Population in Nicosia in 1946

Neighbourhood                      Christian         Moslem           Others            Total

1. Abdi Çavuş                         74                    799                  29                    902

2. Akkavuk                             107                  1094                1                      1202

3. Arab Ahmet                       576                  846                  1195                2617

4. Aya Sofya                          632                  1239                65                    1936

5. Ayii Omoloyitadhes           1678                9                      123                  1810

6. Ayios Andreas

    (Tophane)                           2224                152                  636                  3012

7. Ay.Antonios                        2045                   7                    38                    2090

8. Ay.Ioannis                          1375                  57                    4                      1436

9. Ay.Kassianos

      (Kafesli)                            1061                115                  1                      1177

10. Ay.Loucas                         263                  536                  7                      806

11. Ay.Savas                          1211                39                    16                    1266

12. Haydar Paşa                     45                    334                  6                      385

13. İbrahim Paşa                    650                  1539                145                  2334

14. Karamanzade                   124                  61                    412                  597

15. Chrysaliniotissa                865                  29                    7                      901

16. Korkut Efendi &

      İplik Pazarı                       116                  232                  208                  556

17. Mahmut Paşa                    61                    713                  101                  875

18. Nöbethane                        438                  19                    63                    520

19. Ömerge                             917                  249                  27                    1193

20. Phaneromeni                    1065                10                    13                    1088

21. Tahtakale                          902                  518                  13                    1433

22. Tabakhane                         701                  20                    36                    757

23. Tripiotis                            2982                27                    238                  3247

Within the walls:                    24,967

Outside the walls:                    9,518 in quarters like Köşklüçiftlik (part of Arab Ahmet Neighb.), Yeni Kapı (New Gate-part of Yeni Djami N.) and Yeni Şehir (Neapolis-part of Ibrahim Pasha N.).

In the outskirts of  the old city Nicosia, there were 9 villages, where a total of 18,839 persons were living. These villages were Ayios Dhometios (Incirli), Eylenje, Hamit Mandraları, Büyük Kaymaklı, Küçük Kaymaklı (Omorphita), Ortaköy, Pallouriotissa, Strovolos and Trakhonas (Kızılbaş).

(Source: Report by D.A.Percival, Cyprus: Census of Population and Agriculture, 1946, Report and Tables, London 1949)

Arab Ahmet neighbourhood was the most prestigious residential area of Nicosia, where the Turkish high-ranking officials and the Kadis and the Pashas had their homes. First of all it was near the old Ottoman Saray (previously Lusignan palace) and easy for the high-ranking officials to go to their work on foot. Secondly it was the coolest place in the evening during the summer. Because it could get the best of the evening breeze, coming from the west, from the direction of the Morphou Bay into the Mesoira plane.

In September 1945, the Ottoman name of the Tophane neighbourhood was changed into Ayios Andreas. The nearby small neighbourhoods of Tabakhane and Nöbethane were abolished and attached to the Ayios Andreas neighbourhood, which after this had two muhtars, a Turkish Cypriot and a Greek Cypriot.

MUNICIPAL OR PUBLIC GARDEN (MİLLET BAHÇASI)

Tahtakale was one of the biggest mixed neighbourhoods of Nicosia with a population of 518 Turkish Cypriots and 902 Greek Cypriots. Now the only sign of this coexistence is the Tahtakale Mosque and the Koran School, which were built in 1826 by the Ottoman Governor Es-Seyyid Mehmet Ağa, at the same place of the old mosque. There were also a small graveyard and a koran school for the minors, which had its first teacher appointed in 1594. The Evkaf Administration built shops on the site of the graveyard in the 1950’s. In 1881, there was a fountain near the mosque, which Salvatore draw a picture of it, but it did not survive today. The original minaret was cracked in 1936 and it was rebuilt in 1948.

OMERIYE

WOMEN’S BAZAAR (KADINLAR PAZARI, YENEKOPAZARO)

PARTITION POLICY DIVIDED NICOSIA FIRST IN 1956

After the attack of the EOKA on the Turkish Cypriot villagers in Vasilia and the killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman, who was chasing two EOKA fighters, the inter-communal violence intensified. On 27th April 1956, the Turkish Cypriot newspaper Halkın Sesi wrote in its main title the following:

“Curfew was declared and applied in Nicosia yesterday afternoon from 5 o’clock until 4 o’clock this morning... During the 11 hours of curfew, the town was divided into North and South Nicosia, like East and West Berlin. The street from Paphos Gate until the Famagusta Gate remained closed at all.”

Halkın Sesi wrote in its edition on 28th April 1956:

“The Greek Cypriots, who had their homes, offices or shops in the Turkish neighbourhoods, have started to look for places in the Greek Cypriot neighbourhoods, so that they could abandon their previous dwellings.”

Bozkurt daily newspaper wrote on 3rd June 1957 about the first step of the partition policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership: “Yesterday, after a meeting of the Cyprus is Turkish Party, the Turkish Cypriot councillors in the Municipalities of Nicosia and other districts gave up their resignations all together.” 

Bozkurt reported on 24th June 1958 that Dr.Tahsin S.Gözmen was named by the T/C leadership as the Turkish Cypriot mayor of the Turkish Cypriot Municipality of Nicosia. The others were named later.

Then came the TMT provocations, when the Turkish Information Centre of the Turkish Consulate in Nicosia was bombed by the TMT on 7th June 1958, after which the Greek Cypriot properties and houses were attacked and put on fire in the mixed neighbourhoods by the Turkish Cypriot terrorists. This was followed on 12th June by the Gönyeli provocation of the British police, where 8 Greek Cypriots were killed.

