Είπαν μας ότι εν χρέος μας να το κάμουμε τζαι ότι εν έχουμε επιλογή αλλιώς εννα πιάμε πελλό-χαρτο ή ε να πκιερώνουμε πρόστιμο ή τζαι φυλάκιση.
Εμείς λοιπόν, ως νέοι τούτου του τόπου που παλεύκουμε για την ειρήνη σε τούτο τον τόπο, εν μας βρίσκει σύμφωνους τούτο το αφήγημα τζαι ε να βάλουμε μια τελεία δαμέ. Είμαστε νέοι άνθρωποι που ανησυχούμε τζαι ενδιαφερούμαστε για τούτον τον τόπο, τζαι γνωρίζουμε τόσο τις υποχρεώσεις μας αλλά τζαι τα ανθρώπινα μας δικαιώματα.
Με βάση το ευρωπαϊκό δικαστήριο τζαι το άρθρο 9 της Ευρωπαϊκής Σύμβασης για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα, ούλλ@ μας έχουμε κάθε δικαίωμα στην ελευθερία σκέψης, θρησκείας τζαι συνείδησης.
Για τους διαμένοντες στο νότο, δηλαδή στο έδαφος κάτω υπο τον αποτελεσματικό έλεγχο της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας , ‘Ο περί Εθνικής Φρουράς Νόμος του 2011 (19(I)/2011)’ στο ΜΕΡΟΣ VIII σου δίνει το δικαίωμα να κάμεις αίτηση για να αναγνωριστείς ως αντιρρησίας συνείδησης με εναλλακτική κοινωνική υπηρεσία (για στρατεύσιμους τζαι έφεδρους).
Για τους διαμένοντες στο βορρά, το αυτο-ονομάζεται Τουρκική Δημοκρατία της Βόρειας Κύπρου (ΤΔΒΚ) και μη αναγνωρισμένη από τη διεθνής κοινότητα, δυστυχώς εν ισχύει το ίδιο αφού ακόμα εν υπάρχει το νομικό πλαίσιο που να τους καλύπτει τούτο το ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα και συνεπώς δεν αναγνωρίζεται.
Πριν πούμε την διαδικασία που μπορείτε να ακολουθήσετε για να αιτηθείτε, να πούμε λίο γιατί είμαστε αντιρρησίες συνείδησης τζαι όι επειδή απλά βαρκούντε να παν στους στρατούς.
Αρχικά ως Αυλή, έχουμε ως όραμα ένα ενωμένο, ειρηνικό τζαι αειφόρο νησί που σέβεται τα δικαιώματα ούλ@. Οι αρχές μας, μεταξύ άλλων, ενι η προσβασιμότητα, η δημοκρατικότητα, η πολυπολιτισμικότητα, η οικολογική αειφορία, η ειρήνη, η ισότητα τζαι η αλληλεγγύη.
Οι λόγοι που εν συμφωνούμε με το στρατό εν πολυδιάστατοι τζαι άρρηκτα συνδεδεμένοι μεταξύ τους. Αρχικά θέλουμε να θίξουμε το θέμα του μιλιταρισμού, ότι πέραν που το ότι εν μας βρίσκει σύμφωνους στους πολέμους τζαι στο στρατό, εν γενικά ένα σύστημα το οποίο καλλιεργεί το μίσος που άνθρωπο προς άνθρωπο, που δυστυχώς διαχωρίζει τον κόσμο ανά έθνος, θρησκεία τζαι ούτω καθεξής. Παράλληλα, σχηματίζει μυαλά τζαι υποβάλλει σε πράξεις εχθρικότητας αλλά τζαι θανάτου.
Τζαι όι εν θα εμπορούσαμε σε καμία περίπτωση να συναινέσουμε σε τέτοιου είδους πράξεις τζαι αρνούμαστε να μας επιβάλλουν οδηγίες που συνάδουν με το να σκοτώνουμε οποιονδήποτε άνθρωπο. Εν μπορούμε να φανταστούμε ότι ε να μας επιβληθεί να σκοτώσουμε τους φίλους μας π.χ. τον Μουσταφά τζαι τον Κεμάλ ή τον Γιαννή τζαι τον Κωστή γιατί έννεν ομοεθνής ή επειδή εν αλλόθρησκοι ή γιατί θεωρούνται εχθροί από το αφήγημα του εθνικισμού συγκεκριμένης μερίδας πληθυσμού.
Επιπλέον, οι εμπειρίες που κάποιοι που μας που είχαμε στο στρατό επιβεβαιώνουν τούτα που λαλούμε. Σε μια ταχάτες σύγχρονη τζαι ευρωπαϊκή χώρα του 21ου αιώνα καλλιεργείται η μισαλλοδοξία τζαι ο ρατσισμός, αντί να επενδύουμε στην ειρήνη που ενώνει τον κόσμο τζαι δυστυχώς συνεχίζει ο διαχωρισμός των κοινοτήτων.
Εν πολλά σημαντικό να πούμε ότι ο σχεδιασμός του συστήματος έσσιει ως κύρια βάση την ιεραρχία αλλά τζαι την επιβολή της ετεροφυλικής πατριαρχικής αντίληψης για το εν λόγω φύλο. Η ετεροκανονικότητα βλέπει τον χρωμοσωματικά γεννημένο ανδρα τζαι κατ’ επέκταση τον cis-άνδρα (το άτομο που αυτοπροσδιορίζεται με το φύλο που του εδόθηκε κατά τη γέννησή του) ως ανώτερο αλλά τζαι ότι η ετεροφυλία εν ο μόνος σεξουαλικός προσανατολισμός. Δυστυχώς, στο στρατό, επικρατεί η επιβαλλόμενη ετεροφυλική τούτη αντίληψη που διευκολύνει τα ετεροκανονικά άτομα με οφέλη του συστήματος εξουσίας του στρατού. Το συγκεκριμένο σύστημα θέλει τον άνδρα να μεν εκφράζει τα συναισθήματά του, να μεν κλαίει αλλά τζαι να υποτιμά το εύρος των υπόλοιπων ποικίλων ταυτοτήτων.
Ως άτομα της πρωτοβουλίας Αυλή, υπέρμαχα για την ειρήνη τζαι την περιβαλλοντική δικαιοσύνη, με καποι@ που μας να είμαστε τζαι άτομα της ΛΟΑΤΚΙ+ κοινότητας, αμφισβητούμε τζαι αρνούμαστε το γενικό πλαίσιο του μιλιταρισμού, όπου το θεωρούμε ως απειλή τόσο σε προσωπικό επίπεδο για τις δικές μας ταυτότητες, όσο τζαι για τις γυναίκες, αλλά τζαι ούλλες τις κοινότητες τζαι ανθρώπους της Κύπρου. Ο μιλιταρισμός, όπως αναφέραμε, εν ιεραρχικός σε εθνικιστική βάση τζαι αποκλείει οτιδήποτε άλλο πέραν του τι ορίζεται ως ετεροκανονικό που έρκεται σε ρήξη με τζίνα που πρεσβεύουμε τζαι αγωνιζούμαστε.
Πέραν των βιολογικών διαχωρισμών τζαι καταπιέσεων, ως ομάδα βλέπουμε τα πράματα μέσα που ένα φακό διαθεματικό. Η έννοια της διαθεματικότητας εν η επεξήγηση πως διαφορετικές μορφές εξουσίας τζαι καταπίεσης αλληλεπιδρούν σε πολλαπλά επίπεδα, συχνά τζαι ταυτόχρονα.
Κάποιες παράμετροι εν οι βιολογικές, κοινωνικές ή πολιτιστικές όπως το φύλο, η φυλή, η κοινωνική τάξη, η ικανότητα, η ηλικία, η σεξουαλικότητα τζαι ούτω καθεξής. Συνεπώς, ο μιλιταρισμός εν μας βοηθά στο να λύσουμε την συστημική καταπίεση, ούτε τούτα που καλλιεργούνται τζαι εμφανίζουνται στο στρατό όπως ο σεξισμός, ο ρατσισμός, η πατριαρχία κτλ.
Ένα που τα μέλη της Αυλής, ο Josef, επρόσθεσεν ότι: ‘Ως διαθεματικός φεμινιστής τζαι περιβαλλοντικός ακτιβιστής, οραματίζουμαι τζαι υπερασπίζουμαι όι απλά μια δικοινοτική Κύπρο, αλλά μια χώρα τζαι έναν κόσμο που να περιλαμβάνει ούλλες τις φυλετικές ομάδες στην Κύπρο τζαι που αντικατοπτρίζει την πολυμορφία της χώρας με τις αρχές της ισότητας τζαι της ισονομίας. Ως εκ τούτου, υποστηρίζω τον αντιμιλιταρισμό.’
Έπειτα, ως ομάδα που παλέφκουμε για περιβαλλοντική δικαιοσύνη σε ούλλο το νησί αρνούμαστε να συμβάλλουμε ενάντια της οποιασδήποτε οικολογικής καταστροφής. Ο στρατός, εν πιστεύκει ότι ούλλα όσα μας περιβάλλουν εν ίσα με τον άνθρωπο εφόσον εν πιστεύει καν ότι ούλλοι οι άνθρωποι χρήζουν ίσης διαχείρισης τζαι σεβασμού. Η φυσική κληρονομιά, οι φυσικοί πόροι εν υπάρχουν απλά τζαι μόνο για να εξασφαλίσουν τις στρατιωτικές ανάγκες, αλλά του οικοσυστήματος που εναρμονίζεται τζαι ζει στους οικοτόπους.
Η υπερχρήση ορυκτών υλικών που την φύση για τον σχεδιασμό τζαι την παραγωγή όπλων τζαι πυρομαχικών που έχουν αποτέλεσμα τόσο την ρύπανση τζαι μόλυνση του περιβάλλοντος αλλά τζαι τον θάνατο του ζωικού βασιλείου (συμπεριλαμβανομένου του ανθρώπινου είδους) είναι απαράδεκτη. Πολλές φορές ακούσαμε για την ρήξη πυρομαχικών ακόμη τζαι στα θαλάσσια ύδατα είτε απλά για στρατιωτική άσκηση είτε επειδή έληξαν. Η παραγωγή τζαι χρήση ούλλων των τοξικών χημικών στοιχείων που περιέχονται στα όποια όπλα, καταλήγουν ως απόβλητα – μη διαχειρίσιμα στην φύση – τζαι επηρεάζουν άμεσα ούλλα τα είδη που ζουν στις περιοχές είτε εν ενδημικά, είτε προστατευόμενα είδη ή ακόμη καταλήγουν στη ρύπανση ή τζαι μόλυνση του εδάφους, της ατμόσφαιρας αλλά τζαι των υδάτων.
Το 2018, η Διακυβερνητική Επιτροπή των Ηνωμένων Εθνών (ΔΕΗΕ), έκδωσε μια εκτεταμένη αναφορά όσον αφορά την Κλιματική Αλλαγή. Με απλά λόγια, το επιστημονικό όργανο των Ηνωμένων Εθνών λαλεί ξεκάθαρα ότι έχουμε σχεδόν μια δεκαετία να περιορίσουμε την αύξηση της μέσης θερμοκρασίας της γης σε 1.5 βαθμό κελσίου με πιθανότητα 66%. Το 2020, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή κήρυξε την Ευρώπη σε Κλιματική Κρίση λόγο έκτακτης ανάγκης. Το 2022 η ίδια επιτροπή, ΔΕΗΕ, είπεν ότι εν πολλα σημαντικό να δράσουμε άμεσα αναγνωρίζονταντας την σημαντικότητα της κοινωνικής δικαιοσύνης αλλά τζαι των διαθεματικών προσεγγίσεων.
Με βάση τα παραπάνω τζαι σε συνδυασμό με την εκπομπή αέριων ρύπων που βρίσκεται σε μεγάλο ποσοστό στο στρατό, αλλά τζαι την περαιτέρω ρύπανση του περιβάλλοντος με τα τοξικά απόβλητα που παράγονται που το στρατό, υποστηρίζουμε τον αντιμιλιταρισμό.
Επίσης, σύμφωνα με την ετήσια έκθεση 2021 ‘Αντίρρηση συνείδησης στη Στρατιωτική Υπηρεσία στην Ευρώπη’ από το Ευρωπαϊκό Γραφείο για την Αντίρρηση Συνείδησης ς, το 2020 η Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία είχε στρατιωτικές δαπάνες ύψους 418.8 US$ εκατομμύρια που ισούται με το 1.8% του ΑΠΕ. Τούτα τα ποσά θα μπορούσαν να χρησιμοποιηθούν ως δαπάνες για ειρηνευτικες τζαι περιβαλλοντικές δραστηριότητες που εννα έχουν ένα βραχυπρόθεσμο, αλλά τζαι μακροπρόθεσμο καλύτερο τζαι πιο αποδοτικό μέλλον.
Η ίδια έκθεση του Ευρωπαϊκού Γραφείου για την Αντίρρηση Συνείδησης, (EBCO) μιλά για νομοθετικές παραβιάσεις τζαι συγκεκριμένα λαλεί «Στην Κύπρο, η ηλικία στράτευσης είναι τα 18, που σημαίνει, σύμφωνα με τον νομοθετικό ορισμό, ότι όλοι οι άνδρες καθίστανται υπεύθυνοι για στρατολογία στην ηλικία των 17 ετών. Αυτό αποτελεί σαφή παραβίαση του Άρθρο 2 του Προαιρετικού Πρωτοκόλλου της Σύμβασης για τα Δικαιώματα του Παιδιού σχετικά με τη συμμετοχή παιδιών σε ένοπλες συγκρούσεις (OPAC)».
