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Teknolojinin bu kadar geliştiği çağımızda, merak ettiğimiz her şeye ulaşmak artık saniyelik bir kolaylıkta. Elimizin altındaki küçük dikdörtgen kutular, ilgi duyduğumuz/duymadığımız herşeyi bize sunacak şekilde tasarlanmış. Öyle ki, çocuklarımızın çoğu kitapların da değerli olduğunu idrak edebilmiş değil. Ailemizde pişen yemekleri artık büyüklerimizden aldığımız tariflerle değil, internetten araştırdığımız şekliyle hazırlıyoruz. Yol tarifi aldığımız haritaların ömrü neredeyse bitmek üzere. Günümüzde isteyip de ulaşamayacağımız bir bilgi kalmadı. Yaşadığımız yüzyılın bizlere artıları olan bu gelişmeler, gelecekte çok yetersiz kalacak, bunun da farkındayız ve belki de bundan ürküyoruz hatta. Çünkü bu hızlı gelişim, teknolojiyle bu kadar haşır neşir olan büyük bir kesimin sadece uzaktan izlediği bir süreç.
Dijital dünyanın insanlığa sunduğu imkanları tamamen olumsuzlayamayacağımız gibi top yekün doğru kabul etmek de doğru değildir. Örneğin insanlığın yerine makinelerin geçtiğini düşünebilir miyiz? Dijital öğretmenler, mahkemede dert anlatmaya çalıştığımız dijital hakimler, iş başvurumuzu değerlendiren dijital sistemler nasıl olurdu mesela? Birçok sebep olsa da en etkili sebeplerden biri, teknolojik nimetlerden tüm dünya halklarının aynı şekilde faydalanamaması gerçeğidir. Tüm ülkelerin aynı teknolojik altyapıya sahip olduğunu söyleyebilir miyiz? Ya da aynı ülkede yaşasalar da tüm çocukların teknolojiden eşit bir şekilde faydalanabildiğini?
Dijital hayatta kadınlar
Yapılan araştırmalar, ataerkil düzenin kız çocukların dijital becerilerini de engellediğini gösteriyor. Çünkü teknolojik konular erkek ilgi alanı olarak algılanıyor ve bu da kızların ilgi duyma eğilimini düşürüyor. 1990’larda yapılan araştırmalar, odasına bilgisayar konulan erkek çocuk sayısının kız çocuklarının iki katı olduğunu gösteriyor. Bu durum da, gelecekte teknolojiyle ilgilenme anlamında, daha en baştan bir avantaj/dezavantaj konumuna dönüşüyor. Yine bazı araştırmalar gösteriyor ki, eğitimin ilk yıllarında kızlar bilgisayar derslerinde erkeklerden daha başarılı, ancak üniversiteye gelindiğinde bilişim teknolojileri ile ilgili bölümlerde okuyan kızların sayısı erkeklere oranla çok azalıyor. Dijital yazılımların yaratıldığı ortamlarda da kadınların varlığı hiç de tatmin edici sayıda değil.
Teknolojide de daha çok kadın
Evet, gerçekten de teknolojide daha fazla kadın istiyoruz, ama uzaktan kumandalı bir kutuya hapsedilmemiş halde. Bizim olması gerektiğini düşündüğümüz kadınların adı Siri, Alexa veya Cortana değil. Kadınların sesini telefona verdiğimiz komutları yapan ya da sorularımızı cevaplayan, bize gideceğimiz yolu tarif eden sesler değil, teknik ve bilimsel araştırmalarda açıklamalar yapan, yazılımların geliştirilmesinde politika yürüten sesler olmasını istiyoruz.
Ses asistanlarının kadın sesi ile konuşuyor olması da tesadüf değildir. Şirketler bunu yaratmadan önce testler yaptıklarını ve müşterilerin etkili bir kısmının kadın sesi duymayı tercih ettiklerini açıklıyorlar. Ancak bir çok araştırma da insanların yetkili açıklama dinlerken erkek sesi, yardım alırken kadın sesi duymak istediklerini açıkça gösteriyor. Ve tabii ki de amacı kar elde etmek olan şirketler, tercihini karşı cinsten yana yapan kesimi ciddiye alma yönünde kullanıyor. Ses asistanlarındaki sesin kadın sesi olarak tercih edilmesinin sebebi kimi zaman kadının “çocuk yetiştiren” sevgi dolu bir ses olmasına atıfta bulunurken, kimi zaman da kadınların “yardımcı kişiler” olmasına atıfta bulunuyor. Hatta bazı erkekler, bir kadından yol tarifi almak istemedikleri için, navigasyon cihazında seçim şansı varsa eğer, erkek sesini tercih ediyorlar. 1990’lı yıllarda kadın sesinden talimat almak istemeyen sürücülerin şikayetleri nedeniyle BMW 5’ler Amanya’da geri çağrılmış. Japonya’daki borsa sistemlerinde hisse fiyatları kadın sesiyle bildirilirken, işlem onayını veren ses erkek.
Sesin cinsiyeti olur mu?
Kadına, erkeğe ya da farklı cinsel eğilimlere sahip insanlara atfedilen kimlikler, cinsiyet ayrımcılığının ya da eşitsizliğinin en büyük nedenleri arasında. Kültürden kültüre değişse de kadınların ya da erkeklerin toplum ve aile içerisindeki görevleri daha doğmadan veriliyor. Yeryüzünde cinsiyete dayalı ayrımcılığın yaşanmadığı bir kültür neredeyse yok.
Tüm bu söylediklerimize, günümüzün en gelişmiş yapay zekâ yazılımlarına sahip olan sesli asistanlar da dahil. Asistanların hepsi kadın sesinde duyuluyor.
Bir grup dilbilimci, mühendis ve ses uzmanı tarafından geliştirilen Q, cinsiyete dayalı ayrımcılığın sonunu getirme, hatta bunun teknolojik olarak önüne geçme amacı taşıyor. Q’nun yapımcıları, eşit oranda kadın, erkek ve eşcinsel 4600 insanın sesini kaydederek Q’nun sesini oluşturdular.
Yapay zekânın ilk sürümü test için bir grup katılımcıya dinletildi. Katılımcıların %80’i asistanın bir kadın sesine sahip olduğunu söylediler. Her ne kadar her cinsiyetten eşit oranda ses bulunsa da Q’nun %80 oranında kadın sesi olarak karşılanmasının bir nedeni vardı. Sesli asistanlar, insanların aklında kadın sesine sahip olan yapay zekâlar olarak kodlanmışlardı.
Peki neden?
Cevap basit; ses asistanı yaratan şirketlerin bilişim teknolojileri birimlerindeki ekip elemanları neredeyse hep erkek. Erkek ağırlıklı ekipler tarafından geliştirilen ses asistanlarının sesinin hatta espiri anlayışının dahi itaatkar kadın hizmetkarlar olması gayet doğal. Ancak bu değişmeli. Neden mi? En basitinden, erkeklerin eğer kadınlara sözlü tacizde bulunurlarsa kibar bir şekilde alttan alınmayacakları gerçeğini yeniden hayata geçirebilmek için. Kadınların yardımcı kişiliklerinden sıyrılabilmeleri için. Kadınların da yönetebileceği, hayata yön verebileceğinin tam kabulü için.
Peki bunu kim yapacak?...
Pınar Piro
pınarpiro@gmail.com
*Bu yazıda Bilim ve Gelecek dergisi Temmuz 2019 sayısında yer alan, Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitsizliği ve Ses Asistanları makalesinden faydalanılmıştır.
Birleşik Kıbrıs Partisi Genel Sekreteri Salih Sonüstün, Avrupa Sol Parti ve bileşenlerinin organize ettiği, 3. Avrupa Forumuna katılmak için 7 Kasım’da Brüksel’e gidiyor.
Dünyanın çeşitli ülke temsilcilerinin siyasi, ekolojik, çevre ve kadın haklarının tartışılacağı Forum’da, Genel Sekreter Salih Sonüstün, bölgemizin ve ülkemizin içinde bulunduğu son siyasi gelişmelerle ilgili bir sunum yapacak.
Sonüstün 11 Kasım’da yurda dönecektir.