1. An, Ahmet, The Values Cyprus Cultivated, Volume: 1 (1782-1899), Ankara 2002 (Turkish)

2. An, Ahmet, The Political History of the Turkish Cypriots (1930-1960): The Forgotten Political

    History of the Turkish Cypriots and the Struggles for the Leadership in the Mirror of the Press,

    Nicosia 2006 (Turkish)

3. Gürkan, Haşmet M., Nicosia of Yesterday and Today, Nicosia 1989 (Turkish)

4. Hikmetağalar, Hizber, Eski Lefkoşa’da Semtler ve Anılar, İstanbul 1996 (Turkish)

5. Keshishian, Kevork K., Nicosia, Capital of Cyprus, Then and Now, Nicosia 1978

6. Kyrris, Costas P., Peaceful Co-existence in Cyprus under British Rule (1878-1959) and

    after Independence: An Outline, Nicosia 1977

      

SENDALL IN CYPRUS 1892-1898, A GOVERNOR IN BONDAGE BY DIANA MARKIDES, Moufflon Publications, 2014, 233 pp, ISBN-10: 996362322

Reviewed by Ahmet An (*)

Written by British-Cypriot historian Diana Markides, this book was published in 2014 by the Moufflon Publications Ltd in Nicosia. The author writes in the “Preface” to her book that “the Sendall years remained shrouded in obscurity.” Therefore, she took the task to research those years, when the British High Commissioner, Sir Walter Joseph Sendall, was in service in Cyprus. In order to get a full picture of events and developments from 1892 to 1898, she studied letters, memoirs and other official documents in libraries and archives in England, Athens and Cyprus. The six years of the British occupation were written in the six separate chapters of the book, ending with an epilogue. It is a good and recommendable study. Let us make some interesting notes from those years:

“The administration of Cyprus had been in a sorry state when he arrived in April 1892” (p.29) and “in September 1892 the Times of Cyprus was grumbling about the ‹disgraceful› state of the principal road in Cyprus, the Larnaca-Nicosia road and described the rest of the roads in the island as ‘impassable.” (p.34) The road to Paphos did not exist. There was lack of bridges. Little had been done to extend the road network once the ‘spend nothing policy was strictly enforced. (p.31) Therefore Sir Sendall started with several construction works, building bridges and maintaining the existing roads. The Pyroi bridge on the main Larnaca-Nicosia road was opened by Sir Walter ceremonially on 25 November 1893 (p.60). The Peristerona bridge was completed in 1897. (p. 141) No less than 30 bridges were built. The building of dams for better irrigation was another project and the dam in Kuklia was completed in 1900 (p.203).  

The construction of the Papadopoulos Theatre began in 1893 for an audience of 600 people near Phaneromeni church in Nicosia as a replica of a small opera house in Italy. It was completed in 1900 and was used also by British and Turkish Cypriots. (p.54) The British High Commissioner secured permission and a tiny loan from the Treasury for the capital’s municipality council, so that the Pedios river, which was used as Nicosia main drain, passing through the old city, could be covered for sanitary reasons. (p.47)  

The old Venetian Palace, which was used during the Ottoman administration as the Serai of the Governor, was demolished in 1897, in order to build new offices, but it did not get underway until Sendall’s departure. The only government office constructed in Nicosia during his term was the small government printing offices opposite the secretariat (in 1896), which housed the government printing office, but which has recently been converted into a crèche for PASYDY, the Civil Servants Association.

 A new Evkaf office was proposed by Sendall, but it was excluded from construction plans by Chamberlain, Secretary of State for Colonies. (p.155)

When Sir Sendall arrived the island, it was observed that the crime rates were rising with gangs of brigands active. This never occurred during the Turkish administration, when there was corporal punishment. (p. 35) Law and order was the priority. Reform of the police force started in 1894 from top down. (p.84) The Büyük Khan, an Ottoman caravanserai in the middle of the old city, was converted into a prison (p.42), like the old forts in Limassol and Larnaca, which had no facilities for isolating prisoners. (p.69) Sir Sendall’s first decision was to build a new central prison in Nicosia, which was finally completed in 1904.  

The author gives us two cases of notorious bandits, one of Yiallouris, who was convicted of murdering the mudir of Paphos (p.77) and the other of Hasanpouli brothers, Mehmet Ahmet and Hasan Ahmet, who were escaped convicts for over a year and had committed eleven murders, five acts of abduction and rape, nine of shooting and wounding and numerous acts of highway robbery. (p.137) They were all eventually hanged in 1895.

Lady Sendall was an energetic fund-raiser, who worked hard for local charities, particularly the lepers. The chief medical officer, Dr. Heidestam, who had been in the island since Ottoman times and was fluent in Turkish and Greek, had a close friendship with Sendalls and Lady Sophia had collected in England and in Cyprus, enough money to build Greek Orthodox church for the 80 or so lepers colony outside Nicosia. (p.75) Lady Sendall also raised money for the new Anglican church, being built outside Nicosia. Both the Christian and Moslem leaders were present as she laid the first stone to foundation of the Anglican church of St. Paul’s. (p.53) 

In the summer of 1893, Sendall made a start on educational reform. (p.65) Both the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot schools were extended to include lyceum. The author reports on the new Hellenic school, inaugurated ceremonially on 24 December 1893, where the chief cadi and principal Turkish notables were also present. (p.71) But she omits to report about the inauguration ceremony of the Turkish Cypriot school on 26 December 1897, which was raised from the status of rüştiye to idadi (wrongly written as rusty’e and i’dade-p.157. Also the name of the chief cadi, Mustafa Fevzi Efendi, is wrongly written twice as ‘Ferzi’ -p.65-67):  “Both Sir Sendall and Lady Sendall were also present, when the new building of the school was inaugurated on 26 December 1897. They were greeted with the British national anthem ‘God save the Queen’.” (A.An, The Values Cyprus Cultivated (1782-1899), Ankara 2002, p.145)

Since the author does not know Turkish language and could not use Turkish Cypriot archives, she had asked me to prepare some material for this purpose, but she did not to use this in her book. There is only one reference to a Turkish Cypriot newspaper, Kıbrıs, dated 15 April 1985 (p.106). This weekly newspaper was published by Kufizade Asaf Bey, from 1893 until 1898, covering almost the whole period when Sir Sendall was in office.