Στο νότο, η Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία αναγνώρισε 321 αντιρρησίες συνείδησης μεταξύ 2009-2018. Οι 119 στρατεύσιμοι τζαι οι 32 έφεδροι, εκ των οποίων οι 115 τζαι 20 αντίστοιχα ήταν για θρησκευτικούς λόγους τζαι οι υπόλοιποι για ιδεολογικούς λόγους (EBCO).
Παρακάτω παραθέτουμε σας σε πίνακα τους αριθμούς αιτητών για να αναγνωριστούν ως αντιρρησίες συνείδησης με εναλλακτική κοινωνική υπηρεσία (στρατεύσιμους τζαι έφεδρους), που το 2009 ως το 2018. (που δόθηκαν στο Ευρωπαϊκό Γραφείο για την Αντίρρηση Συνείδησης).
Στο βορρά οι συμπατριώτες μας εν έχουν την ίδια επιλογή αφού η νομοθεσία εν τους καλύπτει τζαι ο νόμος του στρατού 59-2000, της αυτο-ονομαζόμενης ΤΔΒΚ, θέλει να τους καταδικάζει με φυλάκιση. Παρόλα αυτά, οι τουρκοκύπριοι εν το εβάλαν κάτω τζαι που την δεκαετία του 90 μέχρι τζαι σήμερα υπάρχουν τουλάχιστον 17 άτομα που εν αντιρρησίες συνειδήσεις.
Δυστυχώς οι Murat Kanatlı, Haluk Selam Tufanli and Halil Karapasaoglu είχαν κυρώσεις φυλάκισης τζαι πολλοί άλλοι αναμένουν να έχουν την ίδια κατάληξη.
Επιπλέον πληροφορίες που την ετήσια έκθεση 2021 ‘Αντίρρηση συνείδησης στη Στρατιωτική Υπηρεσία στην Ευρώπη’ από το Ευρωπαϊκό Γραφείο για την Αντίρρηση Συνείδησης:
Εν σημαντικό να αναφερθεί ότι που το σχολείο κάθε εβδομάδα άτομα του του στρατού στο βορρά παν στα σχολεία τζαι επαναλαμβάνουν το ιδιο εθνικιστικό τζαι μισαλλόδοξο αφήγημα. Τούτο βέβαια έρκεται σε αντίθεση με την κοσμική παιδεία τζαι την ελεύθερη βούληση των ανηλίκων.
Τέλος, παραθέτουμε μαρτυρίες που τον βορρά ως τον νότο που άτομα που έχουν αναγνωριστεί ως αντιρρησίες συνείδησης ή αιτήθηκαν για ένα καλύτερο, ειρηνικό τζαι αντιμιλιταριστικό αύριο.
Έρμαν Ντολμάτσι
«Ως αντιρρησίας συνείδησης πιστεύω ότι πρέπει να αγωνιζόμαστε ενάντια σε όλες τις καταπιεστικές δομές που σχετίζονται με τον εθνικισμό, τη λιτότητα, το φύλο και τη σεξουαλικότητα, την καταστροφή του περιβάλλοντος και τα οικολογικά και αστικά κοινά μας και να αρχίσουμε να δείχνουμε αλληλεγγύη και να είμαστε μέρος του αντιμιλιταριστικού κινήματος στο νησί».
«Η ειρήνη θα έρθει στην Κύπρο όταν φύγουν όλοι οι στρατοί».
https://wri-irg.org/en/story/2018/cyprus-island-beauty-turned-dust
Josef Boraei
«Ο ρατσισμός, ο σεξισμός, ο ετεροσεξισμός τζαι πολλά άλλα που υπάρχουν στο στρατό, τροφοδοτεί τις ίδιες προβληματικές ιδεολογίες τζαι αφηγήματα του προηγούμενου αιώνα. Με όλων των ειδών καταπιέσεων, άγχους τζαι υποτίμησης που επέρασα ως στρατεύσιμος τζαι ως έφεδρος, αποφάσισα να βάλω μιαν τελία τζαι να κάμω αίτηση για αναγνώριση ως αντιρρησίας συνείδησης. Κατά την διάρκεια της συνέντευξης η επιτροπή ήρτεν να μου πει ότι τούτα που λαλώ εν ουτοπικά τζαι άμαν έρτει ο τούρκος με το όπλο τι εννα κάμω; Εγώ σε αυτό απαντώ να επενδύουμε στην ειρήνη τζαι όι σε σφαίρες.
Είμαστεν ουλλ@ άνθρωποι με την ίδια αξία τζαι αγωνιζούμαι για μιαν Κύπρο ενωμένη, ελεύθερη που εγγυήτριες δυνάμεις, στρατούς τζαι όπλα. Για έναν αύριο που κυριαρχεί περιβαλλοντική τζαι κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη, για έναν μέλλον αντιφασιστικό, αντιμιλιταριστικό τζαι όσο πιο ποικιλόμορφο τζαι χρωματιστό γίνεται».
Κεμάλ Τσούφογλου
«Ως Τουρκοκύπριος που ζούσα στο εξωτερικό για περισσότερα από 5 χρόνια, αρνήθηκα να πάω στο στρατό, ωστόσο έπρεπε να πληρώσω 6000 βρετανικές λίρες ως τέλος απαλλαγής. Αν και δεν ήθελα να το κάνω, καθώς το αντιλαμβάνομαι ως έμμεση χρηματοδότηση του στρατού, μια εναλλακτική θα σήμαινε ότι θα με έβαζαν σε λίστα και δεν θα μπορούσα να ταξιδέψω στο βόρειο τμήμα της Κύπρου. Όσοι μένουν στο νησί δεν έχουν αυτήν την επιλογή εξαίρεσης η οποία εισάγει διακρίσεις. Αν επιχειρούσα να ταξιδέψω στην Κύπρο χωρίς να πληρώσω αυτό το τέλος, κατά την άφιξή μου πιθανότατα θα με έστελναν σε στρατώνες ή φυλακές και θα αντιμετώπιζα σοβαρές νομικές κατηγορίες. Η ενέργειά μου είναι πολιτική ενάντια στην έννοια του μιλιταρισμού και όλων των στρατών στην Κύπρο. Η ενσυνείδητη αντίρρηση είναι ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα και πρέπει να κατοχυρωθεί με νομοθεσία, αντί να μετατραπεί σε δικαίωμα που μπορεί να «αγοραστεί» μόνο από εκείνους που μπορούν να σπουδάσουν στο εξωτερικό εξαρχής. Οραματίζομαι ένα ειρηνικό, ενωμένο και βιώσιμο νησί, όπου η ισότητα και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα γίνονται σεβαστά και το σύνταγμα προστατεύεται από τα δικαστήρια, το κράτος δικαίου και την κοινωνία των πολιτών και όχι από την παράλογη και αρχαϊκή ιδέα των όπλων και των ξένων στρατών».
Γρηγόρης Ιωάννου
«Όταν κάποιος μπάτσος αποφάσισεν να με απειλήσει προσωπικά με δικαστήριο διότι δεν επήαιννα να παραλάβω τα χαρτιά του στρατού για να πάω έφεδρος, αποφάσισα ότι ήρτεν η ώρα να κάμω την διαδικασία για να αναγνωριστώ ως αντιρρησίας συνείδησης. Εμάζεψα το σχετικό χαρτολόι, έγραψα τούτον το κείμενο τζιαι εκατάθεσα τα μέσα. Η παρουσία μου ενώπιον της επιτροπής ήταν σουρεαλιστική τζιαι τραγελαφική εμπειρία αλλά κυρίως εύκολη. Αν κάποιος εν συγκροτημένος τζιαι δεν χάσει την ψυχραιμία του, δύσκολα νομίζω μπορεί να φκουν που πάνω του οι μονιμάες. «Σέβομαι την ιδεολογία σου αλλά ανησυχώ ότι ως εκπαιδευτικός μπορεί να μολύνεις την νεολαία με αυτά τα πράματα» ήταν το πιο μεγάλο μαργαριτάρι που αξίζει να σημειώσω. Να ανησυχείς εσκέφτηκα που μέσα μου».
https://nekatomata.blogspot.com/2018/04/2007-2018.html
Ανώνυμος
«Η αντίρρηση στον στρατό είναι μια από τις πιο περήφανες αποφάσεις που έχω πάρει στη ζωή μου. Δεν θα γνώριζα ποτέ ότι η αντίρρηση συνείδησης ήταν μια νόμιμη επιλογή στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία, εαν δεν ήταν ο Χαλίλ Καραπασάογλου, ο οποίος φυλακίστηκε επειδή εναντιώθηκε στον στρατό στο βορρά. Είναι χαρούμενη η Εθνική Φρουρά αν φέρετε αντίρρηση; Σίγουρα όχι! Η διαδικασία είναι κάπως χαοτική και χαίρονται να εκφοβίζουν 17χρονους που ονειρεύονται έναν καλύτερο κόσμο. Αλλά εφόσον έχετε όλα τα απαιτούμενα έγγραφα, δεν έχετε τίποτα να ανησυχείτε! Η δημόσια υπηρεσία μου εκπληρώθηκε σε ένα υποστελεχωμένο δημόσιο νοσοκομείο, όπου μπόρεσα να βοηθήσω ευάλωτα άτομα όπως μετανάστες και πρόσφυγες».
Εν σημαντικό να ξέρετε όμως ότι η νομοθεσίας δεν είναι σε συμμόρφωση με τα διεθνή πρότυπα. Τζαι να θυμάστε τι λαλούν τα πιο κάτω άρθρα της νομοθεσίας:
Αλλά τζαι τα best off για να μην ξεχνιόμαστε!
Ευχαριστούμε θερμά ούλλ@ που εβοηθήσαν να βάλουμε ούλλες τις πληροφορίες μαζί, τις μαρτυρίες τζαι φυσικά τα άτομα που δουλεύκουν χρόνια πάνω σε τούτα.
Αν σκέφτεσαι να κάμεις αίτηση τζαι θέλεις βοήθεια, στείλε μας ένα μήνυμα γιατί στον αγώνα είμαστεν ούλλ@ μαζί!
The Right to Free Thought and Conscience: Cyprus 2022
Conscientious Objectors from north to south
When we were still at school – thus underaged – we were told that we are invited to ‘serve’ our motherland, and to protect it from our enemy but also to become mature and transform into men – whatever that means. We have been told that is our duty and we have no choice but to attend it, otherwise we will receive a ‘mental-paper’ or we will be forced to pay a fine and face prison charges.
We, the youth of this land, are fighting for peace and we strongly disagree with the current narratives and therefore we will have to put a full stop to it (an end). We are young people that are concerned and interested in the island, and we are aware of our responsibilities but also for our rights.
According to the European Court and article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights, we are provided a right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion.
For those living in southern part, on the ground which is under the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus, the ‘Law on the National Guard 2011 (19 (I) / 2011)‘ in PART VIII gives you the right to apply to be recognized as an objection consciousness with an alternative social service (conscripts and reservists).
For those living in the north, the self-proclaimed Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and unrecognized by the international community, unfortunately there is still no legal framework to cover this human right and therefore not recognized.
Before sharing the procedure on how to apply to become CO, we would like to share why are we objecting as you may think we are just bored to attend the army.
As Avli, we envision a united, peaceful and sustainable island that respects everyone’s rights. Our principles, among others, are accessibility, democracy, multiculturalism, ecological sustainability, peace, equality and solidarity.
We disagree with the army for several reasons which are multidimensional and inextricably linked. Firstly, we want to raise the issue of militarism, which in general is a system that cultivates hatred of man to man, which unfortunately divides the world by nation, religion and so on. At the same time, militarism forms minds and submits to acts of hostility and death.
We would have never consent to such acts, we refuse to impose instructions that are coherent by killing anyone. We can not even imagine that we would be forced to kill our friends e.g. Mustafa and Kemal or Giannis and Kostis because they are not of the same nationality or have different religion or because they are considered as enemies by the same narrative of nationalism.
In addition, the experiences that some of us were forced to attend the army, confirms what we are expressing. In a so-called modern European country of the 21st century, intolerance and racism are cultivated, instead of investing in peace that unites the world. Therefore, the division of communities continues.
It is very important to mention that the design of the system is based on the hierarchy, but also on the imposition of the heterosexual patriarchal conception of sex. Heterogeneity sees the chromosomally born male and consequently the cis-male (the person who identifies with the sex given to him at birth) as superior and also that heterosexuality is the only sexual orientation. Unfortunately, in the military, this imposed heterosexual perception prevails, which facilitates heteronormal individuals with the benefits of the military power system. This system does not want the man to express his feelings, to cry but to underestimate the range of other diverse identities.
As members of the Avli initiative, we are advocating for peace and environmental justice. In addition to that, as some of us being members of the LGBTQI + community, we question and reject the general context of militarism, where we see it as a threat both on a personal level to our own identities, as well as for women, and all the communities and people of Cyprus. Militarism, as we have mentioned, is hierarchical on a nationalist basis and excludes anything other than what is defined as heteronormal, which eventually comes to a rupture with what we represent and we fight for.
Beyond the biological divisions of oppression, as a group we see it through an intersectional lens. The meaning of intersectionality explains how different forms of oppressive power interact at multiple levels, often and at the same time.
Some of the parameters are biological, social or cultural such as gender, race, social class, ability, age, sexuality and so on. Therefore, militarism does not help to solve the systemic oppression, nor those that are cultivated and appear in the army such as sexism, racism, patriarchy, etc.
One of the Avli’s members, Josef, added: ‘As an intersectional feminist and environmental activist, I envision and defend not just a bi-communal Cyprus, but a country that embraces all racial groups in Cyprus with the principles of equality and eqity. That is why I support anti-militarism. ‘
Furthermore, as a group fighting for environmental justice on the island as a whole, we refuse to contribute against any ecological disaster. The military does not believe that all surroundings are equal to human beings, since it does not even believe that all human beings need to be respected and treated equally. Natural heritage and resources do not exist to serve military needs, but the needs of the ecosystem that harmonizes and lives in the habitats.