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Intervention at offices of Dogus Holding in Athens in the context of the World Rojava Resistance Day
Today, as part of the World Resistance Day, we demonstrated in front of the headquarters of Dogus Holding in Athens. Our action was in solidarity with the Rojava populations and their struggle to maintain the autonomy and the democratic decision making of their region. Dogus is a consortium of companies, based in Turkey, that belongs to Ferit Sahenk, one of the richest people in Turkey and a personal friend of Erdogan. He holds a significant share of the country’s construction industry, as well as 10% of all Turkish media (television channels, newspapers, magazines and radio stations, all known for their pro-government propaganda). His relationship with the country’s regime is a prime example of the way Turkish capitals have been acting during the last years.
The involvement of the Turkish regime in the Syrian civil war is oriented towards a genocidal policy, of annihilating the Kurdish communities of northern Syria. After their attack on Afrin, they unleashed an all-pervading attack against Rojava, aiming in exterminating the people that live there and their goals of autonomous administration of the area. In justifying this attempt, the Turkish regime did not hesitate to use as a vessel the exact refugee populations that the Syrian civil war created, with Turkey’s involvement. Their plan is to create a “safe-zone” in northern Syria, controlled by the Turkish army, that will be used as an area of relocation for the Syrian refugees that are held in camps across Turkey. At the same time, of course, they continue the on-going war against the Kurdish minorities inside Turkey.
Παρέμβαση στα γραφεία της Dogus στο Κολωνάκι
Παρέμβαση στα γραφεία της Dogus στο Κολωνάκι(στο πλαίσιο της Παγκόσμιας Ημέρας Αντίστασης για τη Ροζάβα)Πραγματοποιήσαμε σήμερα παρέμβαση στα γραφεία της εταιρείας Dogus Holding στην Αθήνα. Η παρέμβασή μας πραγματοποιείται ως ένδειξη αλληλεγγύης στους πληθυσμούς της Ροζάβα και στην προσπάθειά τους να διαφυλάξουν την αυτονομία της περιοχής τους και τη δημοκρατική της διαχείριση. Η Dogus είναι εταιρική κοινοπραξία με έδρα την Τουρκία και ανήκει στον μεγαλοεπιχειρηματία Φερίτ Σαχένκ, ενός από τους πλουσιότερους ανθρώπους της Τουρκία και προσωπικού φίλου του Ερντογάν. Κατέχει σημαντικό μερίδιο στον κατασκευαστικό τομέα της χώρας, ενώ υπό την ιδιοκτησία του βρίσκεται το 10% του τουρκικού τύπου (τηλεοπτικά κανάλια, εφημερίδες, περιοδικά και ραδιοφωνικούς σταθμούς, όλα γνωστά για τη φιλοκυβερνητική προπαγάνδα τους). Η διαπλοκή του με το καθεστώς της χώρας και με τις πολεμικές της επιχειρήσεις είναι ένα τυπικό παράδειγμα του τρόπου, που λειτουργεί το τουρκικό κεφάλαιο τα τελευταία χρόνια. Τα δίχτυα της Dogus, όμως, απλώνονται και στην ελληνική επικράτεια είτε μέσω επενδύσεων σε φαραωνικά τουριστικά έργα που ερημώνουν τον τόπο είτε μέσω της συμμαχίας που έχει συνάψει με τη γνωστή Lamda Development του μεγαλοκαπιταλιστή Λάτση. Η εμπλοκή του τουρκικού κράτους στον συριακό εμφύλιο είναι προσανατολισμένη σε μια γενοκτονική πολιτική εξόντωσης των κουρδικών κοινοτήτων της βόρειας Συρίας. Μετά την επέμβασή του στο Αφρίν, ακολούθησε η γενικευμένη επίθεση εναντίον της Ροζάβα, με στόχο την εξάλειψη των κατοίκων της περιοχής και της δυνατότητάς τους να διοικούν αυτόνομα το έδαφός τους. Ως όχημα χρησιμοποίησε τους ίδιους τους προσφυγικούς πληθυσμούς του συριακού εμφυλίου, στον εκτοπισμό των οποίων συνέβαλε και το ίδιο το τουρκικό κράτος με την εμπλοκή του. Σχεδιάζει να δημιουργήσει μια «ζώνη ασφαλείας» στη βόρεια Συρία, την οποία θα ελέγχει ο τουρκικός στρατός και την οποία θα χρησιμοποιήσει ως τόπο επανεγκατάστασης Σύριων προσφύγων που κρατούνται στα στρατόπεδα της χώρας του. Παράλληλα, συνεχίζει τον πολύχρονο πόλεμο εναντίον της κουρδικής μειονότητας στο εσωτερικό της χώρας.Μία από τις ελάχιστα σχολιασμένες αποχρώσεις της τουρκικής επέμβασης στη Συρία είναι η οικονομική της διάσταση και το όφελος που προσφέρει στις επιχειρηματικές δραστηριότητες ανθρώπων όπως ο Φερίτ Σαχένκ. Μετά την κατάρρευση της τουρκικής λίρας πολλές τουρκικές επιχειρήσεις όπως η Dogus βρέθηκαν υπερχρεωμένες. Η λεγόμενη «ζώνη ασφαλείας» του τουρκικού κράτους στη βόρεια Συρία, πέρα από τα εθνικιστικά κίνητρα της, προσφέρεται και ως πεδίο επενδύσεων, ιδίως για τις κατασκευαστικές εταιρείες που είναι και ο πυλώνας της τουρκικής οικονομίας. Δεν είναι τυχαίο ότι την επόμενη μέρα της τουρκικής πολεμικής επέμβασης στη Συρία σημειώθηκε άνοδος στις μετοχές των τουρκικών επιχειρήσεων που συνδέονται με τις κατασκευαστικές εργολαβίες.Η δημοκρατική, φεμινιστική και οικολογική επανάσταση της Ροζάβα ήρθε σε σύγκρουση με τους στρατιωτικούς και πολιτικούς σχεδιασμούς των κρατών, βάζοντας μπροστά τις αξίες της κοινότητας και του πλουραλισμού μέσα σε έναν από τους αγριότερους πολέμους των τελευταίων ετών. Οι αιματοβαμμένες μιλιταριστικές στρατηγικές των κρατών και των οικονομικών τους συμμάχων είναι η βασικότερη απειλή για τη Ροζάβα, αλλά και για κάθε δημοκρατική πολιτική προοπτική όπου κι αν εκδηλώνεται. Δεν πρέπει να τους αφήσουμε να δρουν ανενόχλητοι.Rise up for Rojava! Νίκη στον Δημοκρατικό Συνομοσπονδισμό!Η Αλληλεγγύη το όπλο των λαών!
Gepostet von Αντιεξουσιαστική Κίνηση Αθήνας – Antiauthoritarian Movement am Samstag, 2. November 2019
What is rarely mentioned regarding the Turkish intervention in Syria, is its financial aspect and the benefits it offers to people like Ferit Sahenk and their business interests. After the downfall of the Turkish lira, many Turkish enterprises, such as Dogus, were found greatly in debt. The so called “safe-zone” in northern Syria, aside from the nationalistic motivations behind it, will offer plenty of opportunities for investments, especially for construction businesses, that are the cornerstone of Turkish economy. It is not a coincidence that on the second day of the Turkish operation in northern Syria, there was a significant stock rise of the Turkish businesses linked with construction.
The democratic, feminist and ecological revolution of Rojava clashed with the military and political plans of the nation-states, promoting the values of community-building and pluralism, in the middle of one of the fiercest wars in recent history. The bloodstained military strategies of the nation-states and their economic allies are the fundamental threat for Rojava, as well as any other democratic political prospect, wherever it is attempted. We will not let them act unopposed!
Rise Up For Rojava!
Antiauthoritarian Movement
2nd November 2019
Birleşik Kıbrıs Partisi Genel Başkanı İzzet İzcan, 25 Kasım’da gerçekleşecek 3’lü görüşmede, tarafların yapıcı tavırlar sergileyerek 5’li gayri resmi toplantının önünü açmalarını istedi.
BM kararları ve geçmiş mutabakatlar temelinde hareket edilerek, referans noktaları üzerinde antlaşmaya varmanın şart olduğunu dile getiren İzzet İzcan, “Zamana oynayarak süreci berhava etmek, hiç kimseye bir şey kazandırmaz” dedi.
Halkın iradesine darbe vurulmaya çalışılmaktadır.