Diana Markides writes: “A deputation of leading Muslims, headed by the mufti, urged Sendall to prohibit the meetings” (p.106), but she does not mention about the protest letter of the Turkish Cypriot delegation headed by Mufti Hacı Rıfkı Efendi, which could be found in the famous English book “A History of Cyprus” by George Hill. We read from there that the delegation complained to Sir Walter Sendall about the articles, published in the Greek Cypriot newspaper “Foni dis Kipru”, defending the union of the island with Greece (enosis). The Turkish Cypriot newspaper “Yeni Zaman” responded to these articles on 23 January 1893. The delegation was happy with the British administration in Cyprus and told Sir Sendall that Cyprus would remain to be a part of the Ottoman Empire. (Cambridge 1972, Vol.4, pp.498-499)  

Diana Markides allocates several pages (pp.171-179) for the activities of Ethniki Etairia in 1897 and writes: “The dispatch of Greek soldiers to Crete was a move which intensified nationalist emotions in Cyprus.” (s.174) without giving the reactions of the Turkish Cypriot notables and the newspapers. On the other hand, rightly enough the author reproduces the petitions to Queen Victoria in Greek and Ottoman Turkish script by Christian and Muslim leaders, asking for Sir Walter Sendall to be granted a second term as High Commissioner (pp.196-197), but he and Lady Sophia caught the next mail boat to Egypt on 1 January 1898. (p.195)    

As a last point, I can say that Diana Markides’ book Sendall in Cyprus 1892-1898, A Governor in Bondage is a scholarly academic work like her first book, published in q998: Cyprus 1957-1963: From Colonial Conflict to Constitutional Crisis: The Key Role of the Municipal Issue. She illustrated there in detail the origins of the separatist policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. My review of that book was published in the Turkish Cypriot weekly, Yeni Cag, on 11 July 3003 (http://can-kibrisim.blogspot.com/cy/2013/11/ayri-belediyeler-anlasmazligi-uzerine.html) Especially Cypriot readers will benefit a lot from reading her last book about Governor Sendall, which took a spotlight to an early and formative time in the British-Cyprus relationship.

(*) Ahmet Cavit An is a retired paediatrician who has devoted his adult life to the reunification of his country.  In 2003, just before the Green Line opened, he won an ECHR case against Turkey for preventing him from meeting with his Greek Cypriot compatriots, with whom they formed the bicommunal Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus. His archives and books, mainly in Turkish, are the basis of many other studies more available in English or Greek.

(Friends of Cyprus Report, New Year 2016, Issue No.58, pp.49-50)

4. VOTING OF THE ANNAN PLAN

The referenda on the Annan Plan, prepared by the UN was held on 24 April 2004. On the  G/C side 75.83% of the voters voted for “No”. Whereas on the T/C side, 64.91% voted for “Yes”. The outcome of the referandum on the T/C side was published in the Official Gazette of the TRNC, No.227, 25 April 2004 as follows:

Number of voters          : 143,639

Voters participated        : 121,162

Valid votes                    : 119,618

Rate of participation       : 84.35 %

Total number of “yes” votes: 77,702 (64.91 %)

Total number of “no” votes : 41,916 (35.09 %)

4.1. The change of percentages, in comparison with the previously held general election

       results, showed an increase for the total votes of the pro-solution parties:

                                                          14 December 2003              25 April 2004

The pro-solution parties                                 50.29 %                    64.91 %

The non-solution parties                                 49.69 %                    35.09 %

4.2. Kibris newspaper reported on 25 April 2004 that the settlers living in the certain

       suburbs of Nicosia, Famagusta and in the villages of Trikomo (Yeni Iskele) and

       Yerolakkos (Alaykoy) voted generally in favour of  “a solution and for the EU”.

4.3. EVALUATION OF THE REFERANDUM RESULTS ON THE T/C SIDE

       The Director of the Center for Research and Cyprus Studies (SOAR), Mr.Kudret Akay

        published an analysis of a survey made among 960 persons between 4 and 11 June

        2004, which was published in the Radikal newspaper of 30 July 2004. The political

        tendencies of the “yes” voters were assessed as follows: 69.7% envisaged a state of

        their own, which would be recognized internationally. 67.3 % supported the EU

        membership, 66.1% were for a separate sovereignty. 58.5% thought that the

        ownership of the properties they used would be legalized. 57.7 % thought that the

        TRNC would be a part of an internationally recognized state. Those, who thought of a

        common state with the Greek Cypriots, were 33.7% of the “yes” voters. Only 28.1%

        said that they voted “yes” in order to “reunify my homeland”.

        As for the analysis of the “no” voters, 54.3 % did not want to return the “territories

        which were made homeland”. 44% did not want to enter the EU without Turkey’s

        membership. 36.5% were against a partnership with the Greek Cypriots. 29.2% of the

        “no” voters would be affected negatively by the new property relations and 27.3 % by

        the territorial adjustments. 19.2 % thought that there would be no state of their own,

        which would be internationally recognized. It is obvious that all these answers

        indicate nationalist feelings which were related with “homeland”, “territory” and

       “Turkey”.  

4.4. THE SUPPORT OF THE USA BEFORE THE REFERANDUM

4.4.1 “A high ranking official of the US Foreign Ministry said that the USA will cooperate

         with the EU in order to get rid of the unjustly treatment of the Turkish side, if the

         G/C side says “No” to the Annan Plan and the T/C side says “Yes.” (Kibrisli,

         10.4.2004)

4.4.2 “The spokesman of the US Foreign Ministry, Richard Boucher, told in a press

         conference that in case the outcome of the referandum would be “No” in the G/C

         side and “yes” in the T/C side on 24 April 2004, Washington  would not let the

         Turkish Cypriots to stay out in the cold. He said: “We don’t want to see them being

          punished further more.” (Kibris, 16.4.2004)

4.4.3.“The special coordinator of the US Foreign Ministry Thomas Weston told in a press

          conference that it was possible in the long run to recognize the TRNC. He said that

          their main priority was to get rid of the isolations for the Turkish Cypriots in the

          short term and that they worked on a number of measures in coordination with the

          EU.” (Kibris, 29.4.2004)

4.4.4. “The special coordinator of the US Foreign Ministry Thomas Weston stated that

          they were waiting with excitement the visit of Mehmet Ali Talat to New York as a

          guest of Colin Powell, the Foreign Minister of the USA. The Prime Minister of the

          TRNC, Talat, is going to meet today the US Foreign Minister as a Prime Minister

          from the Northern Cyprus does it for the first time.” (Kibris, 4.5.2004)

4.4.5. “A high ranking official of the US Administration , who did not want to be named,

         disclosed to the Anatolian News Agency that Washington did not consider Mr. Rauf

         Denktas as the Leader of the Turkish Cypriot Community anymore. Instead, they

         accept Mehmet Ali Talat, the Prime Minister of the TRNC, as the new leader.