The overuse of natural minerals for the design and the production of weapons and ammunition results in pollution and contamination of the environment but also the death of the animal kingdom (including human species) which is unacceptable. Many times we have heard about the dumping of ammunition in our waters either for military exercises or just because they expired. The production and usage of toxic chemicals contained in any weapons, ends up as waste – unmanageable in nature – that directly affect the living species (endemic or protected species) or they simply end up polluting and/or contaminating the soil, atmosphere and water.
In 2018, the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) issued an extensive report. Basically, the United Nations scientific body is clearly mentioning that we have only a decade to limit the increase of the average earth temperature to 1.5 degrees Celsius with a 66% probability to limit the increase. In 2020, the European Commission declared a Climate Crisis due to an emergency. In 2022 the same committee, IPCC, said that it is very important to act immediately by recognizing the importance of social justice, but also intersectional approaches as solutions.
Based on the above, and in combination with the greenhouse gasses (GHG) emissions, with a large percentage identified in the army and together with the further pollution of the environment with the toxic waste produced by the army, we support anti-militarism.
Also, according to the annual report 2021 ‘Conscientious Objection to Military Service in Europe’ by the European Bureau of Conscientious Objection, in 2020 the Republic of Cyprus had military expenditures of 418.8 US $ million equal to 1.8% of GDP. This money could be used as expenditures for peacekeeping activities that have a way better short-term and long-term better future.
The same report by the European Bureau of Conscientious Objectives (EBCO) reports legislative violations and more specifically says: “In Cyprus, the conscription age is 18, meaning, under the legislative definition, that all men become liable for conscription at the age of 17. This is a clear violation of Article 2 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict (OPAC)“
In the south, the Republic of Cyprus recognized 321 conscientious objectors between 2009-2018. 119 were conscripts and 32 were reservists, of which 115 were 20, respectively, for religious reasons, and the rest were for ideological reasons (EBCO).
Below you can see a table for the numbers of applicants to be identified as conscientious objectors with alternative social service (conscripts and reservists), from 2009 to 2018. (submitted to the European Office of Conscientious Objection).
In the north, our compatriots do not have the same choice since the legislation does not protect them. The law of the army 59-2000, of the self-named TRNC, are accused of prison. Nevertheless, the Turkish Cypriots did not give up and therefore since 90’s until today there are at least 17 people who are conscientious objectors.
Unfortunately Murat Kanatlı, Haluk Selam Tufanli and Halil Karapasaoglu were sanctions to prison and many others expect the same outcome.
Further information on the annual report 2021 ‘Conscientious Objection to Military Service in Europe’ from the European Office of Conscientious Objection:
It is important to mention that every week at school, members of the army in the north, are going to schools and repeating the same nationalist and intolerant narrative. This is in contrast to cosmic education and the free will of minors.
Finally, we quote testimonies from the north to the south that individuals have been recognised or applied to be recognised as conscientious objectors for a better, peaceful anti-militarist future.
Erman Dolmacı (they/them)
‘As a conscientious objector I believe that we should fight against all the oppressive structures related to nationalism, austerity, gender and sexuality, the destruction of the environment and our ecological and urban commons, and start showing solidarity and being part of the anti-militarist movements on the island.’
“Peace will come to Cyprus when all the armies are gone”.
https://wri-irg.org/en/story/2018/cyprus-island-beauty-turned-dust
Josef Boraei (he/him)
“Racism, sexism, heterosexism and many more that exist in the military, feeds the same problematic ideologies and narratives of the previous century. With all sorts of oppression, stress and devaluation stress that I went through as a conscript and as a reserve, I decided to put an end and apply to officially be recognised as a conscientious objector. During the interview the committee told me that this is utopian and if the Turk comes with the weapon what would I do? My answer to this is to invest in peace and not in bullets. We are all people with the same value and I am fighting for a united Cyprus, free from guarantors, armies and weapons. For a future with environmental and social justice, for anti-fascist, anti-militarist island and as diverse and coulourful as possible.”
Kemal Çufoğlu (he/him)
‘As a Turkish Cypriot living abroad for more than 5 years, I objected to attending the army, however I had to pay 6000 British pounds as an exemption fee. Although I didn’t want to do this either as I perceive it as indirectly fundingthe army, an alternative would mean I would be put in black list and wouldn’t be able to travel to the northern part of Cyprus. Those who are living on the island don’t have this exemption option which is discriminatory, and if I attempted to travel Cyprus without paying this fee, on arrival I would probably sent to barracks or prison and face serious legal charges. My action is political against the notion of militarism and all armies across the divide. Conscious objection is a human right and it must be enshrined in law, rather than turned into a right which can only be “bought” by those able to study abroad in the first place. I envision a peaceful, united and sustainable island, where equity and human rights are respected and constitution is protected by courts,rule of law and the civil society rather than the absurd and archaic idea of weapons and foreign armies’
Gregoris Ioannou
‘When a cop decided to personally threaten me with a court case because I was not picking up my army papers to go to the reserve, I decided it was time to go through the process of being recognized as a conscientious objector. I collected the relevant paper, wrote this text and submitted it. My presence on the committee was a surreal and ludicrous experience but mostly easy. If someone is structured and does not lose his composure, I think it is difficult for the permanent (army employees) to fall on him. “I respect your ideology but I’m worried that as a teacher you can infect young people with these things” was the biggest pearl worth noting. ‘You should worry’, I thought inside me.’
https://nekatomata.blogspot.com/2018/04/2007-2018.html
Anonymous
‘Objecting the army is one of the proudest decisions I’ve made in my life. I would have never known that conscientious objection was a legal option in the Republic of Cyprus if it hadn’t been for Halil Karapaşaoğlu, who was imprisoned for opposing the army in the north. Is the National Guard happy for you to object? Definitely not, they make the process a bit all over the place and are happy to bully 17-year-olds who dream of a better world. But as long as you have all the paperwork required you have nothing to worry about! My civil service was fulfilled in an understaffed public hospital, where I was able to assist vulnerable people such as migrants and refugees.’
Anonymous
At first I avoided it because I am politically against the idea of having such a procedure in place, but eventually it had to be done. The first step was to talk with others that had gone through the assessment and get all the necessary information; read the law, download the applications and get all the bureaucracy sorted. The next step was to go to the police headquarters in Aglantzia and requested a certificate of clean criminal record and a certificate that I do not have licence to carry a gun. When I asked for the latter certificate, I was asked to write an affidavit saying that I am in no possession of any gun or a gun licence. I was asked to pay an amount of money; I don’t remember how much. I was then told that I had to go back a couple of days later to collect my certificate of a clean criminal record. I still don’t understand why they are asking us for clean criminal records instead of those wanting to join the military.
While at the police headquarters I was served the call (Φ.Α.Π.) to join as a reservoir ordering me to present myself at a given army camp in one and a half months. I had everything ready except one thing and that was the essay explaining why my ideology or conscience is preventing me from joining the military. It was a quite challenging experience, because it was the first time I would put down on paper my thoughts about the army. I admit, one good thing about applying to be recognized as a conscientious objector is that it allowed me to put more structure in my thoughts and antimilitarist argumentation. Another good thing is finding others like you. It wasn’t long until I found other men that were undergoing the same procedure and an unofficial network of support and information was created out of nothing.
By the day I was supposed to present myself at the army camp, I had everything ready. I went there and declared that I wanted to submit my request to be recognised as a conscientious objector. The army officer at first didn’t know the procedure but admittedly, it didn’t take long for him to find out what he had to do. He took in my application (I asked to get a stamped copy back, because you never know), asked me to sign a document saying that I had presented myself on that day, and issued me a call to present myself on a later date. He explained that I would have to keep doing this until the day I receive a decision on my application.
Two months later, I was called to present myself in front of the examining committee for an interview with regards to my application. I wasn’t very keen on doing this, not because I was afraid of what to say, on the contrary I had a lot to say! My issue is that it shouldn’t be us that should undergo any procedure in order to not join the army. It’s actually the reverse! If there should be any assessment, it should be for the people willing to participate in training for war and are expected to carry a gun.
The experience took some 30 minutes. I was asked various questions with regards to what I had written in my application. There were some trick questions but nothing too challenging. In any case, if you know what you believe and what you are saying, there is nothing to be afraid of. You are also asked to explain how you manifest your ideology in your everyday life. I had no problem answering this question, but it is another problematic component of the procedure because there are many of us with the same ideology that are not particularly active, that doesn’t mean that they should not qualify as conscientious objectors.
For the next 8 months more or less, I kept presenting myself at army camps on the dates I was supposed to. I think this was around 4 or 5 times, until I finally received a letter dated 8th of March 2022, informing me that my application was successful and I was recognized as a conscientious objector. That was a day to celebrate!
Author/Συντάκτης/Yazar: Josef Boraei
Çevirmenler/Μεταφραστές/Translators: Pinar Barlas,
Συντάκτες/Editors/Editörler: Pinar Barlas, Myrto Skouroupathi, Vijdan Şengör, Nikolas Michael
Photo Credits: polyp.org.uk
The post Μπορώ να μεν πάω στρατό; NAI (EN, EL) first appeared on AVLI.As a peace and environment initiative, we are deeply concerned by the inclusion of the EastMed
pipeline in the 5th list of Projects of Common Interest. Our concerns stem from the following
reasons:
Natural gas is a fossil fuel. The emissions from its combustion though lower than those from coal
or oil; still contribute significantly to global warming.1
Investing in natural gas, in the form of the EastMed Pipeline, will prevent us from meeting our goal of carbon neutrality by 2050.
This conclusion is confirmed by Cyprus’ Integrated National Energy and Climate Plan (NECP)2
prepared under the Regulation (EU) 2018/1999 of the European Parliament and of the Council of
11 December 2018 on the Governance of the Energy Union and Climate Action, as well as by the
Draft Long-term Low Greenhouse Gas Emission Development Strategy (LTS)3 published by the
Republic of Cyprus.
What is the Aarhus Convention?
The United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-Making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (“Convention”) was adopted on 25 June 1998 at Aarhus, Denmark during the Fourth Ministerial Conference as part of the “Environment for Europe” process. It entered into force on 30 October 2001. Cyprus ratified the Convention in 2003.
The Convention was adopted following the 1992 World Summit where governments adopted the Rio Declaration Principle 10 which provides that “Environmental issues are best handled with participation of all concerned citizens, at the relevant level.” However, all citizens and organised groups have the right to access environmental information, without having to invoke or prove any interest. In turn, every public authority is obligated to provide environmental information, subject to certain exceptions where public authorities may refuse to do so.
The Convention establishes a number of rights of the public (individuals and their associations) with regard to the environment. The Parties to the Convention are required to make the necessary provisions so that public authorities will contribute to these rights to become effective.
EU Level
On 10 October 2019 the Commission published a report on EU implementation of the Convention in the area of access to justice in environmental matters. The report delivers a key part of the Commission’s commitment to developing a response to critical positions taken by an international body, the Convention Compliance Committee and the EU. These critical positions are to the effect that the EU does not provide members of the public, including environmental associations, with enough possibilities through administrative or judicial review to legally challenge acts of the EU institutions for violations of EU Environmental Law. You can view the full report here.
Directive 2003/4/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 28 January 2003 regulates public access to environmental information and, for its purposes, defines “Environmental Information.”
National Level
As a member of the European Union since 2004, Cyprus aligned this Directive through implementation on the Law on Public Access to Environmental Information (Law 119(I)/2004). The environmental legal framework must be strategically used to combat critical environmental problems, in the best interest of current and future generations.
As we write this, potentially thousands of tons of oil are on their way to blanket the east coast of Cyprus, with some of it already reaching Dipkarpaz/Rizokarpaso, irreversibly damaging the sensitive marine and coastal ecosystems of that region. While we are monitoring the situation as it develops, several facts are clear.
First, the spill originated at Baniyas Thermal Station, a power station in Syria that, like in Cyprus and much of the Middle East, uses oil to generate power. As details emerge, it is clear that the plant has been neglected after years of conflict/civil war in Syria.
Unfortunately, countries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, including Cyprus, have been prioritising conflict and the pursuit of profit at the expense of health, safety, and the environment. The fact that no country in the aforementioned region has embraced the revolutionary potential of renewables, and instead all continue burning fuel, is a testament to the vice grip that fossil fuel led economic and political interests have on countries all across this region.
Second, the administrations in the north and the south of Cyprus are once again hamstrung by the political situation on our island. While we commend the efforts to “inform” one another about developments, the COVID pandemic has demonstrated a huge lack of a coherent plan for cooperation between the two sides in the face of various crises. This became obvious over the past years with the deadly wildfires which have left behind burned land and destroyed ecosystems. Whilst Cypriot authorities have been aware of the oil spill since 26 August, plans to take action only emerged on 31 August. Even though the Republic of Cyprus has an oil spill response vessel (Alexandria) as well as other technical equipment and expertise to handle the crisis, the Turkish Cypriot administration has chosen to ask for help from Turkey. Every person in Cyprus, directly or indirectly, is dependent on our island’s sensitive ecosystems. We deserve a response that prioritises our island first, and sets political agendas aside.
Third, the extraction of and reliance on fossil fuels in the Eastern Mediterranean means that disasters like this are just waiting to happen. Even as we see oil cover our eastern sea, political elites in this country are unified behind the senseless strategy, supporting offshore drilling in those same waters. There is no such thing as a “natural” disaster anymore. Every wildfire, every drought, every square kilometer of nature destroyed, is a result of political decisions or inaction and our politicians have all been complicit in this regard. Even the “green” or the more “socialist” political parties have done nothing to advance environmentalism or socialism, but rather embraced the hydrocarbon projects, contributing to the commodification of our common sea.