Kıbrıs Türk toplumu içerisindeki statükocu güçlerin, Cumhurbaşkanı Mustafa Akıncı’nın, görüşmelere katılmasını engellemek için yoğun bir çaba içerisinde olduğunu belirten BKP Genel Başkanı İzzet İzcan, yetki tartışmaları yaparak, halkın iradesine darbe vurulmaya çalışıldığını belirterek, çirkin bir oyun oynandığını vurguladı.
Kalıcı bölünme Kıbrıs Türk toplumunun sonudur.
Esas niyetin, Kıbrıs sorununa Birleşik Federal bir çözümün bulunmasını engellemek olduğunu vurgulayan İzcan, “Türkiye’deki AKP hükümetinin, Cumhurbaşkanı Mustafa Akıncı’ya karşı yürüttüğü saldırılar, başta UBP-HP olmak üzere çözüm karşıtı kesimleri cesaretlendirmiştir” dedi.
“Kalıcı bölünme Kıbrıs Türk toplumunun sonudur” diyen BKP Genel Başkanı İzzet İzcan, tüm demokrasi güçlerini, çözüm yönünde kararlı adımlar atmaya çağırdı.
«Δέστε αυτούς τους «προνομιούχους» της ΑΗΚ της CYTA που έχουν το «θράσος» να ζητούν να διατηρήσουν τα ταμεία Υγείας τους». «Έχουν το ΓΕΣΥ όπως όλοι μας και θέλουν και άλλο ΓΕΣΥ». Αυτά ακούμε καθημερινά να λένε ξεδιάντροπα οι της ΟΕΒ και του ΚΕΒΕ και να τα επαναλαμβάνουν σαν τα παπαγαλάκια ορισμένοι δημοσιογράφοι στα ΜΜΕ.
Ποιοι είναι στην πραγματικότητα αυτοί οι «προνομιούχοι»; Είναι αυτοί που εργάζονται στα ύψη, στις κολόνες ή στα υπόγεια σε φρεάτια μέσα σε υγρασίες ή ψηλές θερμοκρασίες. Είναι αυτοί που τρέχουν να αποκαταστήσουν βλάβες μέσα σε δύσκολες και επικίνδυνες συνθήκες, όπου όλοι μας το μόνο που λέμε είναι πότε θα έρθει το ηλεκτρικό ή το ίντερνετ. Είναι αυτοί που στα 50 - 55 τους έχουν το προνόμιο να πάσχουν από δισκοπάθειες, κοίλες, αρθρίτιδες, φλεβίτιδες και ένα ποσοστό που εργάζονταν σε σταθμούς έχουν χάσει ένα μέρος της ακοής τους. Γι’ αυτό και στους οργανισμούς αυτούς τους βγάζουν πρόωρα σε σύνταξη. Αφού τους ξεζουμίσουν καλά – καλά παίρνουν νέους σαν έκτακτους με 980 ευρώ, και χωρίς ωφελήματα πια, αφού με πρόσχημα την εξίσωση με τον ιδιωτικό τομέα κατάφεραν και τα έκοψαν όλα.
Στα ταμεία υγείας σε αυτούς τους οργανισμούς υπάρχει μια εισφορά του εργοδότη γύρω στο 5% με 6%. Αυτό ήταν αποτέλεσμα της πίεσης- επιμονής της κυβέρνησης και των εργοδοτών να μη παραχωρήσουν γενικές μισθολογικές αυξήσεις στα πλαίσια των συλλογικών συμβάσεων . Έτσι και οι συνδικαλιστικές ηγεσίες για να καταφέρουν να περάσουν κάθε φορά την Συλλογική Σύμβαση από τις συνελεύσεις, αντάλλασαν τις μισθολογικές αυξήσεις, με αύξηση της εισφοράς της εργοδοσίας στο Ταμείο Υγείας παρουσιάζοντας το σαν επιτυχία για να έχουμε επιτέλους «δωρεάν» περίθαλψη. Πράγμα που ποτέ δεν είχαμε. Αυτά τα λεφτά λοιπόν είναι λεφτά των εργαζομένων. Αν δεν συνεχίσουν να υπάρχουν αυτά τα ταμεία υγείας ο μόνος ωφελημένος θα είναι η εργοδοσία. Ο φορολογούμενος δεν θα κερδίσει τίποτα, ούτε μείωση των φορολογιών θα υπάρξει, ούτε μείωση των τιμών στα τιμολόγια του ρεύματος ή του τηλεφώνου. Στην ουσία η εργοδοσία θα γλιτώσει πάνω από τα μισά που εισφέρει τώρα. Αντίθετα οι εργαζόμενοι θα χάσουν ένα σημαντικό ποσό που έχει προέλθει από παροχές έναντι των αυξήσεων που δεν πήραν εδώ και χρόνια. Επιπλέον κάθε εργαζόμενος σε αυτούς τους οργανισμούς θα πληρώνει από το Ιούλιο του 2020 επιπλέον 2,65% του μισθού του..
Αν σκεφτούμε μάλιστα ότι σήμερα που ισχύει το ταμείο Υγείας και έχουν και πρωτοβάθμια ιατρική περίθαλψη μέσω του ΓΕΣΥ, μια μεγάλη μερίδα εργαζομένων στους οργανισμούς αυτούς πληρώνει κάθε μήνα 30 και 50 ευρώ σαν υπερβάσεις του ταμείου Υγείας η ζημιά για τους εργαζόμενους είναι ακόμη πιο μεγάλη. Οι υπερβάσεις στα έξοδα ιατροφαρμακευτικής περίθαλψης προέκυψαν επειδή είχαν τόσα προβλήματα υγείας που αναγκάστηκαν να ξεπεράσουν το όριο που κάλυπτε ο εργοδότης.
Αυτά μάλιστα την ώρα που το ΓΕΣΥ είναι κουτσουρεμένο και δεν καλύπτει οδοντιατρικά οφθαλμολογικά, δεν καλύπτει συγκεκριμένα φάρμακα και κάποιες εξετάσεις ούτε παρέχει την δυνατότητα για προληπτική ιατρική, ενώ υπάρχουν κλινικές με ένα ειδικό γιατρό και άλλοι κλάδοι με πολλές ελλείψεις σε ειδικούς γιατρούς.
Διαίρει και βασίλευε
Αυτή η διάσπαση σε «προνομιούχους» εργαζόμενους και μη δεν είναι νέα. Χρονολογείται από παλιά. Στόχο έχει να αποδυναμώσει τους μαζικούς και δυνατούς κλάδους των εργαζομένων ώστε από την μια να καταφέρει να πάρει πίσω τα όποια ωφελήματα μπορεί, όπως το κουτσούρεμα της ΑΤΑ, την κατάργηση των ταμείων προνοίας, την κατάργηση των προσαυξήσεων ή να εφαρμόσουν ελαστικά ωράρια κλπ. Και από την άλλη να σταματήσουν να αποτελούν το «κακό» παράδειγμα για τους κλάδους του ιδιωτικού τομέα, με το επιχείρημα πως «αν οι εργαζόμενοι του δημόσιου της ΑΗΚ και της CYTA που είναι τόσο μαζικοί και δυνατοί δεν πήραν αυξήσεις πώς θέλετε να πάρετε εσείς ενός μικρού απομονωμένου κλάδου.
Στην πραγματικότητα αυτή η διάσπαση χτυπά όλους τους εργαζόμενους αλλά κύρια αυτούς του ιδιωτικού τομέα. Η εξίσωση προς τα κάτω, δηλαδή στα χαμηλά μεροκάματα και ωφελήματα τους μόνους που ωφελεί είναι τους εργοδότες . Οι περικοπές στους εργαζόμενους του δημόσιου δεν μετατρέπονται ούτε σε μείωση των φορολογιών, ούτε σε καλύτερες υπηρεσίες, ούτε σε κοινωνικές παροχές, ούτε φυσικά οδηγούν σε αύξηση των μισθών του ιδιωτικού τομέα. Αντίθετα ανοίγουν τον δρόμο στους εργοδότες για μεγαλύτερες περικοπές στους εργαζόμενους του ιδιωτικού τομέα που είναι πολύ πιο αδύνατοι.