         Washington supports fully the representation of the TRNC in  the international

         Bodies like the IMF, World Bank, UEFA and the Organization of the Islamic

         Conference. The meeting between Powell and Talat was a part of the first steps in

         this direction. The USA is searching to find a formula to give  economic aid to the

         TRNC.” (Kibris, 6.5. 2004)

5. EARLY GENERAL PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS HELD ON 20 FEBRUARY

    2005

                Population of the TRNC        : 187,514

                Number of voters                  : 147,249

                Voters participated                : 118,912

                Valid votes                            : 129,409

                Rate of participation               :   80.76 %  

  

 Name of the political party                                 % of the votes         No. of MP’s

                Republican Turkish Party (CTP)                 44.45                     25

                National Unity Party (UBP)                         31.71                     18

                Democrat Party (DP)                                   13.49                      6

                Peace and Democracy Movement (BDH)      5.81                       1

                New Party (YP)                                            1.60                       -

                Nationalist Justice Party (MAP)                     0.52                       -

5.1. “After the results of the elections were announced, Mr. Nuri Cevikel, the

       Chairman of the New Party, complained to the press that half of the population

       of the TRNC were originating from Turkey, but there was only one MP in the

       Parliament, who originated from Turkey.” (Afrika, 23 February 2005)

5.2. “EvroDi Party of the Greek Cypriots stated that the political dynamics which

       follow the line of Ankara were successful in the T/C elections and that 90.000

       of the total 150.000 voters were settlers from Turkey.” (Fileleftheros,

       23.2.2005)

5.3. “The Turkish ambassador in Nicosia, Aydan Karahan, stated during his visit to

       the highest circulation daily Kibris newspaper that Turkey would be watching

       the early general elections in the TRNC with unbiased eyes and that there

       would be no intervention from outside.” (Kibris, 11 February 2005)

5.4. Basaran Duzgun wrote on the same day in his column:

      “The common feeling of the voters is that Turkey will interfere to the election

      campaign in the last week before the elections. As we had experienced bad

      things in the past, the civil and military persons, given the mission by Ankara,

      would be visiting especially the areas, where the Turkish settlers live in dense

      population and they would change the direction of the Turkish voters according

      to their wishes. This will affect the result of the elections. Because thousands of

      voters of Turkish origin are under the influence of Turkish civil and military

      officials. If about a 10% of the total votes would be directed as a block to a

      certain party, both the number of the MP’s and the arithmetics in the parliament

      would change. Thus one could determine which party would make a coalition

      with which other party.

      We have experienced this scenario often during the previous elections. Are we

      going to see its repetition again? Will Turkey interfere again to the elections? I

      have to state immediately that our newspaper Kibris made a sensitive research

      and we have reached to the conclusion that neither in Karpasia nor in Famagusta

      region nor in any other part of the country, there is no trace of interference to

      the elections.” (Kibris, 11 February  2005)

5.5. Another columnist of Kibris, Hasan Hasturer, wrote on 12 February 2005

       under the title “Ankara does not have even a bit of ‘worry’ about the

       elections!” the following remarks:

                      “It’s bitter to say, but it is a fact that we have experienced in all the elections

                  that I remember intervention in one form or another. Intervention was made in

                  various forms. The voters originating from Turkey were kept under a form

                  which would be easily controlled. Every kind of pressurizing message was

                  conveyed to them in a very short time. Their votes were controlled

                  professionally. For this purpose, everyone from influential politicians to retired

                  generals were used.

                  Some institutions and organizations in the TRNC were also used by

                  overreaching their aims. No one can say that these have not happened. Even it is

                  also known that resources were allocated and sent from the covered payment

                  accounts of Turkey for the elections in the TRNC.... I remind to those, who

                  forgot, that the officials used the police and forced the coffee-shops to close and

                  they cut their electricity. The newspapers and the TV channels were used many

                  times for the intervention to the elections. Forget approaching to the

                  oppositional parties equally, they behaved against them as if they were

                  “infidels”... Both the military and the Embassy were being used without any

                   cover-up in these operations. Were these pressures effective? In general, yes,

                   they were. That is why we still have bleeding wounds in our democracy,

                   because of these pressures. The pressures were successful in defeating many

                   parties. They were forced to have good relations with the centres of pressure.

                   It was a criteria not to stir them a bit during the formation of the governments

                   and the party cadres.”

5.6. There were indirect interventions also from some foreign countries in

       favour of the RTP:

                5.6.1. “The Foreign Minister of the USA Condolezza Rice left Ankara after her

                       visit. She gave an important message to the Turkish Cypriots: “We are

                       working on the possibilities of lifting the isolations on the TRNC and we

                       plan to take some steps in this direction.” (Halkin Sesi, 7.2.2005)

                5.6.2. “10 Turkish Cypriot Bank Officials visited the USA within the CYPEG

                      program which was established for the lessening of the isolations of the

                      Turkish Cypriots.” (Halkin Sesi, 10.2.2005)

            

            5.6.3. “US President George W.Bush allocated 20 million dollars in the 2006

                       Budget in order to support the peace process in Cyprus.” (Kibris,

                       10.2.2005)

                5.6.4. “The US Ambassador Michael Klosson gave information at the TRNC

                       Office of his Embassy about the CYPEG programme which will distribute

                       30.5  million dollars for the development of the T/C economy.” (Kibris,

                       12.2.2005)

5.6.5. “Richard Boucher, the spokesman of the US Foreign Ministry said that the

          visit of the Turkish representatives of the 12 American companies to the

          TRNC for investment possibilities was a try to get rid of the isolation of the

          T/C.” (Kibris, 20.2.2005)

               

5.6.6. “The visit of Mehmet Ali Talat, the Prime Minister of the TRNC to Mr.Jose

                      Manuel Durao Barosso, the President of the EU Commission and to the

                      Foreign Minister of the USA. (Volkan, 10.2.2005)

5.6.7. “The visit of Baroness Sarah Ludford, member of the Liberal Group of the

          European Parliament to the TRNC. (Kibris, 5.2.2005)

5.6.8. “Visit of the Vice-Chairpersons of the Socialist Group of the European

           Parliament, Jam Marinus Wiersma and Hannes Swoboda, with the

           members, Mechtild Roth and Panagiotis Beglitis. (Kibris, 6.2.2005)