Fourth, the rampant conflict and instability in our region is a recipe for climate disaster. As we have seen just this year with the worst wildfires on record, and recently when we had the worst drought in 900 years, we are going to need a coordinated and region-wide response to the climate crisis. The fact that we cannot even coordinate a response to an oil spill, a disaster which struck the same region before, means that we need to make a drastic change. This means putting aside the politics of mutually assured destruction and embracing a policy for the future, one that prioritises health and safety over the pursuit of power and profits.
We demand that the administrations on both sides of the divide rise up to the occasion and immediately coordinate a response to the Baniyas Oil Spill.
At the same time, we demand for a public commitment for the protection of our common natural heritage, with specific emergency response plans for different types of disasters (wildfires, oil spills etc), as well as a joint declaration cancelling hydrocarbon exploration projects combined with a commitment for an island wide decarbonization strategy.
The post One Sea, One Struggle: Avli Statement on the Baniyas Oil Spill first appeared on AVLI.Introduction
A focused, just, and monitorable plan for net-zero
For the Long-Term Strategy to truly achieve net-zero, it needs to be focused. It must have specific timelines and boundaries. It must appropriately balance the reduction, removal, and offset of emissions. It must include contingency plans in case measures are delayed and technologies are not deployed as fast as assumed.
The LTS needs to be just. Cyprus has an above-average GDP per capita and above-average greenhouse gas emissions per capita. Our contribution to the solution ought to match our contribution to the problem. Small Island Developing States have committed to using 100% renewable energy by 2030. There is no excuse for us not to match the ambition of these countries. Moreover, our goals must not be undermined by our actions — for instance, by depending on the extraction of fossil fuels outside our borders.
The LTS needs to be monitorable. Of course, global changes in the economy, technology, and society will affect how the LTS is implemented. A plan for monitoring is necessary to detect any divergence from the original trajectory as early as possible in order to enable the necessary course correction. The LTS must be accompanied by a timeline of action, with specific milestones and deadlines. In addition, the LTS will need to be expanded beyond 2050 in due course, with an ultimate aim of moving towards net-negative emissions.
Read the Full Report Here
Ελληνικά: Το Δικαίωμα στην Ελευθερία του Συνέρχεσθαι και του Συνεταιρίζεσθαι στην Εποχή της Πανδημίας Covid-19: η περίπτωση της Κύπρου
Türkçe: Covid-19 Pandemisi Sürecinde Toplanma ve Örgütlenme Özgürlüğü Hakkı: Kıbrıs Vakası
The events of Saturday the 13th of February 2021 have certainly fueled us with grave concern and anger about what has initially started as a peaceful demonstration to show the dissatisfaction with the government with how it has handled the corruption scandal and how it managed the coronavirus situation, in relation particularly to its approach towards the migrant communities and the arbitrary ban on the right to protest, to the use of “water cannon and tear gas” in clashes with protesters.
However, beyond the emotional outrage, the eagerness on behalf of the police to exert force and use violence certainly poses some important legal questions with regard to our democracy, constitutional values and human rights in Cyprus and beyond.
A Reminder from the UN Special Rapporteur
The Covid-19 pandemic has already posed so many unprecedented challenges to all aspects of human rights around the world. Clément Voule, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association highlighted, however, that “States’ responses to the Covid-19 threat should not halt freedoms of assembly and association.”
In the face of the current public health emergency, the Special Rapporteur reminds States of the necessity of responding in a manner compliant with their human rights obligations. In particular, the Special Rapporteur emphasises ten key principles:
An elaborate explanation of each can be found here.
What does this mean for Cyprus?
While all principles are relevant and key to the pandemic situation in Cyprus, the Special Rapporteur’s final point specifically refers to the situation as being unlikely to alleviate many demands; if anything, the economic downturn caused by the crisis, combined with financial measures that enhance inequality only serve to exacerbate underlying causes.
While we acknowledge the unprecedented situation the government of Cyprus, along with other governments around the world, has been faced with, its response to this crisis is what has been voiced by the protesters as unsuccessful. Arguably, the state’s responses to the crisis did not take citizens’ demands fully into account which is a testament to the failure to adopt more democratic governance structures.
Andreas, a lawyer and part of the protest organisers’ legal team who declined to provide his surname, told AFP that people from across the political spectrum were taking part in the demonstration. “The government has lost legitimacy after the passport scandal and they are using the pandemic as a reason to stop protests,” he said. “We think that the right to protest is the basis of our democracy, and the epidemiological situation allows people to protest” safely, the 26-year-old added. But, he said, “they want us to shut up.”
The Right to Freedom of Assembly and Association: Cyprus and ECHR jurisprudence
When we refer to the right to peaceful assembly and the restriction of human rights for the purpose of protecting public health, we must consider whether the restrictions are necessary and proportionate to the intended purpose in order to conclude whether they are legal or not.
The renowned Human Rights Lawyer, Mrs Nicoletta Charalambidou, explains that what we are talking about is a possible fine to the protesters imposed by the Courts. Therefore, the unjustified use of violence by the state is a separate matter to consider. In our case, the excessive violence exercised by the police in the name of public health protection is hard to be justified as necessary and proportionate. The violent repression of the protest violates, at first sight, both the constitutional right to peaceful assembly as provided in Article 21 of the Cyprus Constitution, as well as Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights (Freedom of Assembly and Association).
Conclusion
Saturday’s events should concern all factions of our society – the judiciary, executive, legislature, civil society and the press, particularly. The recent corruption scandals have, sadly, shown us the opposite. The corruption scandals involving politicians from major political parties are not uncommon and when these get uncovered, little to no effort is taken to pursue them.
In addition, laws limiting public gatherings as well as freedom of movement have been passed in so many States, including Cyprus. However, restrictions based on public health concerns are justified only where they are necessary and proportionate in light of the circumstances. Regrettably, the civil society has rarely been consulted in the process of designing or reviewing appropriate measures of response, and in several cases the processes through which such laws and regulations have been passed have been questionable. In many cases, it appears these measures are being enforced in a discriminatory manner, with opposition figures and groups, together with vulnerable communities, constituting prime targets.
Protest is not a departure from democracy; it is the absolute exercise of it.
Τα γεγονότα του Σαββάτου της 13ης Φεβρουαρίου 2021 σίγουρα μας πυροδότησαν έντονη ανησυχία και οργή για το τι ξεκίνησε αρχικά ως ειρηνική διαδήλωση για να δείξει τη δυσαρέσκεια των πολιτών με την κυβέρνηση για το πώς χειρίστηκε το σκάνδαλο διαφθοράς και πώς διαχειρίστηκε την κατάσταση του κορονοϊού, σε σχέση ιδίως με την προσέγγισή της απέναντι στις κοινότητες των μεταναστών και την αυθαίρετη απαγόρευση του δικαιώματος διαμαρτυρίας, στη χρήση «κανόνιου νερού και δακρυγόνων» σε συγκρούσεις με διαδηλωτές.
Ωστόσο, πέρα από τη συναισθηματική οργή, η επιθυμία εκ μέρους της αστυνομίας να χρησιμοποιήσει βία σίγουρα θέτει ορισμένα σημαντικά νομικά ζητήματα σχετικά με τη δημοκρατία, τις συνταγματικές αξίες και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα στην Κύπρο και πέραν αυτής.
Υπενθύμιση από τον Ειδικό Εισηγητή του ΟΗΕ
Η πανδημία Covid-19 έχει ήδη θέσει τόσες πολλές πρωτοφανείς προκλήσεις σε όλες τις πτυχές των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων σε όλο τον κόσμο. Ο Clément Voule, Ειδικός Εισηγητής των Ηνωμένων Εθνών για τα δικαιώματα στην Ελευθερία της Ειρηνικής Συνέλευσης και του Συνδέσμου τόνισε, ωστόσο, ότι «οι απαντήσεις των κρατών στην απειλή Covid-19 δεν πρέπει να σταματήσουν τις ελευθερίες του συνέρχεσθαι και του συνεταιρίζεσθαι».
Μια λεπτομερής εξήγηση για το καθένα μπορεί να βρεθεί εδώ.
Τι σημαίνει αυτό για την Κύπρο;
Ενώ όλες οι αρχές είναι σχετικές και βασικές για την πανδημία στην Κύπρο, το τελευταίο σημείο του Ειδικού Εισηγητή αναφέρεται συγκεκριμένα στην κατάσταση ως απίθανο να ανακουφίσει πολλές απαιτήσεις. Αν μη τι άλλο, η οικονομική ύφεση που προκλήθηκε από την κρίση, σε συνδυασμό με χρηματοοικονομικά μέτρα που ενισχύουν την ανισότητα χρησιμεύουν μόνο στην επιδείνωση των υποκείμενων αιτιών.
Παρόλο που αναγνωρίζουμε την άνευ προηγουμένου κατάσταση που αντιμετώπισε η κυβέρνηση της Κύπρου, μαζί με άλλες κυβερνήσεις σε όλο τον κόσμο, η απάντησή της σε αυτήν την κρίση είναι αυτή που εξέφρασαν οι διαδηλωτές ως ανεπιτυχής. Αναμφισβήτητα, οι απαντήσεις του κράτους στην κρίση δεν έλαβαν πλήρως υπόψη τις απαιτήσεις των πολιτών, γεγονός που αποτελεί απόδειξη της αποτυχίας υιοθέτησης δημοκρατικών δομών διακυβέρνησης.
Ο Ανδρέας, δικηγόρος και μέλος της νομικής ομάδας των διοργανωτών διαμαρτυρίας, δήλωσε στο AFP άτομα από όλο το πολιτικό φάσμα συμμετείχαν στη διαδήλωση. «Η κυβέρνηση έχει χάσει τη νομιμότητα μετά το σκάνδαλο διαβατηρίων και χρησιμοποιεί την πανδημία ως λόγο για να σταματήσουν οι διαμαρτυρίες», είπε. «Πιστεύουμε ότι το δικαίωμα διαμαρτυρίας είναι η βάση της δημοκρατίας μας και η επιδημιολογική κατάσταση επιτρέπει στους ανθρώπους να διαμαρτυρηθούν» με ασφάλεια, πρόσθεσε ο 26χρονος. Όμως, είπε, «θέλουν να μας σταματήσουν από το να εκφραζόμαστε».
Το δικαίωμα στην ελευθερία του συνέρχεσθαι και του συνεταιρίζεσθαι: η νομολογία της Κύπρου και της ΕΣΔΑ
Όταν αναφερόμαστε στο δικαίωμα ειρηνικής συνάθροισης και στον περιορισμό των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων με σκοπό την προστασία της δημόσιας υγείας, οφείλουμε να εξετάσουμε εάν οι περιορισμοί είναι απαραίτητοι και ανάλογοι προς τον επιδιωκόμενο σκοπό, προκειμένου να συμπεράνουμε εάν είναι νόμιμοι ή όχι.
Η γνωστή Δικηγόρος για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα, κα Νικολέτα Χαραλαμπίδου, εξηγεί ότι αυτό που αναφερόμαστε είναι πιθανά προστίματα για τους διαδηλωτές που επιβάλλονται από τα δικαστήρια. Επομένως, η αδικαιολόγητη χρήση βίας από το κράτος είναι ένα ξεχωριστό ζήτημα που πρέπει να ληφθεί υπόψη. Στην περίπτωσή μας, η υπερβολική βία που ασκείται από την αστυνομία στο όνομα της προστασίας της δημόσιας υγείας είναι δύσκολο να δικαιολογηθεί ως απαραίτητη και αναλογική. Η βίαιη καταστολή της διαμαρτυρίας παραβιάζει, εκ πρώτης όψεως, τόσο το συνταγματικό δικαίωμα στην ειρηνική συνέλευση, όπως ορίζεται στο Άρθρο 21 του Κυπριακού Συντάγματος, όσο και το Άρθρο 11 της Ευρωπαϊκής Σύμβασης για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα (Ελευθερία του Συνέλευσης και του Συνδέσμου).
Συμπέρασμα
Οι εκδηλώσεις του Σαββάτου αφορούν όλες τις φατρίες της κοινωνίας μας. Ιδιαίτερα αφορά το δικαστικό σώμα, το εκτελεστικό σώμα, το νομοθετικό σώμα, την κοινωνία των πολιτών και τον τύπο. Δυστυχώς, τα πρόσφατα σκάνδαλα διαφθοράς μάς έδειξαν το αντίθετο. Τα σκάνδαλα διαφθοράς που εμπλέκουν πολιτικούς από μεγάλα πολιτικά κόμματα δεν είναι ασυνήθιστα και όταν αποκαλυφθούν, δεν καταβάλλεται καμία προσπάθεια για την επιδίωξή τους.
Επιπλέον, σε πολλά κράτη, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της Κύπρου, έχουν θεσπιστεί νόμοι που περιορίζουν τις δημόσιες συγκεντρώσεις καθώς και την ελεύθερη κυκλοφορία. Ωστόσο, περιορισμοί που βασίζονται σε ανησυχίες για τη δημόσια υγεία δικαιολογούνται μόνο όταν είναι απαραίτητοι και αναλογικοί υπό το φως των περιστάσεων. Δυστυχώς, σπάνια ζητήθηκε η γνώμη της κοινωνίας των πολιτών κατά τη διαδικασία σχεδιασμού ή επανεξέτασης κατάλληλων μέτρων αντιμετώπισης, και σε πολλές περιπτώσεις οι διαδικασίες μέσω των οποίων έχουν εγκριθεί τέτοιοι νόμοι και κανονισμοί ήταν αμφισβητήσιμες. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις, φαίνεται ότι αυτά τα μέτρα εφαρμόζονται με διακρίσεις προς τις ομάδες αντιπολίτευσης και τις ευάλωτες κοινότητες, οι οποίες στοχοποιούνται.