Αυτή η διάσπαση εξυπηρετεί ακόμη ένα σκοπό. Είναι μέρος του σχεδίου της κυβέρνησης και των εργοδοτών για να περάσουν τις ιδιωτικοποιήσεις κερδοφόρων οργανισμών όπως η ΑΗΚ και η CYTA στους κερδοσκόπους της αγοράς. Με τις περικοπές και τις μειώσεις ωφελημάτων και μισθών καταφέρνουν να παρουσιάζουν κέρδη και πλεονάσματα ώστε αυτοί οι οργανισμοί να είναι ελκυστικοί στόχοι για τους «επενδυτές» και με όσο γίνεται λιγότερες υποχρεώσεις. Θέλουν να τους ξεπουλήσουν και αυτούς στους ημέτερους όπως έκαναν με το λιμάνι Λεμεσού και με τις Κυπριακές Αερογραμμές, και όλοι είδαμε ότι ούτε τα εισιτήρια έγιναν πιο φθηνά ούτε οι υπηρεσίες βελτιώθηκαν. Αντίθετα αυξήθηκαν και οι τιμές των εισιτηρίων και τα προβλήματα όπως φάνηκε με τις πρόσφατες κινητοποιήσεις που έκλεισαν το λιμάνι Λεμεσού.
Οι εργαζόμενοι στην ΑΗΚ προχώρησαν σε δίωρη στάση εργασίας και δέχτηκαν τα πυρά των εργοδοτών και της Κυβέρνησης. Δεν πρέπει να μείνουν μόνοι τους. Παλεύουν για όλους μας, υπερασπίζονται τις δημόσιες υπηρεσίες, τα εργατικά δικαιώματα και διεκδικούν πλήρη ιατροφαρμακευτική φροντίδα, Θα πρέπει να σταθούμε όλοι στο πλάι τους. Θα πρέπει όμως και οι ίδιοι να συντονίσουν την δράση τους με τους εργαζόμενους στην CYTA και άλλους ημικρατικούς που αντιμετωπίζουν τα ίδια προβλήματα και να γενικεύσουν τα αιτήματα τους για ένα πραγματικό ΓΕΣΥ που να παρέχει ΠΛΗΡΗ και ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ιατρική περίθαλψη και φροντίδα για κάθε εργαζόμενο.
Νίκος Αγιομαμίτης
Πρόωρα αφυπηρετήσας «προνομιούχος» της CYTA που πληρώνει κάθε μήνα για υπέρβαση του ταμείου υγείας.
“12 Yıllık Esaret”, 1800’lerin sonunda, New York’ta yaşayan Solomon Northup’ın kaçırılıp, köle olarak satılması ve 12 yıl süren kölelik yaşamı üzerine çekilmiş biyografik bir film. Hayatını müzisyen olarak, iki çocuğu ve eşiyle özgür bir şekilde sürdüren Solomon Northup, iki kişi tarafından kandırılmış ve bir günde hayatı alt üst olmuştur.
Başından sonuna kadar kendinizi başrolün yerine koyacağınız bu filmde, ırkçılık, şiddet, işkence, çaresizlik, kabullenme ve hayata tutunmak için gösterilen tüm mücadeleyi derinden hissediyorsunuz. Ayrıca gerçekçi ve sert yaklaşımıyla, seyri zor ve duygusal açıdan yıpratıcı bir film...
Yalnızca “özgürlükler ülkesi” Amerika’nın değil, dünya tarihinin kara lekesi ve utanç kaynağı olan köleliği anlatan bu filmde; köle sahibi beyazların sapkın zihinlerine odaklandığınızda, bir insanın mal gibi görülüp ona sahip olma düşüncesinin akli dengeleri nasıl bozduğunu görüyorsunuz. Kölelerine iyi davranmakla övünenler veya vicdan azabı duyduğunu itiraf edenler dahi, var olan sisteme uyum sağlayarak bu sapkınlığın bir parçası olduklarının farkında değiller ne yazık ki.
Köle olarak doğup büyüyenler özgürlüğün ne demek olduğunu bilmedikleri için büyüdükleri çember içerisinde öğrenilmiş çaresizlik örneği göstermektedirler. Solomon Northup’ı diğer kölelerden ayıran en büyük özelliği ise yaşamının ilk yıllarında köleliği bilmemesi... Özgür yaşantısında sadece müziği ve ailesiyle ilgilenen Solomon’un, halkının köle olarak yaşam sürmesi her ne kadar onu rahatsız etmese de, ardından köle olması ironik ve hikayeye mücadele anlamında katkısını gösteriyor.
Beyaz perdede gördüklerimizi ve hissettiklerimizi birebir yaşarken; aynı anda bizden çok uzakmış gibi gelse de, aslında hepimiz kapitalist sistemin modern köleleriyiz. Filmde, sahibinden korktuğu için ağzını açamayan, hakkını arayamayan, her söylenileni yapmak zorunda olan kişiler, şiddetle ve belki de ölümle yüz yüze gelmemek için sahiplerinin istediği şekilde, karın tokluğuna, insani olmayan şartlarda kölelik yaşamını sürdürüyorlar.
Film bittiğinde; “Tüm bunlara ne gerek vardı!” “İnsanlar birbirlerine nasıl bu kadar acımasız olabildiler?” diye sorduruyor insana.
Özellikle Northup’ın şu sözü her şeyi özetleyecek bir biçimde: “Ben hayatta kalmak değil, yaşamak istiyorum.”
Solomon Northup’ın 1853 yılında yazdığı ve kendi hikayesini anlattığı romanından uyarlanan film, 2014 Oscar ödüllerinde En İyi Film, En İyi Uyarlama Senaryo ve En İyi Yardımcı Kadın Oyuncu ödülünü kazanmıştır. Senaryosu sağlam, müziklerin, yönetmenliğin ve oyunculukların tek tek iyi olduğu bu film, aldığı ödülleri sonuna kadar hak etse de bu ödüllerin verilme nedenlerinden birinin de “günah çıkarma” olduğu düşünülebilir.
Για εμάς του Αθλητικού Λαϊκού Σωματείου ΟΜΟΝΟΙΑ 1948 ποτέ το ζήτημα δεν ήταν μόνο το ποδόσφαιρο. Σαν Σωματείο το δηλώσαμε ξεκάθαρα παράλληλα με την γηπεδική δράση έρχεται και η εξωγηπεδική, δράσεις που λειτουργούν παράλληλα, ταυτόχρονα και συνδέονται χτίζοντας το όνομα και την φήμη της δικής μας ομάδας. Σκοπός μας είναι να αναπτύξουμε πλούσια κοινωνική δράση αλλά και με διάφορες άλλες παρεμβάσεις και ενέργειες μας να καλλιεργήσουμε την περιβαλλοντική συνείδηση στο κόσμο μας και στην κοινωνία.
Στα πλαίσια λοιπόν της περιβαλλοντικής μας δράσης το Σωματείο μας ανακοινώνει πως στηρίζει την πρωτοβουλία δεντροφύτευσης από την Δήμο Λατσιών , #Έλα_με_την_τσάππα_σου που θα λάβει χώρα στο λόφο του Απαλού στην περιοχή των Λατσιών στις 30 Νοεμβρίου η ώρα 09:30 το πρωί. Στόχος είναι σε βάθος χρόνου να φυτευτούν πέραν των 50 χιλιάδων δέντρων. Στη πρώτη φάση της δεντροφύτευσης στόχος είναι τα 7 χιλιάδες δέντρα.
Σαν επιτροπή μελών κάνουμε θερμό κάλεσμα στους φίλους και στα μέλη του Σωματείου μας να στηρίξουν αυτή την προσπάθεια και να βοηθήσουμε με αυτό τον τρόπο το τόσο ταλαιπωρημένο περιβάλλον μας και να δώσουμε στο αγαπημένο μας νησί άλλο ένα μικρό πνεύμονα πρασίνου
Παρακαλούμε όσοι θέλουν να συμμετέχουν στην εκδήλωση όπως γράψουν σε σχόλιο στο κάτω μέρος της ανάρτησης για να δηλωθούν συμμετοχές. Για καλύτερη οργάνωση παρακαλούμε να δηλώνετε συμμετοχές εφόσον είστε σίγουροι για την συμμετοχή σας. Τονίζουμε επίσης πως κάθε άτομο θα πρέπει να φέρει μαζί του τα δικά του εργαλεία άρα να έχετε υπόψη πως θα χρειαστείτε τουλάχιστον κάποια τσάππα ή κάποιο φτυάρι. Οι συμμετοχές του γκρουπ μας θα δοθούν στο Δήμο Λατσιών μέχρι την 1η Νοεμβρίου. Παρακαλούμε όπως δηλώσετε συμμετοχή με σχόλιο από κάτω από την ανάρτηση μέχρι τότε.