                5.6.9. US Foreign Minister congratulates Talat

                      “The Foreign Minister of the US Condolezza Rice congratulated Mehmet

                      Ali Talat, the Prime Minister and the Chairman of the RTP, on the occasion

                      of his success in the General Elections. She said that the US will continue to

                      make further steps for lifting the isolation on the North.” (Kibris, 19.3.2005)

6. RESULTS OF THE TRNC PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 17

               APRIL 2005

Name of the candidate          % of the votes

1. Mehmet Ali Talat                55.60

2. Dr.Dervis Eroglu                 22.73

3. Dr.Mustafa Arabacioglu      13.22

4. Nuri Cevikel                         4.79

5. Zeki Besiktepeli                    1.72

6. Huseyin Angolemli                1.05

7. Zehra Cengiz                        0.44

8. Arif Salih Kirdag                  0.30

9. Ayhan Kaymak                    0.17

               

Number of registered voters    : 147,823

Participated voters                  : 102,853

Participation rate                     : 69.58 %

6. 1. “The outgoing President of the TRNC, Rauf Denktas, made his comment

         about the Presidential Elections: “If Mr.Talat will comply with his promise

         that he would be above the political parties and he would embrace all of

         them, we shall support him. His aim was to get 65% of the votes, but he

         could get 55%. This a bit of a learner’s mistake... We would prefer

         Mr.Erdogan, the Prime Minister of Turkey, not to put his weight with his

         statement in favour of Mr.Talat for the period after 17 April.” (Kibris, 18

        April 2005)

6.2. The votes of the settlers were influential

        “The balance was affected by the settlers’ votes in favour of Talat in the

         regions of Trikomo (Yeni Iskele) with 44% and in Famagusta 54.39%. This

         indicates that with the influence of the AKP (Justice and Development Party

         of Turkey) the votes of the settlers were diverted to the candidate of the

         RTP... The participation rate dropped 12% in comparison to the last

         elections. This mass is supposed to be the voters of the UBP and DP, who

         reacted to the foreign interventions of the AKP and the foreign powers that

         imposed Talat. ” (Sabahattin Ismail, Editorial of the Volkan daily, 18.4.2005)

6.3. “According to a survey made by Mete Hatay for the Peace Research Institute

       of Oslo (PRIO), there are 28 villages most of them in the districts of Trikomo

       (Iskele) and Famagusta and also in other districts, where all the inhabitants are

       settlers from Turkey. They have a total of 8,162 voters. 5,652 of them went to

       the pools in the recent Presidential Elections. 32% of them voted for Talat. 26

       % voted for Nuri Cevikel, a candidate of settler origin himself, aiming

       especially at the settlers’ votes. Of course, there are a lot of voters of Turkish

       origin almost in every village and district . But it seems that their number does

       not go beyond 20 to 25 thousand among the total 147,823 voters. It means that

       the votes of the Turkish Cypriots are still the “elective” ones.” (Yeni Duzen,

       3.5.2005)

6.4. “If you do not call this intervention, so what is it?” was the title of Dr.Erhan

       Arikli in Volkan, 12.4.2005. The columnist referred to the visits to the TRNC

       by Mr.Lajendik, the president of the Turkish-EU Common Parliamentary

       Commission and Mr.Baykal, the chairman of the Republican People’s Party

      (CHP) of Turkey before the Presidential Elections.”

7. The change in the total number of voters since 2000:

Date       General Elections

                               2003           141,596

                               2004           143,639 (Referandum)

                               2005           147,249 (Presidential Elections)    

(2006         178,031 Census)

                               2009           161,373

7.1. The unreliable statistics from the officials

       During the discussion of the Budget of his Ministry, Ozkan Murat, the

       Minister of Interior, told that there were 178,000 (TRNC) citizens in the

       TRNC. 40,000 foreigners are working. There are 7,000 children of the

       (Turkish) workers. The de facto population was 265,000 and the de jure

       population was 258.000. (Kibris, 20.12.2008)

7.2. “State News Agency of the TRNC, TAK, published in its bulletin of 13 March

       2009 that 198,006 voters would be eligible to vote in the general elections to

        be held on 19 April. All the Turkish Cypriot daily newspapers wrote on 14

        March 2009 that the number of the voters, who would be able to vote in 6

        districts of the TRNC was 198, 006.  

                7.3. On 22 March, Kibris Newspaper put this number of voters to the cover of its

                  “Election Supplement”, which prompted a statement by the Election Supreme

                  Board. The Board said in its announcement No.18 that the population of the

                  citizens in each district were given mistakenly as the number of the voters in

                  each district. The number of the eligible voters would be corrected as 159,906.

                  198.006 was the estimated total population of the TRNC. (Kibris, 23.3.2009)

7.4. On 30 March 2009, the number of the voters was declared as 161,373 in the

       announcement No.23 of the Election Supreme Board. It was said that this was

       the final number after the rejections and the corrections were assessed. (Kibris,

       31.3.2009)

7.5. An estimate about the number of the original Turkish Cypriots

       On 9 March 2009, Afrika newspaper announced that according to the

       information the newspaper gathered, the number of the original Turkish

       Cypriots was 62,500, i.e. one third of the total number of the voters of the

       approximately 180,000 voters. About  47,000 Turkish citizens were waiting to

       get the citizenship of the TRNC after the elections, the newspaper added.

       Writing in the same newspaper, the columnist Turgut Afsaroglu estimated that

       there were 173.000 voters, out of which 63.000 were of Cypriot and the

       remaining of Turkish origin. He also gave various numbers about the

       population of the TRNC: The Prime Minister estimates 250,000 de-facto

       population. President Talat says minimum 500,000. Some others think of

       a minimum 700-800.000.

8. EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 19 APRIL 2009

Number of voters           : 161,373

Voters participated        : 131,178

Rate of participation      :  81.29 %  

Name of the political party         % of the votes    No.of MP’s

National Unity Party (UBP)               44.04                    26

Republican Turkish Party (CTP)        29.26                    15

Democrat Party (DP)                        10.65                      5

Communal Democracy Party (TDP)    6.87                      2

Freedom and Reform Party (ORP)      6.21                      2

For the 50 seats in the Parliament, there were 356 candidates from 7 parties

and 8 independents. The total  number of the candidates, who originated

from Turkey was 71. (Afrika, 23.3.2009)  Only three of them could be

elected from Yeni Iskele (Trikomo) district, which is densely populated with

the settlers: DP (Ejder Aslanbaba from Adana), ORP (Mustafa Gokmen

from Trabzon) UBP(Ahmet Zengin from Caykar-Uzungol/Blacksea).