Η διαμαρτυρία δεν αποτελεί απόκλιση από τη δημοκρατία. Είναι η απόλυτη άσκησή της.
13 Şubat 2021 Cumartesi olayları, hükümetin yolsuzluk skandalıyla nasıl başa çıktığı ve korona virüs durumunu, özellikle göçmen topluluklara yaklaşımıyla, nasıl yönettiği ve protesto hakkının keyfi olarak yasaklanması konularındaki memnuniyetsizliği göstermek için başlangıçta barışçıl bir gösteri olarak başlatılan etkinlik, protestocularla çatışmalarda “tazyikli su ve göz yaşartıcı gaz” kullanımıyla bizi ağır endişe ve öfke ile doldurdu.
Bununla birlikte, duygusal öfkenin ötesinde, polislerin kuvvet ve şiddet kullanma hevesi, Kıbrıs’ta ve ötesinde olmak üzere demokrasimiz, anayasal değerlerimiz ve insan haklarımızla ilgili bazı önemli hukuki soruları da beraberinde getirmektedir.
BM Özel Sözcüsünden Bir Hatırlatma
Covid-19 salgını, şimdiden tüm dünyada insan haklarının her yönünden daha önce görülmemiş pek çok zorluk çıkarmıştır. Barışçıl Toplanma ve Örgütlenme Özgürlüğü hakları üzerine Birleşmiş Milletler Özel Sözcüsü Clément Voule, “Devletlerin Covid-19 tehdidine tepkilerinin, toplanma ve örgütlenme özgürlüklerini durdurmaması gerektiğini” vurguladı.
Mevcut halk sağlığı acil durumu karşısında Özel Sözcü, Devletlere insan hakları yükümlülüklerine uygun bir şekilde yanıt vermeleri gerektiğini hatırlatmaktadır. Özel Sözcü özellikle on temel ilkeyi vurgulamaktadır:
1. Yeni yasal tedbirlerin insan haklarına saygılı olmasını sağlamak.
2. Halk sağlığı acil durumunun hak ihlalleri için bir mazeret olarak kullanılmamasını sağlamak.
3. Demokrasi süresiz olarak ertelenemez.
4. Kapsayıcı katılımın sağlanması.
5. Çevrimiçi örgütlenme ve toplanma özgürlüğünü güvence altına almak.
6. İşyerinde örgütlenme ve toplanma özgürlüğü haklarının korunması (grev hakkını da kapsamaktadır).
7. Yedinci: ifade özgürlüğü sağlanmalıdır.
8. Sivil toplumun çok taraflı kurumlara katılımı güvence altına alınmalıdır.
9. Uluslararası dayanışmaya her zamankinden daha çok ihtiyaç vardır.
10. Covid-19’un gelecekteki etkileri ve reform için popüler çağrılara yanıt verilmesi.
Her birinin ayrıntılı bir açıklaması burada bulunabilir.
Bu Kıbrıs için ne anlama geliyor?
Tüm ilkeler Kıbrıs’taki pandemi durumuyla ilgili ve anahtar olmakla birlikte, Özel Sözcü’nün son noktası, özellikle pek çok talebi hafifletme ihtimalinin düşük olduğuna işaret etmektedir; her şeyden önce, krizin neden olduğu ekonomik gerileme, eşitsizliği artıran mali tedbirlerle birleştiğinde, yalnızca altta yatan nedenleri artırmaya hizmet etmektedir.
Kıbrıs hükümetinin, dünyadaki diğer hükümetlerle birlikte karşı karşıya kaldığı daha önce görülmemiş durumu kabul etsek de, protestocular tarafından başarısız olarak dile getirilen, hükümetin bu krize verdiği tepkidir. Tartışmaya açık bir şekilde, devletin krize verdiği tepkilerin vatandaşların taleplerini tam olarak hesaba katmaması, daha demokratik yönetim yapılarının benimsenmesindeki başarısızlığın bir kanıtıdır.
Soyadını vermeyi reddeden protesto organizatörlerinin hukuk ekibinin bir parçası olan avukat Andreas, AFP’ye, gösteriye siyasi yelpazenin her yerinden insanların katıldığını söyledi. “Hükümet, pasaport skandalı sonrasında meşruiyetini kaybetti ve salgını protestoları durdurmak için bir mazeret olarak kullanıyor” dedi. 26 yaşındaki, “Protesto hakkının demokrasimizin temeli olduğunu ve epidemiyolojik durumun insanların güvenli bir şekilde protesto etmesine izin verdiğini düşünüyoruz” diyerek ekledi. Fakat, “bizim susmamızı istiyorlar” dedi.
Toplanma ve Örgütlenme Özgürlüğü: Kıbrıs ve AİHM içtihadı
Barışçıl toplanma hakkını ve halk sağlığının korunması amacı ile insan haklarının kısıtlanmasından bahsettiğimizde, yasal olup olmadıklarına karar vermek için kısıtlamaların gerekli ve amaçlanan amaca uygun olup olmadığını değerlendirmeliyiz.
Tanınmış İnsan Hakları Avukatı Bayan Nicoletta Charalambidou, bahsettiğimiz şeyin Mahkemeler tarafından protestoculara verilmiş olası bir para cezası olduğunu açıklıyor. Bu nedenle, hükümetin haksız şiddet kullanması dikkate alınacak ayrı bir konudur. Bizim durumumuzda, halk sağlığının korunması adına polisin uyguladığı aşırı şiddetin gerekli ve orantılı olarak gerekçelendirilmesi zordur. Protestoya yönelik şiddetli baskı, ilk bakışta, hem Kıbrıs Anayasasının 21. Maddesinde öngörülen barışçıl toplanma anayasal hakkını hem de Avrupa İnsan Hakları Sözleşmesi’nin (Toplanma ve Örgütlenme Özgürlüğü) 11. Maddesini ihlal etmektedir.
Sonuç
Cumartesi günü yaşanan olaylar toplumumuzun tüm kesimlerini – özellikle yargı, yürütme, yasama, sivil toplum ve basın – ilgilendirmelidir. Son yolsuzluk skandalları, ne yazık ki bize bunun tam tersini gösterdi. Büyük siyasi partilerin politikacılarını içeren yolsuzluk skandalları alışılmamış değildir ve ortaya çıktığında, onları takip etmek için çok az veya hiç çaba harcanmamaktadır.
Buna ek olarak, Kıbrıs da dahil olmak üzere pek çok Devlette halka açık toplanmaların ve dolaşım özgürlüğünü sınırlayan yasalar çıkarıldı. Bununla birlikte, halk sağlığı kaygılarına dayalı kısıtlamalar, yalnızca gerekli ve orantılı olduklarında koşullar ışığında haklı çıkarılabilir. Ne yazık ki, uygun müdahale önlemlerinin tasarlanması veya gözden geçirilmesi sürecinde sivil topluma nadiren danışılmıştır ve bazı durumlarda bu tür yasa ve düzenlemelerin geçirildiği süreçler sorgulanmıştır. Pek çok durumda, bu tedbirlerin, muhalif figürler ve gruplar ile, savunmasız toplulukların, birincil hedefleri oluşturacak ayrımcı bir şekilde uygulandığı görülmektedir.
Protesto etmek demokrasiden sapmak değil; aksine onun mutlak uygulanmasıdır.
Thank you! Eυχαριστούμε! Teşekkür ederiz!
Author/Συντάκτης/Yazar: EC from Avli
Çevirmenler/Μεταφραστές/Translators: EC, VS
Συντάκτες/Editors/Editörler: Avli Team
Photographer/Fotoğrafçı/Φωτογράφος: Cyprus Mail
The post The Right to Freedom of Assembly and Association in Times of the Covid-19 Pandemic: the case of Cyprus’ Anti-Corruption March (TR, EL, EN) first appeared on AVLI.Türkçe
This page will be continuously updated with first-hand accounts of the police terror at the ΩΣ ΔΑΜΕ anti-corruption protest on 13.2.2021. If you would like to submit an account of your experience during the events of 13.2.2021 and would like to report it, please email us at info@avli.org.
Ελληνικά
Τι γίνεται γύρω σου; Μια κυβέρνηση αυταρχική και διεφθαρμένη στέλνει εκατοντάδες αστυνομικούς με πλήρη εξοπλισμό να καταστείλουν μια ειρηνική πορεία. Εσύ ανοίγεις το πανό σου με τον ήλιο, τη θάλασσα και τα δάση αυτού του τόπου που τόσο αγαπάς και θέλεις να προστατέψεις. Βλέπεις να σε περικυκλώνουν καθώς προσπαθείς να ξεκινήσεις την πορεία. Βλέπεις το κανόνι του νερού να πλησιάζει, τους αστυνομικούς να βάζουν το χέρι στα γκλοπ, αλλά σκέφτεσαι ότι είναι απλά σε περίπτωση που ξεσπάσει βία από πλευράς σου. Ξεκινάς να περπατάς τραγουδώντας με εκατοντάδες άλλους και ξαφνικά ακούς φωνές. “Τρέξτε, πίσω!” Τρομαγμένα πρόσωπα, χάος, τα γκλοπ στον αέρα, τα σώματα στη γη. Τρέχεις κι εσύ πίσω, ψάχνεις απεγνωσμένα να βρεις τους φίλους σου. Δυσκολεύεσαι να αναπνεύσεις, ο λαιμός σου φλέγεται. “Έριξαν δακρυγόνα” ακούς. Έτσι εξηγείται. Οι αστυνομικοί σέρνουν κάποιους προς την κλούβα, σκέφτεσαι καλύτερα να πάω προς τα πίσω. Περιμένεις να δεις τι γίνεται και ξαφνικά η αστυνομία επιτίθεται χωρίς αιτία. Γιατί έτσι, γιατί μπορούν. Το κανόνι νερού σπάζει το πλήθος αλλά οι φωνές μένουν δυνατές: “Δεν θα περάσει ο φασισμός”. Φεύγεις, χωρίς να μπορείς να πιστέψεις ακόμη τι έζησες και έρχεται στο μυαλό σου η εικόνα του προέδρου στο διάγγελμα να λέει: “Μένουμε σπίτι. Θα τα καταφέρουμε.” Αν τους αφήσουμε, θα τα καταφέρουν.
Εμπειρίες από μέλος της Αυλής σήμερα στην διαδήλωση στην Λευκωσία
Στην Κύπρο τους τελευταίους 3 μήνες απαγορεύεται να διαδηλώσεις. Συλλήφθηκα γιατί έλαβα μέρος στην «παράνομη» ειρηνική πορεία η οποία αντιμετωπίστηκε με «νόμιμη» βία. Αφού οι διοργανωτές ανακοίνωσαν το τέλος της πορείας, μοίραζα αυτήν την πληροφορία με όσους δεν την είχαν ακούσει. Ξαφνικά, χωρίς να καταλάβω ούτε το πώς, ούτε το γιατί βλέπω δύο αστυνομικούς να τρέχουν καταπάνω μου. Με συλλαμβάνουν. Όταν επανειλημμένα ζητούσα τον λόγο σύλληψης μου εν έπιανα απάντηση, μέχρι που έπια ένα «εννα μάθεις μετά»Δεν αντιστάθηκα σωματικά. Τελικά κατηγορήθηκα για:
1. Παραβίαση του νόμου λοιμοκάθαρσης, ενώ στην μεταφορά μου από το τμήμα Αστυνομίας στο ΤΑΕ, έβαλαν 9 συλληφθέντες σε ένα κλουβο-βαν. Άσε που ο υπαστυνόμος που μας παρέλαβε στο ΤΑΕ δεν έβαλε την μάσκα του ούτε για ένα δευτερόλεπτο, παρόλο που ήμασταν σε ένα δωμάτιο γύρω στα 20 άτομα, αστυνομικοί και συλληφθέντες. Όταν του ζητήθηκε να την φορέσει, αρνήθηκε ειρωνικά.
2. Ανυπακοή στην προκήρυξη του αστυνομικού «εσσιετε 15 λεπτά να το διαλύσετε αλλιως θα σας διαλύσουμε» ενώ του Συλλούρη εδωκαν του 15 μερες για να γίνει το ένταλμα τζαι επήραν του τζαι προστασία.
3. Αντίσταση τζαι σπρώξιμο προς τον αστυνομικό, ευτυχώς καταγράφηκε υλικό που το διαψεύδει.
Τέλος, θέλω να εκφράσω αλληλεγγύη στους τραυματίες τζαι να ευχαριστήσω ούλλες τες ψυσσιές που με στηρίξαν την ώρα της σύλληψης, την νομική υποστήριξη στο τμήμα, τζαι όσους εξέφρασαν υποστήριξη έστω τζαι αν δεν ήταν τζιαμέ.Αναστασία, σου εύχομαι να αναρρώσεις γρήγορα τζαι σου υπόσχομαι πως ο χορός τωρά ξεκινά! Δείτε το βίντεο! Ζητώ από τον κόσμο να παραμείνει σε εγρήγορση για την επόμενη διαμαρτυρία. Το ότι υπάρχει πανδημία εν σημαίνει ότι εν θα ασκούμε κριτική στην κυβέρνηση! Κάθε τρεις μέρες φκαίνει στην φόρα τζ’άλλο σκάνδαλο, γιατί να έχουμε το στόμα μας κλειστό? Φορούμε μάσκες, κρατούμε αποστάσεις, τζαι διεκδικούμε τα αυτονόητα!