Περήφανα, ανυπότακτα και με σεβασμό προς το περιβάλλον και τον πλανήτη μας. Επιτροπή Μελών
The post Έλα με την τσάπα σου Vol.1 appeared first on Omonia 1948 Official Website.
Η υπόσχεση μας σαν Δ.Σ από την πρώτη στιγμή ήταν το να κτίσουμε ένα Σωματείο επαγγελματικό, οικονομικά αυτόνομο και ταυτόχρονα πιστό στις αρχές του. Σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση βρίσκεται και η σημερινή ανακοίνωση Μέγα Χορηγού.
Από την αρχή της χρονιάς δεν αποδεχτήκαμε χορηγίες για το μπροστά μέρος της επίσημης στολής τις οποίες θεωρήσαμε ως οικονομικά μη επαρκείς και για αυτό με απόφαση μας ξεκινήσαμε το πρωτάθλημα χωρίς χορηγό παρά να ρίχναμε τις οικονομικές απαιτήσεις του Σωματείου μας.
Στη συνέχεια με πρωτοβουλία του Μιχάλη Ιορδάνου, Οργανωτικού Γραμματέα του Σωματείου μας, ήρθε στο τραπέζι πρόταση του ίδιου αλλά και επιχειρηματιών που βρίσκονται κοντά στην ομάδα μας για να προστεθεί στη στολή το STOP CLIMATE CHANGE. Μετά από συζητήσεις για την ιδεολογική αλλά και την οικονομική πτυχή της πρότασης ο Μιχάλης Ιορδάνου και η ομάδα επιχειρηματιών τα βρήκαν σε όλα με τον Αδάμο Ευσταθίου Εκτελεστικό Γραμματέα του Σωματείου μας και για αυτό με περηφάνια μπορούμε σήμερα να ανακοινώσουμε το νέο Μέγα Χορηγό της ομάδας μας.
Όπως σε κάθε πτυχή της ζωής, το κεφάλαιο απτόητο καταστρέφει το περιβάλλον στο κυνήγι του κέρδους. Με τις πλάτες της υποκρισίας των αστών πολιτικών εκπροσώπων τους που τάχα νοιάζονται για την κλιματική αλλαγή και τη βιωσιμότητα του πλανήτη, οι μονοπωλιακοί ομίλοι καταστρέφουν το περιβάλλον ακόμη και στο όνομα της προστασίας του. Είναι από τη μια οι εκπρόσωποι μερίδας του κεφαλαίου που αρνούνται την ύπαρξη του προβλήματος της κλιματικής αλλαγής, όπως ο Τραμπ και από την άλλη είναι αυτοί που υποκριτικά επαγγέλλονται περιβαλλοντικές ευαισθησίες και εξαγγέλλουν μέτρα δήθεν για τη σωτηρία του πλανήτη, αλλά στην πραγματικότητα ο στόχος των μέτρων αυτών είναι να δοθεί ακόμη μια ένεση σε καπιταλιστικές επενδύσεις.
Για άλλη μια φορά, αστικές κυβερνήσεις και ιμπεριαλιστικοί οργανισμοί κάνουν πλάτες στην κερδοφορία του κεφαλαίου και μάλιστα μέσα από τα προβλήματα που το ίδιο το σύστημα δημιουργεί. Στο πλευρό τους έχουν και μερίδα περιβαλλοντικών οργανώσεων που παρά το γεγονός ότι καταγγέλλουν μέρος των εξόφθαλμων καταστροφών που προκαλεί το κεφάλαιο στο περιβάλλον, στην ουσία αθωώνουν το θύτη. Δεν δακτυλοδείχνουν, έστω, τον υπαίτιο που είναι ο καπιταλιστικός τρόπος παραγωγής, η ίδια η φύση του εκμεταλλευτικού συστήματος δηλαδή.
Εμείς δεν είμαστε από αυτούς που θα αποδώσουμε την ευθύνη για την περιβαλλοντική καταστροφή σε κάποια επιμέρους πολιτική, λάθη ή λεγόμενες υπερβολές των μονοπωλίων. Δεν έχουμε κανένα πρόβλημα να δακτυλοδείξουμε τον ένοχο που δεν είναι άλλος από τον καπιταλισμό. Το σύστημα όπου θεοποιείται η κερδοφορία και τα πάντα θυσιάζονται στο όνομά της. Από την εκμετάλλευση της εργατικής δύναμης μέχρι την καταλήστευση των φυσικών πόρων του πλανήτη μας. Δεν έχουμε κανένα πρόβλημα να δακτυλοδείξουμε την υποκρισία όσων στο όνομα της προστασίας του περιβάλλοντος προωθούν μια διαφορετική ενίσχυση του κεφαλαίου που όμως έχει την ίδια στόχευση και το ίδιο αποτέλεσμα.
Την ώρα που μεγιστοποιείται η καταστροφή του οικοσυστήματος, άλλοι υπερασπίζονται την κερδοφορία αυτών που απομυζούν τα δάση κι άλλοι την εμπορευματοποίηση του νερού και του φυσικού πλούτου στο όνομα μιας δήθεν «πράσινης» οικονομίας που παραμένει καπιταλιστική και φυσικά καταστροφική για το περιβάλλον. Απέναντι στις αντιπεριβαλλοντικές πολιτικές, αλλά και στις κάλπικες περιβαλλοντικές ευαισθησίες, εμείς προβάλλουμε την ίδια τη ζωή.
Προβάλλουμε τη θέση για προστασία του περιβάλλοντος προς όφελος των λαών πρώτα και κύρια σημαδεύοντας τον πραγματικό θύτη που κάνει τις ζωές των ανθρώπων κόλαση και φυσικά ευθύνεται και για την όξυνση των περιβαλλοντικών προβλημάτων. Βάζουμε το δικό μας μικρό λιθαράκι στον αγώνα για προστασία του περιβάλλοντος στα πλαίσια της ευρύτερης πάλης για ανατροπή του εκμεταλλευτικού συστήματος και παράλληλα κάνουμε με πραγματικά πράσινη καρδιά και όλες τις μικρές κινήσεις. Από την καθαριότητα σε κάθε γήπεδο που αγωνιζόμαστε μέχρι τις περιβαλλοντικές δράσεις εκτός αγωνιστικών χώρων όπως η περσινή καθαριότητα του παραλιακού μετώπου στη Λεμεσό και η προαναγγελθείσα συμμετοχή μας στην επικείμενη δεντροφύτευση στα Λατσιά. Όχι απλά επειδή πράσινα τα βλέπουμε όλα, αλλά και γιατί επιδιώκουμε να εμπεδώσουμε στον κόσμο μας μια διαφορετική αντίληψη που θα του δίνει την ευκαιρία να δει πίσω από τις λέξεις και να αντιληφθεί ότι ο καπιταλισμός σκοτώνει και το περιβάλλον!
The post ΜΕΓΑΣ ΧΟΡΗΓΟΣ 2019-2020 STOP CLIMATE CHANGE appeared first on Omonia 1948 Official Website.
Report and photos by Paul Frei – First published in German on hydra magazine
There’s a fire in South America. While in Brazil and Bolivia the rain forest is literally burning, in Argentina there have been protests for weeks against the neoliberal reforms of the conservative president Macri. In Perú the president dissolves the congress and in Ecuador the government has to flee the capital after massive protests and a general strike.
In this chaos Chile presents itself as a calm and stable country, which is why the right-wing president and billionaire Sebastian Piñera still swarms at the beginning of October about it: Chile is “an oasis in the midst of the restless Latin America”. Less than two weeks later, this fiction has burst. Piñera now speaks of “a war against a powerful enemy”.
Since 19th October there has been a nationwide uprising in Chile. The balance after a little more than a week: 20 deaths, thousands of injuries, of which almost 500 by gunshot wounds, 6000 arrests, 18 charges against the police for rape, further 20 missing persons.
But what has happened that the situation has escalated to such an extent? I am on my way to Santiago de Chile to get an idea of the situation on the ground.
“Chile is a sleeping giant,” says the taxi driver on the way to my accommodation in Barrio Brasil, a few blocks from the Palacio de la Moneda, the seat of the government.