4 women were elected as MP’s (2 UBP and 2 CTP-BG). Out of 50

Parliamentarians, 17 are medical doctors, one less than the previous

Parliament. (Volkan, 21.4.2009) 

8.2. Intervention to the general elections

        The CTP government forced the owner of the highest circulation Kibris

        newspaper to take away its editor, Resat Akar, for three weeks before the

        elections, because the Kibris newspaper was criticizing the government and it

        published a public opinion pool, which showed that the CTP’s popular support

        fell from 45% to 28%. On 12 March 2009, the CTP government asked for the

        payment of 9 million TL tax from the previous years between 2002 and 2009 in 24 hours.

        Oddly enough, the Kibris newspaper was awarded by the same government

        together with other companies as tax-champion five months ago. The problem

        was settled later by paying 4 million TL as the first installment immediately and

        by using milder language against the government’s policies. (see for the details

        Kibris, 13.3.2009 and Havadis, 30.3.2009)

8.3. Kadir Toptas, the metropolitan mayor of Istanbul, sent a specially decorated

        election bus of the AK Party, plate Number 34 FFG 01 to the ORP Party of

        Turgay Avci. (Havadis, 9.4.2009)   

8.4. Under the title “Full supported Turkish intervention to the elections in the

        TRNC”, Kartal Harman wrote in Kibrisli newspaper on 10 March 2009:

        “ORP was formed as an alternative to the DP since there was a rift between

         the AKP government in Turkey and Denktas and his son’s party DP, which

         dissolved its coalition government with the CTP. At this point, the

         intervention to the internal politics of the TRNC was at its climax. One felt

         increasingly and speedily the intervention of the AKP and almost all the

         leaders of the AKP participated at the congress of the ORP, giving the message

         that the AKP is standing by the ORP. Likewise the deputy Chairperson of the

         Democratic Left Party (DSP), Melda Bayer, participated at the congress of the

         DP, which was held last Sunday. All they do is nothing, but to influence the

         Turkish settlers. The existing great potential will be exploited in order to

         influence especially the right wing with their competition of serious maneuvers.

         Therefore the representatives of the parties of Turkish Republic started to

         interfere the internal politics of the TRNC. As one can understand here, the

         fate of the elections will not be determined by the Turkish Cypriots, but by the

         citizens, originating from Turkey, who came at various times to the island.”

8.5. Afrika wrote on 13 March 2009 in the column “Letter from Afrika” the

        following:

                   “Look around. You will see that the deputies from the AKP and their election

                   specialists are participating at the election campaign of a party by visiting each

                   and every village. Is this not an intervention? Veysi Kaynak, Kahramanmaras

                   Mp of the AKP is among us. On Thursday Egemen Bagis will be coming.

                   Is he not the god of the intervention? Why do they speak of the intervention in

                   1998? Don’t you see this log in your eyes?”

8.6. “The Second Indictment of the Ergenekon Case was introduced to the Court in

                  Turkey yesterday. According to this Indictment (Page 437), The Chairman of

                  the Turkish Metal Trade Union, Mustafa Ozbek, was made TRNC citizen in

                  2003 with the order of Rauf Denktas, who was then the President of the

                  TRNC. In the same period Yalcin Taner brought many persons to Cyprus in

                  order to interfere to the elections and with this support Dervis Eroglu won the

                  elections.” (Havadis, 26 March 2009)

                       It was also disclosed way back in March 2007 by the Nokta magazine that

                  the Commander of the Turkish Marine, Vice-Admiral Ozden Ornek wrote in

                  his daily journal that the Turkish generals had planned two military putches

                  under code names “Sarikiz” (Yellow Girl) and “Ay Isigi” (Moonlight) in 2004

                  during the days of the Annan Plan to be voted in Cyprus. The  putches were

                  organized by the Ergenekon organization in order to topple the Erdogan

                  government, which supported the Annan Plan and the coupists were stopped

                  by Hilmi Ozkok, who was then the Chief of Staff.

8.7. Among the evidence files of the Ergenekon Case in Turkey, there was a report

                  submitted to Mr.Dervis Eroglu. The report was signed by the “Supreme  Council”

                  and was prepared by the “Western Study Group” and was found in the

                  house of Mustafa Ozbek, who was arrested. (Mr.Ozbek, who was the leader of

                  the nationalist Turkish Metal Trade Union of Turkey, was given the TRNC

                  citizenship and he established a TV station in the TRNC broadcasting via

                  satellite also to Turkey.) The report was published in the Havadis newspaper on

                  8 April 2009 and it referred to the intervention from Turkey to the general

                  elections of 6 December 1998: “Urgently”17.5 million TL were sent through

                  Mr.Ozbek and the money was distributed two days ago before the elections. A

                  further one million dollars from the “covered budget” were brought to the

                  TRNC in order to get rid of certain candidates and to support others as future

                  MP’s. The aim was to secure 24 deputies for Mr.Eroglu’s party. There were

                  plans that Eroglu would be supported against Rauf Denktas in the Presidential

                  Elections of 2000. (Havadis, 8 April, 2009)

8.8. The Vice-Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Vakiflar Bank, Ahmet

                   Keskin, told in a news conference that there were problems of getting the re-

                   payment of the credits, which amount 131 million out of the total 300 trillion

                   TL, distributed in the period between 2005 and 2006. He said that the debts

                   overtaken from the Akdeniz Garanti Bank were not dealt with and the files

                   were waiting on the shelves. Keskin accused also the governing CTP that 500

                   persons received credits for small enterprizes short before the general elections

                   as “election bribe”, which amount already 8 trillion TL. (Kibris, 15.4.2009)

8.9. Rauf  Denktas explained the reason why there was a boom for the UBP votes:

                  “The UBP bought votes. During the day, the participation rate was 60%,

                   but suddenly in the afternoon it increased to 80%. Unfortunately those who

                   got their money, ran to the pools” (Kibris, 20.4.2009)

8.10. “Serdar Denktas, the Chairman of the DP told in a radio program, broadcast

                     by SIM-FM that they too bought votes as every political party does. There

                     are persons now, who for one head, they bargain with you, starting from 300

                     to 100 liras. We bought too, but our possibilities were less and we bought

                     within that framework. It is in the hands of ours, the politicians, to take

                     measures against those demands... This we lived in the last two hours of the

                     voting when the people arrived from their picnics. No party should deny this.