Lambros Asvestas
English
The post Exposing Police Brutality and Misconduct: First-Hand Accounts from ΩΣ ΔΑΜΕ Protests first appeared on AVLI.In Cyprus for the last 3 months there has been a ban on demonstrations. I was arrested for participating in an “illegal” peaceful demonstration which was faced with “legal” violence. As organisers had announced the end of the demonstration, I spread this information with those that had not heard it. Suddenly, without having realized how or why, I see two policemen coming right at me. When I repeatedly asked for the reason for my arrest, I received no answer, until they eventually said “You’ll find out later.” I did not resist physically. Finally, I am charged with:
1. Violating covid measures meanwhile the police saw no flaw in transporting 9 of the detained protestors in a cage-like van. Not to mention that the police officer/lieutenant who received us at the CID (Central Intelligence Division) did not even for a second wear his mask, despite being indoors with 20 people. When he was asked to wear his mask, he refused and laughed.
2. Defying the police announcement that we had “15 minutes left to disperse or else we will use any means to destroy the protest”, whereas for the corrupted Syllouris it took 15 days for the warrant to get ready.
3. Resistance, “pushing” the police officer at the time of the arrest. Luckily my arrest was recorded and disproves this.
Lastly, I want to express solidarity to the injured protesters, and I want to thank all the souls that supported me at the time of the arrest, for the legal advice at the police station, and everyone who expressed their support even though they were not present at the protest. Anastasia I wish you a quick recovery and I promise you that the dance has only begun now! Check the video on this link. I ask from the people to stay alert for the next demonstration. The fact that there is a pandemic right now does not mean we cannot criticize the government. Every three days another scandal is exposed, why should we stay quiet? Wearing masks, keeping distance, let’s protest for our self-evident rights!
Lambros Asvestas
Pınar Barlas
In August, I ventured across the Green Line separating Cyprus into two for the first time since the start of the pandemic lockdown in March. During the next two and a half days, I was immersed in sessions blending climate justice activism and intersectionality.
I should admit that I felt a bit out of place, at first. It seemed to me – and it may have been the truth – that I was the only one there who was very new to climate justice activism. The camp was meant to teach current environmental activists about how other justice causes (like those based on gender, race, disability, and others) can tell us about who gets affected most by the climate and how. However, for me, the camp was an invaluable introduction to a cause that has immense impact on Cyprus but isn’t even getting half the attention we need to give it.
Of course I’d heard of the movement to keep the environment clean, to reduce plastic use, to minimize wasting resources like electricity. Those were the basics, and you’d have to try pretty hard to ignore them. What had kept me from diving deeper into climate justice, though, was how “far” it all seemed.
The clear effects of climate change on Cyprus seemed like a product of bad management by the government (which they partially are), combined with the inevitable conditions of living on an island.
Really high temperatures? Well, Cyprus always seems to be too hot.
Flash flooding from sudden, intense rain? Well, the government hasn’t built the infrastructure to deal with it.
Increased wildfires? Well… maybe it’s arson, or a delayed reaction from the unprepared local community.
No one seems to connect the increased frequency and intensity of these problems to climate change. I realized, at the climate justice camp, that part of the reason we never make that connection is because we don’t have half the data – we are always looking at “our half” of Cyprus.
When it rains, rainclouds soak both parts of Nicosia. The water that falls on one part moves beneath the border, with its rusted barbed wire, to the other part’s dams. Wildfires can jump across boundaries we think are so important, and threaten nature that makes oxygen for us all. Treating the northern and the southern parts of Cyprus as if they truly are separate has and will continue to only harm us. Just look at how, while the officials spent so much time and energy on the dividing line within the island, COVID-19 pandemic only came to Cyprus from its outer borders. The longer we focus on separating the north and the south parts of Cyprus, the worse off we will be with each public health and environmental disaster in our future. If we continue to compete instead of collaborate, we will all lose.
The concept of climate refugees is a great example of how distant the consequences of climate change seem, despite Cyprus being in the middle of it all. Not only is Cyprus a destination for many refugees (some of them surely climate refugees), but Cypriots are at increasing risk of becoming climate refugees themselves. Those who are younger and with more money can and often choose to move to another country: to one with fewer critical political problems and a better climate. Those who don’t have that choice, or can’t make it for various reasons, are left to deal with the problems brought on by the floods, the droughts, the fires, and the pollution. It should go without saying that these populations are those that already live in low-income areas, who don’t have access to as many resources and services as the rest of the country. So, the hardest-hit will always be the ones already suffering from the status quo.
As Cyprus’s future leadership, protectors, and inhabitants, it falls on the younger generations to push for united action against climate change, which will surely follow the reunification of Cyprus.
Kıbrıs’ı ikiye ayıran Yeşil Hat’ı Mart ayında pandemi nedeniyle girdiğimiz “lockdown”un (genel karantinanın) başlamasından sonra Ağustos ayında ilk kez geçtim. Sonraki iki buçuk gün boyunca, iklim adaleti aktivizmi ile kesişimselliği harmanlayan oturumların içindeydim.
İlk başta biraz yersiz, uyumsuz hissettiğimi itiraf etmeliyim. Bana oradaki iklim adaleti aktivizmine yeni olan tek kişi benmişim gibi gelmişti – ki belki de gerçek de buydu. Kamp aslında zaten çevre aktivisti olanlara, diğer adalet davalarının (cinsiyet, ırk, engellilik ve diğerlerine dayalı olanlar gibi) bize iklimden en çok kimin, nasıl etkilenebileceğini anlatmak içindi. Ancak benim için kamp, Kıbrıs üzerinde çok büyük etkisi olan ancak ona göstermemiz gereken dikkatin yarısını bile almayan bir davaya paha biçilmez bir girişti.
Elbette çevreyi temiz tutma, plastik kullanımını azaltma, elektrik gibi güç kaynakların israfını en aza indirme hakkındaki hareketleri duymuştum. Bunlar temel şeylerdi, ve görmezden gelebilmek için fazlaca çaba harcamak gerekir. Fakat beni iklim adaletinin derinliklerine dalmaktan alıkoyan şey, her şeyin ne kadar “uzak” görünmesiydi.
İklim değişikliğinin Kıbrıs üzerindeki açık etkileri, bir adada yaşamanın kaçınılmaz koşulları ile birlikte hükümetin kötü yönetiminin (ki kısmen de öyledir) bir ürünü gibi görünüyordu.
Aşırı yüksek sıcaklıklar? Eh, Kıbrıs zaten her zaman çok sıcak gibi gelir.
Ani, yoğun yağmurlardan dolayı oluşan seller? Eh, hükümet bununla başa çıkmak için gereken altyapıyı hala hazırlamadı.
Artan orman yangınları? Şey… belki kundakçılıktır, veya hazırlıksız yakalanan yerel halkın gecikmiş tepkisindendir.
Hiç kimse bu sorunların artan sıklığını ve yoğunluğunu iklim değişikliğine bağlamıyor gibi görünüyor. İklim adalet kampında fark ettim ki, bu bağlantıyı asla kurmamamızın bir nedeni de verilerin yarısına sahip olmamamız – her zaman Kıbrıs’ın “bizim yarısına” bakıyoruz.
Yağmur yağdığında, yağmur bulutları Lefkoşa’nın her iki parçasını da ıslatır. Bir parçasına düşen su, paslı dikenli sınır tellerinin altından diğer tarafın barajlarına akar. Orman yangınları, o çok önemli olduğunu düşündüğümüz sınırları bir anda aşıp, hepimiz için oksijen yapan doğayı tehdit edebilir. Kıbrıs’ın kuzey ve güney kısımlarına gerçekten ayrıymış gibi davranmak şimdiye kadar bize sadece zarar verdi ve vermeye de devam edecek. Sadece yetkililerin adayı ayıran çizgiye bu kadar çok zaman ve enerji harcarken, COVID-19 salgınının Kıbrıs’a dış sınırlarından gelmesine bakın. Kıbrıs’ın kuzeyini ve güneyini ayırmaya ne kadar uzun süre odaklanırsak, geleceğimizdeki her halk sağlığı ve çevre felaketinde o kadar kötüye gideceğiz. İşbirliği yapmak yerine rekabete devam edersek, hepimiz kaybedeceğiz.
İklim değişikliğinin sonuçlarının, her şeyin ortasında olmasına rağmen Kıbrıs’a bu kadar uzak görünmesinin harika bir örneği iklim mültecileri kavramıdır. Kıbrıs yalnızca birçok mülteci için bir varış yeri değildir (ki bazıları kesinlikle iklim mültecileridir); Kıbrıslılar aynı zamanda her gün artan bir iklim mültecisi olma riski altındadırlar. Genç ve yeterince paraya sahip olanlar, başka bir ülkeye – daha az kritik siyasi sorun ve daha iyi bir iklime sahip bir ülkeye – taşınmayı seçebilirler. Bu seçeneği olmayanlar veya çeşitli nedenlerle yapamayanlar, geride kalıp, sellerin, kuraklıkların, yangınların, ve kirliliğin getirdiği sorunlarla başa çıkmak zorunda kalırlar. Tabii ki, bu geride kalan nüfus, halihazırda düşük gelirli bölgelerde yaşayanlar, ve ülkenin geri kalanı kadar çok kaynak ve hizmete erişimi olmayanlar olur. Dolayısıyla, en çok etkilenenler her zamanki gibi halihazırda statükodan muzdarip olanlar olacaktır.
Kıbrıs’ın gelecekteki liderleri, koruyucuları, ve sakinleri olarak, iklim değişikliğine karşı birleşik faaliyetlere önayak olmak ve desteklemek genç nesillere düşüyor; ki bu faaliyetler Kıbrıs’ın yeniden birleşmesi ile beraber doğal olarak gelecektir.
Τον περασμένο Αύγουστο, τόλμησα να διασχίσω την Πράσινη Γραμμή, η οποία χωρίζει την Κύπρο στα δύο, για πρώτη φορά μετά την έναρξη της απαγόρευσης κυκλοφορίας λόγω της πανδημίας τον Μάρτιο. Τις επόμενες δυόμισι μέρες, βυθίστηκα στις συζητήσεις που συνδύασαν τον ακτιβισμό για την κλιματική δικαιοσύνη και τη διαθεματικότητα.
Πρέπει να παραδεχτώ ότι στην αρχή ένιωσα λίγο εκτός. Μου φάνηκε – και ίσως να ήταν αλήθεια – ότι ήμουν η μόνη που ήταν πολύ νέα στον ακτιβισμό της κλιματικής δικαιοσύνης. Η κατασκήνωση είχε σκοπό να μοιραστεί με τους σημερινούς ακτιβιστές του περιβάλλοντος για το πώς άλλοι αγώνες δικαιοσύνης (όπως αυτοί που βασίζονται στο φύλο, τη φυλή, τα ΑμεΑ άτομα και άλλ@) μπορούν να μας εξηγήσουν για το ποιοι αλλά και πώς επηρεάζονται περισσότερο από την κλιματική αλλαγή. Ωστόσο, για μένα, η κατασκήνωση ήταν μια ανεκτίμητη εισαγωγή σε ένα θέμα που έχει τεράστιο αντίκτυπο στην Κύπρο, αλλά δεν παίρνει καν τη μισή προσοχή που πρέπει να του δώσουμε.
Φυσικά, είχα ακούσει για το περιβαλλοντικό κίνημα να λέει να διατηρήσουμε το περιβάλλον καθαρό, να μειώσουμε τη χρήση των πλαστικών, να ελαχιστοποιήσουμε τη σπατάλη πόρων όπως ο ηλεκτρισμός. Αυτά ήταν τα βασικά και θα πρέπει κάποι@ς να προσπαθήσει πολύ σκληρά για να τα αγνοήσει. Αυτό που με εμπόδισε να εισέλθω βαθύτερα στην κλιματική δικαιοσύνη, ήταν το πόσο “μακριά” ήταν όλα.
Οι σαφείς επιπτώσεις της κλιματικής αλλαγής στην Κύπρο φαίνονταν σαν προϊόν κακής διαχείρισης από την κυβέρνηση (που είναι εν μέρει), σε συνδυασμό με τις αναπόφευκτες συνθήκες διαβίωσης σε ένα νησί.
Πραγματικά υψηλές θερμοκρασίες; Χμ, η Κύπρος φαίνεται πάντα να είχε πολύ ζέστη.
Πλημμύρες από ξαφνική, έντονη βροχή; Χμ, η κυβέρνηση δεν έχει χτίσει τις κατάλληλες υποδομές για να το αντιμετωπίσει.
Αυξήθηκαν οι πυρκαγιές; Χμ … ίσως να είναι εμπρησμός ή αργοπορημένη αντίδραση από την απροετοίμαστη τοπική κοινότητα.
Κανείς δεν φαίνεται να συνδέει την αυξημένη συχνότητα και ένταση αυτών των προβλημάτων με την κλιματική αλλαγή. Στην κατασκήνωση για την κλιματική δικαιοσύνη συνειδητοποίησα ότι μέρος της αιτίας που δεν κάνουμε ποτέ αυτή τη σύνδεση, είναι επειδή δεν έχουμε τα μισά δεδομένα – κοιτάζουμε πάντα τη «μισή μας» Κύπρο.
Όταν βρέχει, τα σύννεφα βρέχουν και τα δύο μέρη της Λευκωσίας. Το νερό που πέφτει στο ένα μέρος κινείται κάτω από τα σύνορα, με τα σκουριασμένα συρματοπλέγματά τους, στα φράγματα του άλλου μέρους. Οι πυρκαγιές μπορούν να περάσουν πέρα από τα όρια, που πιστεύουμε ότι είναι τόσο σημαντικά, και που απειλούν τη φύση η οποία παράγει το οξυγόνο για όλους μας. Η αντιμετώπιση του βόρειου και του νότιου τμήματος της Κύπρου σαν να είναι όντως ξεχωριστά έχει ήδη βλάψει και θα συνεχίσει να μας βλάπτει. Απλά κοιτάξτε πώς, ενώ οι ηγέτες σπατάλησαν τόσο πολύ χρόνο και ενέργεια στη διαχωριστική γραμμή του νησιού, η πανδημία του κορονοϊού (COVID-19) εισήλθε στην Κύπρο από τα εξωτερικά της σύνορα. Όσο περισσότερο επικεντρωνόμαστε στο διαχωρισμό του βόρειου και του νότιου τμήματος της Κύπρου, τόσο χειρότερα θα είμαστε στο μέλλον σε κάθε τι που αφορά τη δημόσια υγεία και περιβαλλοντική καταστροφή. Αν συνεχίσουμε να ανταγωνιζόμαστε αντί να συνεργαζόμαστε, όλοι θα χάσουμε.