“The increase in fares has overflowed the glass,” he says. School pupils and students called for collective fare evasion after the gradual increase in fares. They themselves are not affected by the fare increase, but showed solidarity.
When the cops react with a hard blow, the metro is attacked, whole subways are on fire, supermarkets are plundered and set on fire. In the port city of Valparaiso, the congress has to be evacuated after demonstrators* have overrun the barrier. All over the country the police lost control and the president declared a state of emergency and sent the military into the streets.
Since the neo-liberal restructuring of the country by the dictator Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990), the state’s assets have been privatised and state benefits massively reduced. To date, electricity, water, the health, education and pension systems have been privatized. The protest quickly developed into an uprising that accuses the everyday and systematic constraints of capitalism.
A burned bank
One day after the huge demonstration, the streets in downtown Santiago are eerily empty. The area around the Palacio de la Moneda is closed off. Carabinieros in green full outfit stand at every street corner, the shops have barricaded their windows and entrances.
With more than 1.2 million participants in the capital, the demonstration was the largest since the end of the military dictatorship almost 30 years ago. The demonstration, as well as the demonstrations before, are concentrated in Plaza Baquedano. The square acts as a roundabout from which the 8-lane main street Avenida Libertador Bernardo O’ Higgings leaves and leads to the seat of government. Along the street and in the side streets countless graffiti and tags can be seen.
In this area the fights with the cops concentrated in the last days, so a demonstrator describes the situation to me. “Chile despertó” he said. Chile woke up. The slogan is to be heard again and again on the demonstration and to read banners.
On the about two kilometres between the Palacio de la Moneda and the Plaza Baquedano there are three metro stations which are all devastated and still closed. Five buildings that are located on the track are burned out and the remaining, mostly public buildings or shops along the street are closed and barricaded. A big graffiti adorns the cultural centre Centre Gabriela Minsitral: “There is no dialogue as long as the military is in the streets” is written on the improvised wooden protection from the building. The images of tanks on the streets have awakened associations with the military dictatorship in many Chileans and fired hatred for the state.
According to a representative survey by the CADEM institute, 78% of the population are against the policies of the right-wing president and his coalition of right-wing and fascist parties such as the Independent Democratic Union (UDI). After the massive protests and the big demonstration, President Piñera apologized and introduced a series of reforms to return to normality, such as reducing weekly working hours by 8 hours to 40, increasing the minimum wage and pension by 20%. He also fired his entire cabinet. With this step he tried to restore normality, because on Monday a UN deputy was supposed to come to observe the human rights situation, but this was postponed for unknown reasons.
But the normality in Chile these days is the uprising. While a peaceful spontaneous demo of about 2000 people is on its way to the seat of government, barricades are burning again at Plaza Baquedano and the cops are attacked.
One day after the big demo, several thousand people gathered again on the square to protest further. Nobody wants to return to normality here. On one of the signs of the demonstrators it says “my biggest fear is that everything will go on as if nothing had happened”. A few meters next to it the main entrance of the metro station Baquedano is covered with cobblestones and some Molotov cocktails. The cops are behind the gate that blocks the entrance to the metro and try to hold the entrance. Next to the entrance, a graffiti accuses the cops of “torture here”.
The entrance of the Baquedano station in Santiago
The cops and the military have been heavily accused. Not only did the cops and the military shoot at the demonstrators sharply, injuring several hundred people, some of them seriously. According to official figures, five demonstrators have already been shot, run over or beaten to death and at least twenty people have disappeared.
Furthermore, according to the Instituto Naciónal de Derecho Humanos (INDH – National Institute for Human Rights), 94 charges of torture and 18 sexual abuse (including rape) have already been filed.
In addition, social media circulated the autopsy report of burnt bodies found in a supermarket. According to the report, the bodies are said to have gunshot wounds to the chest, suggesting murder and cover-up by the police or military. Whether this is true will only be conclusively clarified – if at all – in the coming weeks.
Most demonstrators but also taxi drivers, journalists or shop assistants believe at least that the cops or other “Infiltradores” are often behind the arson attacks on already robbed supermarkets. Even a firefighter from Santiago thinks this is possible. “In the event of an arson attack, the insurance company has to pay for the damage. And why rob an already robbed supermarket?” (However, he himself rejects the looting. Not because it is not fair, but because it harms the public image of the demonstrators.)
The mood in Plaza Baquedano remains unchanged. On the square the protest is sung about, street vendors sell drinks and food. Rubber bullets and tear gas are fired again and again to fend off the attacks on the station.
After a few hours more police units arrive to clear the square. As they approach the square from one of the streets, they are greeted by a hail of cobblestones and the slogans “Pacos Culiaos” (fucking cops) and “Asesino, Asesino” (murderer).
Whether masked with a gas mask and armed with a slingshot or filming the situation with a smartphone in hand. Everyone wants to show their aversion to the cops. Since the massive repression and violence, the population’s aversion to the Pacos has been enormous.
Even a driver of a city bus, who drives his alternative route two parallel streets further, passes the fire extinguisher through the open window without hesitation when two masked demonstrators ask him for it. When the cops finally manage to clear the square, the fighting shifts to the side streets around the square. The street battles can finally be cleared completely after about an hour and minor back and forth.
The next morning we should go to Valparaiso for three days to get an impression of the situation away from the capital.
The port city is located 120 kilometres west of Santiago and is regarded as a left and alternative city. In contrast to Santiago, the atmosphere in Valparaíso is more tense. The bus station is guarded by military with machine guns, further units are stationed on standby in the city centre. The criminal police guard their station in heavy gear and military helicopters circle over the city. A large proportion of the residents walk through the winding streets of the city, situated on various hills, wearing a gas mask, because the biting smell of tear gas is in the air.
As was already the case in Santiago, the port city can also be recognised that protests have been held here for over a week. Each of the four main streets in the city centre area is covered with graffiti and destroyed shops on a stretch of approximately three kilometres. In the inner city area there should be around 20 burnt down buildings. Mainly large supermarket chains and pharmacies. Smaller shops were spared the looting, but still barricaded their roller shutters and asked them not to loot their shops with notes, because otherwise they would be faced with nothing.
In Valparaíso, as in all of Chile, the morning starts with Asambleas, neighbourhood meetings in public places to discuss the situation and make demands on the government that go beyond social reforms: Piñera’s resignation is called for, and nothing less than a new constitution for the country. The current one comes from the military dictatorship and is imposed by neoliberal laws.
In front of the Congress in Valparaíso
Even if very few or no organized left and communist groups participate publicly in the demonstrations, the class struggle is omnipresent on the posters, in the demands and the slogans. On Plaza Sotemayor, one of the big squares in Valparaiso, a young demonstrator holds a DIN A3 cardboard sign in the air.
Her sign protrudes between flags and balloons. “If there is no bread for the poor, there is no peace for the rich.
The fans of the local football club, among others, who lead the demonstration, called for today’s demonstration. Followed by several thousand demonstrators of all ages and a block of about 100 motorcyclists including their motorcycles, the demonstration is heading for Congress. On the way people applaud and more and more people with cooking pots and lids join in. “Cacerolzas” – a widespread form of protest in South America, in which people hit pots on the street or out of their windows to show their protest.
Accompanied by trumpets and drums the demonstration sings the well-known resistance song “El pueblo Unido jamás será venecido” (The united people will never be defeated). The song has become a kind of anthem of the protests.
The police, for their part, have placed their barriers a few streets in front of the National Congress, which has its seat in Valparaíso. Compared to Germany, there are ridiculously few cops in Valparaíso and Santiago de Chile. The approximately 10,000 demonstrators in Valparaíso are confronted by a maximum of two dozen carabinieros in full gear, including armoured vehicles and a guanaco. The demonstrators inside describe the water cannons as guanaco, as they spit like the animal.
Approximately 50 metres before the barriers, the cops start firing gas cartridges at the demonstration top. In response to the irritant gas, there is a massive shower of stones and occasionally Molotov cocktails fly. The mood on the demo is angry and fighting. Molotov cocktails are cheered and permanently the drums and trumpets set the rhythm for the slogans and the crowd boosts the front rows.
Burning barricade on one of the hills
While the riots continue in the main street, burning barricades are erected in the side streets to prevent the cops from entering from the side. The curb is broken open, material is collected against the cops and graffiti is placed on the walls and tags are placed against the cops and the government.