                     I can proove it in front of them.” (Yeni Duzen, 23.4.2009)

8.11. Market for Votes was established. The will of the people was bought.

                    Democracy was killed. People’s will was bought by a rate of 25-30%. Is this

                    not a reason to cancel the elections? We invite the Supreme Election Council

                    to do its duty. (Headline of the Kibrisli, 24.4.2009)

9. Further meddling of Turkey into the internal politics of the Turkish Cypriots

9.1. The political activities of Ahmet Yonluer:

Ahmet Yonluer, a close friend of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan for 15 years, was appointed as the Head of the Religious Affairs Department on 6 July 2005. He was previously Undersecretary of the Ministry of Health and Social Aid and was appointed in October 2004 as an adviser for Islamic countries in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs.

9.1.1 Kibris newspaper reported on 18 September 2006 that former President of the TRNC, Rauf Denktas spoke in Istanbul during a conference organized by the Workers’ Party. Denktas said: “An operation was done in Cyprus and we call this as “Muftu Operation”. Muftu made this operation by using the name of Prime Minister Erdogan his religious influence. Through this way, the Democratic Party, which was very cautious about concessions, was sent away from the coalition government.”

Denktas told that it was a mistake of Turkey to accept the Annan Plan and Turkey opened the door for many concessions. We think that concessions will be made with the new government. There is only one way to stop this. Erdogan should say this: “Muftu is not my man. He cannot use my name. I am not involved in this operation.” We wait from him to say this in the name of justice and fairness. 

Denktas alleged that the Turkish Cypriots were deceived by letting them say “yes” to the Annan Plan and they continue to live its consequences and it was the duty of everyone to stop them being deceived for the second time.

9.2. Formation of the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP)
The AKP intervened to the internal politics of the TRNC, which ended the coalition government between the CTP-BG and DP. For this purpose, the resignation of some Deputies from the UBP and the DP was organized and the coalition government of the CTP-BG with the DP came to an end. In this way, Serdar Denktas and his party DP were sent out of power.

The Freedom and Reform Party (Ozgurluk ve Reform Partisi) was founded on 15 September 2006 by the former members of the National Unity Party and the Democratic Party. The Chairman of the ORP, Turgay Avci, was the Secretary-General of the UBP and resigned on 7th September with three other members of the UBP (the two deputies E.Serdaroglu and E.Sanlidag and the mp Secretary-General of the UBP, Enver Ozturk). Another mp from the Democratic Party (Mustafa Gokmen) resigned from his party in order to become one of the founders of the ORP. 

The chairman of the ORP was appointed as the Mp Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the CTP-BG and ORP Coalition Government, formed on 25 September 2006. The ORP had two other ministries. Enver Ozturk, who was the mp Secretary General of the UBP was appointed as the Minister of Economy and Tourism. Asim Vehbi was appointed as the Minister of Environment and Natural Resources, to be replaced by Mustafa Gokmen in March 2008. The coalition government lasted until 5 May 2009.

Now the ORP has two Deputies in the Parliament (Turgay Avci, Mustafa Gokmen).

The ORP supported Mehmet Ali Talat in the Presidential Election of 18 April 2010, which caused the resignation of some party members, among them some candidates for the parliamentary elections.

9.2.1. UBP Nicosia Mp, Tahsin Ertugruloglu, told: “The CTP was recently in some activities in order to get rid of its coalition partner DP and to establish a new organization or to support a group, which will obey and stay in its orbit. These activities reached to a point where mp markets were set up.” (Volkan, 9.9.2006)

9.2.2. UBP Famagusta Mp, Ahmet Kasif told: “Ahmet Yonluer phoned me in August when he was in my home in Adana and asked me to resign from the UBP and establish a new party, to be the chairman and to make coalition with the CTP. Yonluer was in Istanbul then. He could get me from Adana to Istanbul in a few hours with a private airplane to Istanbul. Three years in coalition. No problem. Everything will be provided, material and spiritual. (Volkan, 14.9.2006)

9.2.3. DP Chairman Serdar Denktas told to the columnist Fatih Cekirge of Hurriyet newspaper that 600 thousand dollars bribe was proposed to a DP MP so that he would resign… I shall ask for an app. from the Turkish Prime Minister and ask his opinion after telling him these allegations.

Serdar Denktas gave another statement to the Milliyet newspaper: “AKP MP-Chairman Saban Disli played a role in the transfer of deputies from my party and the UBP in order to establish the ORP. For the first time, religion and politics came together in Cyprus and after the coalition government was broken, the military phoned me, but no one from the AKP government. (Volkan, 19.9.2006)

9.2.4. Vakit newspaper’s main title: “Save Cyprus from Denktas’es.” Zaman newspaper wrote: “Serdar Denktas said that Ahmet Yonluer proposed 600 thousand dollars in order to destroy the government. Yonluer, who used to be Serdar’s adviser for Islamic countries, responded to this allegation as follows: “It is easy to accuse. I can also say that Serdar Denktas embezzled trillions liras when he was in power. Can I prove it? If he has documents about me, he should disclose them. Rauf Denktas and Serdar Denktas want to weaken the AKP in Turkey by using my name. Since Erdogan was elected as the Prime Minister, Rauf Denktas could not digest it. As a proof of this, he cooperated with the marginal groups like the Workers’ Party, since Erdogan came to power. He participated at meetings and conferences, which were against the AKP. Now he uses my name and tries to shoot the AKP and the government. Their main aim is to weaken Erdogan.” (Kibrisli, 20.9.2006)

9.2.5 ANAP Mersin MP, Huseyin Guler, asked in the Grand Assembly of Turkey a question to be answered by the Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan: “Did Saban Disli, Vice-Chairman of the AKP and Foreign Relations Secretary meddled in the politics in the TRNC? If this is true, what was the reason?” (Kibris, 21.9.2006)

9.2.6. President of the TRNC, Mehmet Ali Talat gave a statement to Milliyet newspaper about the AKP’s coup in the TRNC. Talat said: “If the AKP meddled here in one way or another, this has been done or not. If someone from here asked for advice from Turkey, this is not meddling. If this happened, it is natural that I do not know how. (Kibrisli, 25.9.2006)

9.2.7. Ahmet Yonluer, a close friend of the Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is being accused of having an influential role in the government crisis in the TRNC and in the resignation of some deputies. Yonluer has made a place in the agenda of the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot press  for a long time. Yonluer also directed strong criticism to father Rauf Denktas and his son Serdar Denktas.  Serdar Denktas told that Yonluer made indecent proposal to one of the DP deputies with 600 thousand dollars, to another one 400 thousand dollars and a post of a ministry.