Η έννοια των κλιματικών προσφύγων είναι ένα εξαιρετικό παράδειγμα του πόσο μακρινές φαίνεται να είναι οι συνέπειες της κλιματικής αλλαγής, παρά το γεγονός ότι η Κύπρος βρίσκεται στη μέση όλων. Δεν είναι μόνο ότι η Κύπρος είναι προορισμός για πολλούς πρόσφυγες (ορισμένοι από αυτούς σίγουρα είναι κλιματικοί πρόσφυγες), αλλά οι Κύπριοι διατρέχουν όλο και μεγαλύτερο κίνδυνο να γίνουν οι ίδιοι κλιματικοί πρόσφυγες. Όσοι είναι νέοι και με περισσότερα χρήματα μπορούν και συχνά επιλέγουν να μετακομίσουν σε μια άλλη χώρα: σε μια με λιγότερα κρίσιμα πολιτικά προβλήματα και ένα καλύτερο κλίμα. Εκείνοι όμως που δεν έχουν αυτήν την επιλογή ή δεν μπορούν να το κάνουν για διάφορους λόγους, θα αντιμετωπίσουν τα προβλήματα που προκαλούνται από τις πλημμύρες, τις ξηρασίες, τις πυρκαγιές και τη ρύπανση. Είναι αυτονόητο ότι αυτοί οι πληθυσμοί είναι εκείνοι που ζουν ήδη σε περιοχές χαμηλού εισοδήματος, οι οποίοι δεν έχουν πρόσβαση σε τόσους πόρους και υπηρεσίες όπως και η υπόλοιπη χώρα. Συνεπώς, αυτοί που επηρεάζονται περισσότερο είναι πάντα εκείνοι που ήδη υποφέρουν από το στάτους κβο.
Ως μελλοντική ηγεσία, προστάτες και κάτοικοι της Κύπρου, εναπόκειται στις νεότερες γενιές να πιέσουν για ενωμένη δράση κατά της κλιματικής αλλαγής, η οποία σίγουρα θα ακολουθήσει την επανένωση της Κύπρου.
Thank you! Eυχαριστούμε! Teşekkür ederiz!
Author/Συντάκτης/Yazar: Pinar Barlas
Çevirmenler/Μεταφραστές/Translators: Pinar Barlas, Josef Boraei
Συντάκτες/Editors/Editörler: Pinar Barlas, Josef Boraei, Vijdan Şengör, Eleni Loulli
Photographer/Fotoğrafçı/Φωτογράφος: Maria L. Birtsieva
Young Cypriots come together for a social gathering in solidarity and rejection of division.
***
Cyprus, 1st of November 2020 – A group of Greek and Turkish speaking Cypriots came together for coffee and conversation in the spirit of peace, cooperation, and human connection. The group came together in response to the latest divisive measures taken by leaders to further divide Cypriots under the guise of public health measures.
The joint action brought together Cypriots from both sides of the divide to share music, art, games, and good company. The event was organised to bring attention to the efforts taken by the leaderships of the two communities to use the COVID-19 pandemic to divide Cypriots by taking unilateral decisions on the matter, and to show solidarity in these difficult times. For the past few months, the pandemic has been used to break trust between the two communities and instill fear, for a health emergency for which collaboration should have been the way of work from day one. This situation has been negatively affecting real human relationships between the communities, while the leaders show no clear end to this de facto division. Characteristically, a message on a banner of the event read: “Borders and checkpoints are made-up. Our friendships and human connections are real.”
Κύπριοι αψηφούν τη διχοτόμηση και συναντιούνται για καφέ.
Νέοι Κύπριοι ενώνονται για μια κοινωνική συνεύρεση με αλληλεγγύη και ενάντια στη διχοτόμηση.
***
Κύπρος, 1η Νοεμβρίου 2020 – Μια ομάδα ελληνόφωνων και τουρκόφωνων Κυπρίων συναντήθηκαν για ένα καφέ και κουβέντα με πνεύμα ειρήνης, συνεργασίας και ανθρώπινων σχέσεων. Η ομάδα συναντήθηκε σε απάντηση των πιο πρόσφατων διχοτομικών μέτρων που λήφθηκαν από τους ηγέτες για να απομακρύνουν ακόμη περισσότερο τους Κύπριους μεταξύ τους, με το πρόσχημα των μέτρων για τη δημόσια υγεία.
Η κοινή δράση έφερε κοντά Κύπριους κι από τις δύο πλευρές των οδοφραγμάτων για να μοιραστούν μουσική, τέχνη, παιχνίδια και καλή παρέα. Η εκδήλωση διοργανώθηκε με σκοπό να στρέψει την προσοχή προς την προσπάθεια των ηγεσιών των δύο κοινοτήτων να χρησιμοποιήσουν την πανδημία για να χωρίσουν τους Κύπριους λαμβάνοντας μονομερής αποφάσεις για το θέμα, και για να δείξουμε αλληλεγγύη σ’ αυτές τις δύσκολες στιγμές. Τους τελευταίους μήνες, η πανδημία έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί για να διαλύσει την εμπιστοσύνη μεταξύ των δύο κοινοτήτων και να ενσταλλάξει τον φόβο, για ένα θέμα δημόσιας υγείας για το οποίο η συνεργασία θα έπρεπε να είναι ο τρόπος αντιμετώπισής της από την πρώτη μέρα. Αυτή η κατάσταση έχει επηρεάσει αρνητικά πραγματικές ανθρώπινες σχέσεις μεταξύ των δύο κοινοτήτων, ενώ παράλληλα οι ηγέτες δεν δείχνουν κάποιο ξεκάθαρο τέλος για αυτή την de facto διχοτόμηση. Χαρακτηριστικά, σε πανό της εκδήλωσης αναγραφόταν: “Τα σύνορα και τα οδοφράγματα είναι φτιαχτά. Οι φιλίες μας και οι ανθρώπινες σχέσεις είναι πραγματικές.”
Kıbrıslılar Bölünmeye Karşı Çıkıyor ve Kahve için Buluşuyor.
Kıbrıslı Gençler, dayanışmak ve bölünmeyi reddetmek için sosyal buluşmada bir araya geldi.
***
Kıbrıs, 1 Kasım 2020 – Yunanca ve Türkçe konuşan Kıbrıslı bir grup, barış, işbirliği ve insani bağları güçlendirmek adına kahve içmek ve sohbet etmek için bir araya geldi.
Ortak eylem, her iki taraftaki Kıbrıslıları müzik, sanat, oyun paylaşımı yapmak ve birlikte iyi vakit geçirmek için bir araya getirdi. Etkinlik, iki toplum liderlerinin COVID-19 pandemisi konusunda tek taraflı kararlar alarak, Kıbrıslıları bölmek için kullanma çabalarına dikkat çekmek ve bu zor zamanlarda dayanışma göstermek amacıyla düzenlendi. İlk günden itibaren işbirliğinin temel alınması gereken acil sağlık durumunda, son birkaç aydır salgın, iki toplum arasındaki güveni kırmak ve korku aşılamak için kullanıldı. Bu durum, iki toplum arasındaki gerçek insan ilişkilerini olumsuz yönde etkilerken, liderler bu fiili bölünmenin net bir sonunu göstermiyor. Etkinlikte ki pankart mesajlarından biri ise şöyle: “ Sınır ve geçiş noktaları insan yapımıdır, bizim arkadaşlıklarımız ve bağlantılarımız gerçektir.”
The post Release: Cypriots Defy Division and Meet for Coffee. first appeared on AVLI.Your Excellencies,
Greek Cypriot leader, Nicos Anastasiades, and Turkish Cypriot leader, Mustafa Akıncı,
Over the past several weeks, the people of Cyprus have been anxiously watching as warships park themselves in and around our waters, and politicians give blustery speeches threatening the delicate peace in our region. As a team of young Cypriots passionate about the environment and peace, it is our moral duty to urge you, our leaders, to stand together and de-escalate tensions surrounding the exploration and exploitation of hydrocarbon resources in the Eastern Mediterranean, and not allow our island to be drawn into a larger geo-political maelstrom that will only serve to threaten the lives and livelihoods of our families and friends.
Our cohort, consisting of both Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, serves as an example of the cooperative and forward thinking work that Cypriots are capable of as we consider the future of our island. The most recent geopolitical developments surrounding the exploitation of gas fields outside of Cyprus stand against those principles of mutual understanding, cooperation, and trust.
In contrast to the promises that this gas would bring peace to Cyprus, 2020 is the third year in a row without meaningful negotiations between the two communities, while tensions due to gas exploration in our waters are reaching a critical point. At the same time, it is an open secret that some political leaders on the island would consider the Cyprus problem as “solved,” pushing towards the permanent partition of our home through their inaction and lack of cooperation. We strongly condemn the continuation of this unsustainable status quo and we believe that the Cyprus problem can only be solved with the reunification of the island.
Therefore, we cannot stress enough the urge to the leaders of the two communities, and to all parties involved, for the immediate resuming of the reunification talks from where they had stopped at Crans-Montana. We urge you to build the spirit of cooperation and understanding between Cypriots, rather than allow ourselves to be exploited and pulled into the geopolitical ambitions of foreign powers. Cypriots must stand together in rejection of a status quo that brings us to the brink of war, and that begins with the leaders of our island.
The exploitation of natural gas will have an irreversible and deleterious effect on both the Mediterranean Sea and on those of us who depend on the sea for survival. Our sea, which Cyprus’ tourist heavy economy depends on, has already been scarred by decades of intermittent war, heavy shipping, and general pollution. The nations of the Eastern Mediterranean have done little to protect our most valuable resource, in pursuit of short-sighted economic gain and zero-sum political advantage on one another. The Eastern Mediterranean has had our pristine beaches threatened by oil spills, our precious wildlife killed by underwater explosions, and our very water filled to the brim with plastics.
Finally, as the youth of Cyprus, we are concerned about the effects of further investing in fossil fuel projects will have on the future of our island. Cyprus is uniquely vulnerable to climate change, as we have seen from the massive fires engulfing our island, and the scorching heatwaves and dry spells that threaten public health and agricultural production. Investing in natural gas exploitation may have made perfect sense a decade and a half ago, but we are nearing a point where we need to rapidly decarbonize our economies and invest in economically sound and sustainable solutions.
What we are asking from you:
As Cyprus’ leaders you must not only consider the stakes of gas exploration in terms of number of euros, but also numbers of lives, and the future that you are subjecting your people to. We strongly believe that Cyprus’ greatest resource is the people that live on this great island, and our pursuit of innovative and trailblazing solutions to difficult problems. We ask you to look to us, the youth of this island, who believe that peace and environmental sustainability should be at the forefront of any vision for the future of Cyprus. There is nothing to be gained by continuing the status quo of escalating tensions in this matter, and we have everything to lose.
Tek vatan, tek halk – One country, one people – Μια πατρίδα, ένας λαός.
Sincerely,
Andreas Piperides, 25, Nicosia
Angelos Sofocleous, 26, Nicosia
Deniz Özdiren, 24, Nicosia
Dogukan Kansu, 22, Nicosia
Emily Petrou, 18, Nicosia
Erdim Türkmen, 28, Nicosia
Ergün Bey, 24, Kyrenia
Evgenia Chamilou. 22, Nicosia
Fatma Dalokay, 19, Famagusta
Frantzeska Iosif, 23, Limassol
Hatice Benan, 28, Nicosia
Iosef Boraei, 29, Nicosia
Kemal Haşim, 26, Famagusta
Maria Kola, 29, Nicosia
Merve Ilkan, 22, Nicosia
Myrto Skouroupathi, 26, Nicosia
Nikolas Michael, 24, Limassol
Önder Erdoğdu, 26, Nicosia
Polymnia Glykeriou, 27, Larnaca
Süleyman Kutlu, 22, Larnaca
Vijdan Şengör, 28, Nicosia
Charis Theodorou, 27, Nicosia
The post Letter on behalf of a team of young Cypriots passionate about the environment and peace in Cyprus first appeared on AVLI.Ekselansları,
Kıbrıslı Rum Lider Nicos Anastasiades ve Kıbrıslı Türk Lider Mustafa Akıncı,
Geçmiş birkaç haftadır Kıbrıs’taki halklar adamızın etrafındaki savaş gemilerinin varlığını ve politikacıların bölgemizdeki barışı tehdit eden tahrik edici konuşmalarını endişe ile izliyor. Çevre ve Barış için toplanan genç Kıbrıslılar olarak, siz liderlerimizi birlikte durmaya ve Doğu Akdeniz’deki hidrokarbon kaynaklarının araştırılması ve kullanılmasıyla ilgili gerilimi azaltmaya çağırmak bizim görevimizdir. Adamızın daha büyük bir jeopolitik girdabın içine girmesi ailelerimizin hayatlarını ve geçim kaynaklarını tehdit edecektir, sizlerden buna izin vermemenizi istiyoruz.
Toplam 19 Kıbrıslı gençten oluşan kohortumuz, adamızın geleceğini düşündüğümüzde Kıbrıslıların yapabilecekleri iki toplumlu ve ileri görüşlü çalışmaların bir örneğidir. Adamızın etrafında bulunan gaz yataklarının kullanılması ile ilgili gelişen son jeopolitik gelişmeler karşılıklı anlayış, işbirliği ve güven ilkelerine aykırıdır.