Again and again, the front rows are pushed forward to overrun the cops.
However, the cops can use rubber bullets to push back the demonstration tip. The projectiles with which the bullets are fired contain approx. 20-25 about 0.8 cm sized hard plastic bullets. According to the paramedics on the inside, the bullets also have a metal core. When rubber bullets are used, injuries repeatedly occur in which the rubber bullets penetrate the skin and get stuck. According to INDH, more than 100 people have already lost their sight through the rubber bullets.
To support the front rows, the motorcycles ride forward. Accompanied by an uncanny noise the whole demo moves forward and tries to push the cops back. But they manage to disperse the crowd with rubber bullets and massive use of tear gas, which is shot far into the middle of the demonstration.
Usually gas cartridges are quickly erased or fly back to the cops thanks to an Instagram instruction. However, if there is a massive attack, the cartridges are not extinguished quickly enough and the strong wind from the coast distributes the tear gas.
If the cops manage to push the demo back a bit, they advance with the water cannon to clear the middle of the road, then speed through the road with the Zorillo (Spanish for skunk), an armored car that ejects irritant gas to the right and left side, letting the crowd flee into the side street and dissolving the demonstration.
After the dissolution, the fights with the police shift to different corners of the city center and burning barricades are erected at the crossroads around the park. The riots and the final game of cat and mouse between protesters and cops drag on for hours. Partly from noon into the night.
The burning barricades can sometimes be held for hours. Cars are diverted by the protesters and it happens that a car stops and lets music play over the loudspeakers and the crowd celebrates. At the edge of the barricades, shops such as pharmacies are plundered again and again.
Especially in Chile expensive articles like toilet paper, handkerchiefs or medicine are appropriated and distributed. Computers or refrigerators are used as barricades and set on fire until the cops move in and extinguish the last barricade in the city centre.
The next morning, everyday life continues as usual. People seem to be used to the uprising and meet at the Asambleas. The fire brigade extinguishes the last fires in the pharmacy, which was plundered yesterday and set on fire overnight.
The shops that are open can only be entered through a small door.
While some of them weld their shops with metal plates, small groups of masked people stream down the hills and set off on their way to the demonstration. By now, people seem to have gotten used to the masked demonstrators. You won’t be bothered if demonstrators with gas masks and slingshots make their way to the demonstration. They are occasionally applauded.
“We have rabies” is explained to me by a friend whom I visit in her shop. The whole week she only tattoos Anticop tattoos. The opening hours are only until noon, so that she and the people go to the demo. The events of the last week have upset the people so much that they are rabid and will not stop fighting until their demands are implemented. She sounds determined but also exhausted. 12 days of protest are dragging her strength. Meanwhile I’m on my way to the demo with one of her friends. He has a wound on his cheekbone. A rubber bullet hit him. But stopping for that reason is out of the question for him.
The demo is more a riot than a demo. It is not a large walk, it is rather a gathering with a few thousand people in front of the police barrier and attacks on the cops. All in all the demo is smaller than the day before but more offensive and Molotov cocktails fly regularly to the cops. Among other things on an armored car, which was just about to disperse the crowd. But when it was hit by a cocktail, it goes into reverse. Accompanied by cheering and shouts of “el pueblo Unido jamás será vencido”.
Altogether the Riots are better prepared. Wooden plates are torn out to erect a protective wall against the rubber bullets. In addition, the criminal police are kept on their toes by repeatedly attacking their station. The attacks are not really coordinated. Much more involved is everyone who is just in the mood for it. A large part of the demo is masked. To protect yourself from the tear gas? To attack the police or because it has become part of the demo style in Chile? We don’t know.
Only in the evening hours the cops manage to scare away the masses by using motorbike units. About 10 carabinieros drive towards the crowd in order to drive them away and then extinguish the barricades.
Only on the hills the barricades are still burning. The neighbors of the street have erected them and almost 100 people guard the quarter at various points. “The police do not protect us, we must protect ourselves from it, so a local resident justifies the barricades. She tells me about missing people, rapes, murder and cover-ups by the government. The INDH confirms the investigations. There are also videos on the Internet of cops breaking into houses and even throwing Molotov cocktails at houses. That is why they organise themselves in the neighbourhood, the cops are not trusted. They are also sceptical about me and prefer to ask twice who I am and why I am here.
The neighborhood guards are well connected with the other neighborhoods and know when the cops are coming. When the barricades in the other streets were cleared one person shouts “We are the last”. Preparations are being made for the arrival of the repression troops. Bottles, stones and Molotov cocktails are ready to defend themselves. They have been here every night since last week. During the nightly lockdown they had to flee as soon as the military arrived. The cops didn’t come tonight. Enough time for the sprayers a few meters below to finish painting their picture. “Resiste” decorates the facade of the house wall. The owner sits a few meters away.
Back in Santiago. For Tuesday the mobilization was again bigger. Several tens of thousands of people have gathered again in Plaza Baquedano. The mood is exuberant. On the square the two main demands are presented on banners: A new constitution and Piñera’s resignation.
In different streets it comes to riots for hours like in Valparaiso. However, the mass of protesters is much larger and better organized, so that the police units can be attacked on several fronts. The roofs of the bus stops are torn down to use them as shields in the front row and to eliminate the effect of rubber bullets. For hours, the fights shift by a maximum of 100 meters forward and backward.
The time is used to redesign the freshly cleaned subway station and some protesters try to take everything useful from a construction site for 30 minutes and then set it on fire.
In order to get an overview of the situation, a police helicopter circles over the city and is caught above the Plaza Baquedano almost by a closed firecracker, which is cheered by the thousands of protesters.
The later it gets, the more serious the cops get. Now they use the water cannon more and more to shoot rubber bullets at the distributed crowd.
With every bang, the demonstrators duck reflexively so as not to be caught by the rubber bullets. Behind the large palm trees in the middle of the dividing strip of the road, whole queues of people take cover so as not to be caught by the rubber bullets or to blind the cops with laser pointers.
Around 10 pm, after more than six hours of uninterrupted riots, the cops finally manage to break up the demonstration with the Zorillo and clear the square.
At least for the night.
For the whole week further protests and a general strike are announced. In addition, feminist groups have called for a march of witches on Halloween. A few hundred meters from Plaza Baquedano, the mostly young people return to their neighborhoods. Singing, they pass a house that just burned down and announce in their songs:
“You will see. The bullets you fire at us will fly back!”
Σε συνεργασία σήμερα μαζί με εργάτριες μετανάστριες και αλληλέγγυους, μοιράσαμε κείμενα και ρίξαμε τρικάκια ως ένδειξη συμπαράστασης στον αγώνα των μεταναστ(ρι)ών. Το κυπριακό κράτος κλέβει τις κοινωνικές τους ασφαλίσεις, καθώς οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες που ζουν και εργάζονται εδώ για χρόνια, δε μπορούν να λάβουν κανένα δικαίωμα που αναλογεί στις αποκοπές από το μισθό τους ή την αναγνώριση των ετών εργασίας μόλις επιστρέψουν στις χώρες τους.
ΟΧΙ ΣΤΗ ΚΑΤΑΛΗΣΤΕΥΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΩΝ ΑΣΦΑΛΙΣΕΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΕΡΓΑΤΩΝ
ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΚΥΠΡΙΑΚΟ ΚΡΑΤΟΣ
ΚΥΠΡΙΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΞΕΝΟΙ ΕΡΓΑΤΕΣ ΕΝΩΜΕΝΟΙ
Birleşik Kıbrıs Partisi Genel Sekreteri Salih Sonüstün, basında “Rekabeti düzenlemek için uygulanan, ancak genel bütçeye aktarılan kaynakla ilgili BASIN- SEN’in açıklamasını desteklediklerini belirterek, meselenin maddi destek talep etmek olarak algılanmasının en büyük yanlış olacağını vurguladı.
Sonüstün, “ Özgür basın, özgür düşünce demektir. Özgür düşünceye kilit vurulmayan toplumlarda hem bireyler hem de toplumlar özgürdür” diyen BKP Genel Sekreteri Salih Sonüstün, “ Barış ve çözüm yönünde mücadele eden basın emekçileri ve basın kuruluşları ile birlikte mücadele etmeye devam edeceğiz” dedi.