Bulunması planlanan gaz kaynaklarının Kıbrıs adasına barış getireceği sözleri aksine, son üç yıldır iki toplum arasında yapıcı müzakereler gerçekleştirilmemiştir. Aynı zamanda, adadaki bazı siyasi liderlerin hareketsizlikleri ve işbirliği eksiklikleri nedeniyle yurdumuz kalıcı olarak bölünmeye doğru gitmektedir. Bu kalıcı bölünmeye doğru gidişi kimi politikacılar Kıbrıs sorununun ‘’çözümü’’ olarak görmektedirler. Bu sürdürülemez statükonun devam etmesini şiddetle kınıyor ve Kıbrıs sorununun ancak adanın yeniden birleşmesi ile çözülebileceğine inanıyoruz.
Bu nedenledir ki, Crans-Montana’dan sonra tıkanan görüşmelerin en hızlı şekilde tekrar başlaması için ilgili tüm taraflara, özellikle de iki toplumun liderlerine, müzakereye devam çağrısı yapıyoruz. Sizleri, büyük güçlerin jeopolitik hırs ve çıkarlarına malzeme olmak yerine, Kıbrıslılar arasında işbirliği ve karşılıklı anlayış ruhu inşa etmeye davet ediyoruz. Bizi savaşın eşiğine getiren statükoyu reddetmeliyiz. Bu reddediş, adamızın liderleri sayesinde başlayacaktır.
Doğalgaz rezervlerinin sömürülmesinin hem Akdeniz’in, hem de yaşamak için Akdeniz’e bağlı olanların sağlığı üzerinde, zararlı ve geri çevrilmeyecek etkileri olacaktır. Kıbrıs’ın turizm sektörü ağırlıklı ekonomisinin bağımlı olduğu Akdeniz halihazırda gerek aralıklı savaş gerek nakliye ve genel çevre kirliliğinden zarar görmüş bulunmaktadır. Geçtiğimiz yıllarda Doğu Akdeniz ülkeleri kendi sıfır toplamlı oyunlarını (zero sum game) ve kısa ömürlü ekonomik çıkarlarını ön planda tutarak Akdeniz’i koruma namına hiçbir adım atmadılar. Bu neden ile Doğu Akdeniz’deki saf plajlarımız, kendi denizimiz ve deniz altındaki yaşam gerek petrol sızıntısı tehditleri ile, gerekse su altı patlamaları ve plastik çöpler ile zarar görmüştür.
Çevreyi düşünen gençler olarak fosil yakıt projelerinin ülkemizin geleceği üzerinde olacak etkileri ile ilgili kaygılarımız var. Ülkemizdeki büyük orman yangınları ve hem toplumun sağlığını hem de tarım sektörünü etkileyen uzun kuraklık dönemleri Kıbrıs’ın iklim değişikliği karşısındaki benzersiz savunmasızlığının örnekleridir. Her ne kadar doğalgaz kullanımına yapılan yatırımlar bir on sene önce mantıklı gelmişse de, artık ekonomimizi karbondan arındırma ve sağlam ve sürdürülebilir çözümlere yönelik adımlar atma vakti gelmiştir.
İsteklerimiz:
Kıbrıs’ın liderleri olarak, Doğu Akdeniz’deki doğal gaz aramalarını sadece ekonomik anlamda değil, adada yaşayan insanların hayatları ve geleceklerini de göz önünde bulundurarak değerlendirmeniz gerekiyor. Şiddetle inanıyoruz ki Kıbrıs’ın en büyük kaynağı üzerinde yaşayan güzel insanları ve zor sorunlara karşı ürettiğimiz yenilikçi ve öncü çözümlerdir. Sizden istediğimiz, barış ve çevresel sürdürülebilirliğin ön planda olması gerektiğine inanan biz Kıbrıs’ın gençlerinin sesini duymanızdır. Ada ve çevresindeki gerilimi ve statükoyu sürdürerek kazanacak hiçbir şeyimiz olmadığı gibi kaybedecek de çok şeyimiz var.
Tek vatan, tek halk – One country, one people – Μια πατρίδα, ένας λαός.
Saygı ve içtenliklerimizle,
Andreas Piperides, 25, Nicosia
Angelos Sofocleous, 26, Nicosia
Charis Theodorou, 27, Nicosia
Deniz Özdiren, 24, Nicosia
Dogukan Kansu, 22, Nicosia
Emily Petrou, 18, Nicosia
Erdim Türkmen, 28, Nicosia
Ergün Bey, 24, Kyrenia
Evgenia Chamilou. 22, Nicosia
Fatma Dalokay, 19, Famagusta
Frantzeska Iosif, 23, Limassol
Hatice Benan, 28, Nicosia
Iosef Boraei, 29, Nicosia
Kemal Haşim, 26, Famagusta
Maria Kola, 29, Nicosia
Merve Ilkan, 22, Nicosia
Myrto Skouroupathi, 26, Nicosia
Nikolas Michael, 24, Limassol
Önder Erdoğdu, 26, Nicosia
Polymnia Glykeriou, 27, Larnaca
Süleyman Kutlu, 22, Larnaca
Vijdan Şengör, 28, Nicosia
The post Kıbrıs’ta çevre ve barış konusunda tutkulu genç Kıbrıslılardan oluşan bir ekip adına mektup first appeared on AVLI.Εξοχότατοι,
Τις περασμένες εβδομάδες, ο κόσμος της Κύπρου παρακολουθεί με αγωνία καθώς τα πολεμικά πλοία σταθμεύουν μέσα και γύρω από τα νερά μας, και οι πολιτικοί δίνουν πομπώδης ομιλίες απειλώντας την εύθραυστη ειρήνη στην περιοχή μας. Ως μία ομάδα νεολαίας που νοιάζεται για το περιβάλλον και την ειρήνη στην Κύπρο και ως νέοι Κύπριοι, έχουμε ηθικό καθήκον να παροτρύνουμε εσάς, τους ηγέτες μας, να σταθείτε μαζί και να αποκλιμακώσετε τις εντάσεις γύρω από την εξερεύνηση και την εκμετάλλευση των υδρογονανθράκων στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο και να μην αφήσετε το νησί μας να μπλεχτεί σε μια μεγαλύτερη γεωπολιτική αναταραχή που θα χρησιμεύσει μόνο στο να θέσει τη ζωή και ευημερία του λαού της Κύπρου σε κίνδυνο.
Ως μία ομάδα νεολαίας που νοιάζεται για το περιβάλλον και την ειρήνη στην Κύπρο και ως νέοι Κύπριοι, έχουμε ηθικό καθήκον να παροτρύνουμε εσάς, τους ηγέτες μας, να σταθείτε μαζί και να αποκλιμακώσετε τις εντάσεις γύρω από την εξερεύνηση και την εκμετάλλευση των υδρογονανθράκων στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο και να μην αφήσετε το νησί μας να μπλεχτεί σε μια μεγαλύτερη γεωπολιτική αναταραχή που θα χρησιμεύσει μόνο στο να θέσει τη ζωή και ευημερία του λαού της Κύπρου σε κίνδυνο.
Σε αντίθεση με τις υποσχέσεις ότι αυτό το αέριο θα έφερνε ειρήνη στην Κύπρο, το 2020 είναι η τρίτη συνεχόμενη χρονιά χωρίς ουσιαστικές συνομιλίες ανάμεσα στις δύο κοινότητες, την ίδια ώρα που οι εντάσεις λόγω της εξερεύνησης για φυσικό αέριο στα νερά μας έχουν φτάσει σε ένα κρίσιμο σημείο. Ταυτόχρονα, είναι κοινό μυστικό ότι κάποια πολιτικά πρόσωπα του νησιού θεωρούν ότι το Κυπριακό έχει «λυθεί», προωθώντας, με την αδράνεια και την έλλειψη συνεργασίας τους, τη μόνιμη διχοτόμηση της χώρας μας. Καταδικάζουμε έντονα τη συνέχιση αυτού του μη-βιώσιμου status quo και πιστεύουμε ότι το Κυπριακό μπορεί να λυθεί μόνο με την επανένωση του νησιού μας.
Συνεπώς, θέλουμε να τονίσουμε όσο πιο εμφατικά γίνεται, την προτροπή προς τους ηγέτες των δύο κοινοτήτων, και όλα τα εμπλεκόμενα μέρη, για την άμεση επανεκκίνηση των συνομιλιών για την επανένωση της Κύπρου, από εκεί που είχαν σταματήσει στο Crans-Montana. Σας καλούμε να οικοδομήσετε το πνεύμα συνεργασίας και κατανόησης μεταξύ των Κυπρίων, αντί να επιτρέψετε να μας εκμεταλλευτούν και να γίνουμε έρμαιο στις γεωπολιτικές φιλοδοξίες ξένων δυνάμεων. Οι Κύπριοι πρέπει να σταθούν μαζί στην απόρριψη ενός status quo που μας φέρνει στο χείλος του πολέμου, και αυτό ξεκινά με τους ηγέτες του νησιού μας.
Η εκμετάλλευση του φυσικού αερίου θα έχει ανεπανόρθωτες και επιβλαβείς επιπτώσεις τόσο στη Μεσόγειο θάλασσα, όσο και σε όσους από εμάς που εξαρτώνται από την θάλασσα για την επιβίωσή τους. Η θάλασσά μας, στην οποία στηρίζεται έντονα ο τουρισμός άρα και η οικονομία μας, έχει ήδη πληγεί από δεκαετίες πολέμων, βαριά ναυτιλία και ρύπανση γενικότερα. Τα κράτη της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου έχουν κάνει ελάχιστα για να προστατεύσουν τον πιο σημαντικό μας πόρο, επιδιώκοντας βραχυπρόθεσμα οικονομικά οφέλη και πολιτικά πλεονεκτήματα μηδενικού αθροίσματος. Η Ανατολική Μεσόγειος κατέληξε να έχει τις παρθένες παραλίες της να απειλούνται από πετρελαιοκηλίδες, την πολύτιμη άγρια ζωή της να σκοτώνεται από υποθαλάσσιες εκρήξεις και το νερό της να ξεχειλίζει από πλαστικά.
Τέλος, ως οι νέοι της Κύπρου, ανησυχούμε για τις επιπτώσεις που οι επενδύσεις σε έργα ορυκτών καυσίμων θα έχουν στο μέλλον του νησιού μας. Η Κύπρος είναι ιδιαίτερα ευάλωτη στην κλιματική αλλαγή, όπως έχουμε δει από τις τεράστιες πυρκαγιές που κατακλύζουν το νησί μας και τα έντονα κύματα καύσωνα και ξηρασίας που απειλούν τη δημόσια υγεία και τη γεωργική παραγωγή. Οι επενδύσεις στην εκμετάλλευση φυσικού αερίου μπορεί να έκαναν απόλυτο νόημα πριν μιάμιση δεκαετία, αλλά πλησιάζουμε ένα σημείο όπου πρέπει άμεσα να απομακρύνουμε την οικονομία μας από τα ορυκτά καύσιμα και να επενδύσουμε σε οικονομικά ακέραιες και βιώσιμες λύσεις.
Για αυτό ζητούμε:
Ως ηγέτες της Κύπρου θα πρέπει να εξετάσετε την εξερεύνηση φυσικού αερίου λαμβάνοντας υπόψη όχι μόνο το χρήμα, αλλά και τις ανθρώπινες ζωές και το μέλλον το οποίο καθορίζετε για τους συμπολίτες σας. Πιστεύουμε ακράδαντα ότι ο μεγαλύτερος πόρος της Κύπρου είναι οι άνθρωποι που ζουν σε αυτό το υπέροχο νησί και η επιδίωξή μας για καινοτόμες και πρωτοποριακές λύσεις σε δύσκολα προβλήματα. Σας ζητάμε να κοιτάξετε εμάς, τους νέους αυτού του νησιού, οι οποίοι πιστεύουν ότι η ειρήνη και η περιβαλλοντική βιωσιμότητα πρέπει να βρίσκονται στην πρώτη γραμμή οποιουδήποτε οράματος για το μέλλον της Κύπρου. Δεν έχουμε τίποτα να κερδίσουμε με τη συνέχιση του status quo των κλιμακούμενων εντάσεων, αλλά έχουμε να χάσουμε τα πάντα.
Tek vatan, tek halk – One country, one people – Μια πατρίδα, ένας λαός.
Με εκτίμηση,
Ομάδα νέων για το περιβάλλον και την ειρήνη
Andreas Piperides, 25, Nicosia
Angelos Sofocleous, 26, Nicosia
Charis Theodorou, 27, Nicosia
Deniz Özdiren, 24, Nicosia
Dogukan Kansu, 22, Nicosia
Emily Petrou, 18, Nicosia
Erdim Türkmen, 28, Nicosia
Ergün Bey, 24, Kyrenia
Evgenia Chamilou. 22, Nicosia
Fatma Dalokay, 19, Famagusta
Frantzeska Iosif, 23, Limassol
Hatice Benan, 28, Nicosia
Iosef Boraei, 29, Nicosia
Kemal Haşim, 26, Famagusta
Maria Kola, 29, Nicosia
Merve Ilkan, 22, Nicosia
Myrto Skouroupathi, 26, Nicosia
Nikolas Michael, 24, Limassol
Polymnia Glykeriou, 27, Larnaca
Önder Erdoğdu, 26, Nicosia
Süleyman Kutlu, 22, Larnaca
Vijdan Şengör, 28, Nicosia
The post Επιστολή από τη Δικοινοτική Ομάδα Νέων για το Περιβάλλον και την Ειρήνη first appeared on AVLI.
One Radical Planet 