Ortak hedefin, barış ve çözüme ulaşmak olduğuna vurgu yapan BKP Genel Sekreteri Salih Sonüstün, bu ortak hedef doğrultusunda birlikte mücadelenin önemine inandıklarına vurgu yaparak, “ Birleşik Kıbrıs Partisi barış ve çözüm yolunda mücadele veren tüm örgütlerle sıkı işbirliği yapmaya bu güne kadar olduğu gibi bundan sonra da devam edecektir” dedi.
Immigrant workers are the least valued part of the working class, as they work at the worst paid jobs, in miserable conditions, with their labor rights usually not being recognized. These miserable conditions are deliberately passed over in silence by the state, which is concealing the exploitation of immigrants, making it easy for employers to intensify the devaluation of the immigrants’ lives and for entrepreneurs to increase their profits.
The state of Cyprus favors employers by regulating the labor rights of immigrants, with special contracts that often forbid immigrants from changing jobs, deprive them of their right to unionize and – in the case of asylum seekers- even restrict them into working only in specific professions.
Furthermore, under this employment regime, the state of Cyprus is even stealing the immigrants’ social security stamps! Immigrants who have been living and working in Cyprus for years have their salary subjected to deductions, yet they cannot receive any legal benefits from the deductions or a recognition of their years of service, when they return to their home countries. Despite the reports and organized demands of immigrant organizations in Cyprus for bilateral agreements between Cyprus and immigrants’ home countries, (in this case, demands of the Filipino immigrant community in cooperation with ethnic groups from Sri Lanka, Vietnam, India and Nepal) the state’s policy remains unchanged.
We know that immigrant workers are forced to come to Cyprus for a variety of unfortunate reasons, looking for a better life. The miserable working conditions that they are experiencing are due to state and institutional isolation and social racism that divides workers into “locals” and “foreigners”.
We support the mass protests of immigrants and their demand for recognition of their Social Security stamps in our country, and we are in solidarity with their organized groups fighting for their labor rights. Against the devaluation and exploitation of local and foreign workers, beyond any national or religious divisions and with solidarity as our weapon, we organize and fight united, confronting the common enemy. The working class can win only if it unites against its oppressors.
NO TO THE ROBBING OF WORKERS’ SOCIAL SECURITY STAMPS BY THE STATE OF CYPRUS
IMMEDIATE RECOGNITION OF SOCIAL SECURITY STAMPS FOR ALL IMMIGRANT WORKERS IN CYPRUS
LEGALIZATION OF ALL CURRENT IMMIGRANTS, WITH A CLEAR PATH TO CITIZENSHIP AND FULL WORKING RIGHTS
UNITY AND SOLIDARITY OF IMMIGRANT AND NATIVE WORKERS
Οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες εργά(τρ)ιες είναι το πιο υποτιμημένο κομμάτι της εργατικής τάξης, καθώς στελεχώνουν τις πιο κακοπληρωμένες δουλειές, σε άθλιες συνθήκες, χωρίς συνήθως να τους αναγνωρίζεται κανένα εργασιακό δικαίωμα. Οι άθλιες αυτές συνθήκες μένουν στοχευμένα από το κράτος στην αφάνεια , συγκαλύπτοντας την υπέρμετρη εκμετάλλευση των μεταναστών και στρώνουν το δρόμο από τη μια στους εργοδότες να εντείνουν την υποτίμηση των ζωών τους και από την άλλη στους επιχειρηματίες να συνεχίσουν να αυξάνουν τα κέρδη τους.
Το κράτος ανοίγει δρόμους στους εργοδότες ρυθμίζοντας τα εργασιακά δικαιώματα των μεταναστών, με ειδικές συμβάσεις χωρίς πολλές φορές να έχουν δικαιώματα αλλαγής τόπου εργασίας, δικαίωμα συνδικαλισμού ή και στις περιπτώσεις των αιτητών ασύλου, ακόμα και το δικαίωμα επιλογής κλάδου επαγγέλματος.
Σε αυτό το εργασιακό καθεστώς το κυπριακό κράτος κλέβει ακόμα και τις κοινωνικές τους ασφαλίσεις, καθώς οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες που ζουν και εργάζονται εδώ για χρόνια, δε μπορούν να λάβουν κανένα δικαίωμα που αναλογεί στις αποκοπές από το μισθό τους ή την αναγνώριση των ετών εργασίας, όταν επιστρέψουν στις χώρες τους. Παρά τις αναφορές και τις οργανωμένες απαιτήσεις από οργανώσεις μεταναστών στη χώρα μας για σύναψη διμερών συμφωνιών μεταξύ Κύπρου και ανάλογων χωρών, η στάση του κράτους μένει η ίδια. Στη συγκεκριμένη περίπτωση η μεταναστευτική κοινότητα των Φιλιππινέζων, σε συνεργασία με εθνοτικές ομάδες από τη Σρι Λάνκα, Βιετνάμ, Ινδίας και Νεπάλ.
Γνωρίζουμε πως οι μετανάστ(ρι)ες εργάτες αναγκάστηκαν να έρθουν στην Κύπρο για διάφορους δυσμενείς λόγους και οι άθλιες συνθήκες που εργάζονται οφείλονται στην κρατική και θεσμική απομόνωση και στον κοινωνικό ρατσισμό που διασπά τους εργάτες σε ντόπιους και ξένους.
Χαιρετίζουμε τη συλλογική αντίδραση των μεταναστών και την απαίτηση της αναγνώρισης των Κοινωνικών Ασφαλίσεων τους στη χώρα μας και εκφράζουμε έμπρακτα την αλληλεγγύη μας στα οργανωμένα σύνολα τους που αγωνίζονται για τα εργασιακά τους δικαιώματα.
Απέναντι στην υποτίμηση και την εκμετάλλευση ντόπιων και ξένων εργατών, με όπλο μας την αλληλεγγύη, κοιτάζουμε κατάματα τον κοινό εχθρό, οργανωνόμαστε και αγωνιζόμαστε ενωμένοι , χωρίς εθνικούς και θρησκευτικούς διαχωρισμούς . Μόνο ενωμένη η εργατική τάξη ενάντια στους δυνάστες της μπορεί να μετρά νίκες.
ΟΧΙ ΣΤΗ ΚΑΤΑΛΗΣΤΕΥΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΩΝ ΑΣΦΑΛΙΣΕΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΕΡΓΑΤΩΝ
ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΚΥΠΡΙΑΚΟ ΚΡΑΤΟΣ!
ΆΜΕΣΗ ΑΝΑΓΝΩΡΙΣΗ ΤΩΝ Κ. Α ΤΩΝ ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ ΑΠΟ ΟΛΕΣ ΤΙΣ ΕΘΝΟΤΙΚΕΣ ΟΜΑΔΕΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΥΠΡΟ ΠΟΥ ΑΓΝΟΕΙ ΕΣΚΕΜΜΕΝΑ ΤΟ ΚΡΑΤΟΣ!
ΠΑΡΑΧΩΡΗΣΗ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΟΣ ΜΟΝΙΜΗΣ ΔΙΑΜΟΝΗΣ ΜΕ ΠΛΗΡΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑΚΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΕΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΠΙΘΥΜΟΥΝ ΝΑ ΜΕΙΝΟΥΝ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΥΠΡΟ.
ΝΤΟΠΙΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΞΕΝΟΙ ΕΡΓΑΤΕΣ ΕΝΩΜΕΝΟΙ
The following link contains a PDF file we received archiving incidents of Fascist, Racist, Xenophobic and Migrant/Refugee Exploitation in the Republic of Cyprus in the period 1993-2019 from various sources.
Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική Βία στην Κύπρο - Έκτη Έκδοση
Language of Sources: Greek, some English. Language of Title - Table of Contents: Greek, Greek/Englsih.
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Το link περιέχει αρχείο PDF που μας στάλθηκε, που αρχειοθετεί περιπτώσεις φασισμού, ξενοφοβίας, εκμετάλλευσης μεταναστών/τριών και προσφύγων στην Κυπρο την περίοδο 1993-2019 από διάφορες πηγές.
Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική Βία στην Κύπρο - Έκτη Έκδοση
Γλώσσα πηγών: Ελληνικά, Αγγλικά. Γλώσσα Τίτλου, Περιεχομένων: Ελληνικά, Ελληνικά/Αγγλικά.
One Radical Planet 