Muftu Yonluer denied these as lies and said completely opposite: “ Many deputies who wanted to become minister or party leader, passed through my room. They knew that I was close to the AKP and the Prime Minister Erdogan in Turkey. They were persons who asked for help from me.

Father Denktas is very much angry. Because after him, his son also left the power and lost his armchair. They have been asking for help from me for a long time. Now that they lost the armchair, I became a bad man. They indicate me as a target everywhere. My family is very much embarrassed and has concerns. But I declare from here that if my nose bleeds, my head wounds, they have to see father Denktas as responsible. (Dialog weekly, 29.9.2006)

9.2.8. Prime Minister Ferdi Sabir Soyer spoke in the Parliament: “When President Talat was talking with Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan, Talat said that the Prime Minister of the TRNC could not find someone to appoint as Muftu. Erdogan told Talat: “If you think of  appointing Ahmet Yonluer, don’t do. Because he is a friend of mine since 15 years. There can be serious speculations.” Talat told this to me. Serdar came and insisted. Then we appointed Ahmet Yonluer after his proposal. I had to disclose this as my responsibility to my conscience.” (Kibrisli, 5.10.2006)

9.2.9. Kibris newspaper reported on 20.12.2006 that the independent deputy Erden Ozaskin, who resigned on 24 July 2006 from his party, entered the ORP. Now the ORP, the small partner of the coalition government has 4 seats in the parliament and the bigger partner CTP-BG has 25 deputies.

POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF THE EX-MUFTU, AHMET YONLUER

9.3. On 14 August 2007 Ahmet Yonluer gave his resignation to Prime Minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer.  He said that he would now be in a position to answer the attacks to his personality. He continued: “The dimension of these attacks made it necessary that I, as Ahmet Yonluer, should take a more influential role in the political life of the Turkish Cypriots.” (Volkan, 15.8.2007)

9.3.1. Turkish daily HURRIYET newspaper wrote on 15.8.2007 that the Head of the Religious Affairs Department in the TRNC, Ahmet Yonluer, who played an active role so that the coalition government of Republican Turkish Party – Freedom and Reform Party (CTP-OP) to come into power, has resigned from his post in order to engage in politics.   According to the paper, Ahmet Yonluer who is close to the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has resigned from his post due to accusations directed against him regarding his post. In a written statement issued regarding his resignation, Mr. Yonluer stated that he has decided to leave his duty as Head of the Religious Affairs Department of the Turkish Cypriots in order the institution, which is one of the most pre-eminent bodies for the Turkish Cypriots, not to loose its influence and for him to be able to react strongly towards the accusations against him. He went on and said that these accusations made his entry into politics inevitable.

9.3.2. Ahmet Yonluer, who resigned from his post as the Head of the Religious Affairs Department, gave a statement to Halkin Sesi: “I entered into politics in the name of  our citizens from Turkey, who are humiliated and I want to embrace them. We are coming not with words, but for real equality. We put our head for this road in order to bring the understanding of service to our country where our citizens were neglected and opposed by the previous administrations, without discriminating them from our Turkish Cypriot citizens. Commenting on the news that he would become the secretary-general of the ODP, Yonluer said that “if he would do politics in the ORP, I shall do whatever task I would be given. We do not choose. We only want to secure the people… The elections were made in Turkey. The AKP won a victory. The UBP and the DP were not satisfied with this. If the AKP would lose, these two parties would make celebrations with a convoy. (Halkin Sesi, 17.8.2007)

9.3.3. Yonluer gave a statement to the weekly Dialog newspaper:

“Question: Why did you wait the results of the elections in Turkey in order to resign?

Answer: If  I would resign before the elections, they would say “He resigned because the AKP would lose.” I did not want to give them this chance, therefore I waited. I am very happy that I resigned after the big victory of the AKP and Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

There are ten thousands of persons, who became citizens and the percentage of the citizens with Turkish origin who are voters in the elections, has reached to 40%. They have given to these people the posts of nurse or police. There is only one MP with the Turkish origin in the parliament. I am against this. I do not want to make discrimination between the Cypriots and the Turks, but I want that these people should be given the right of representation both in the parliament, cabinet and in the public services. I shall start a campaign in this direction.”

(Dialog, 17.8.2007)

9.3.4. The ex-Muftu of the Turkish Cypriots gave a statement to the Greek Cypriot newspaper Alithia and said that he aimed at bringing all the right persons together like Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made. He said that he is following his footsteps (Kibris, 27.8.2007)

9.3.5. The UBP Secretary-General Nazim Cavusoglu published a statement on the first anniversary of the 8th September- The Black Day when our democracy was stabbed. He referred to the founders of the ORP, Enver Ozturk and Turgay Avci, who met the CTP Secretary-General Omer Kalyoncu and the CTP Nicosia Deputy Ahmet Barcin, in the house of Enver Ozturk one year ago. This picture was already published and the event was named officially as political indecency. (Volkan, 8.9.2007)

9.3.6. Under the title “The first step to politics by Yonluer”, Turkish Cypriot daily Halkin Sesi newspaper reported on 14.9.2007 in its first page that a new political movement with the name “Movement for Politics for the People” was established officially. The former Mufti, who acts as the spokesman of the new political movement, Mr Ahmet Yonluer, stated, inter alia, that the aim of the new movement is to unite the Turkish Cypriots under a new political formation which would also promote Turkish Cypriots’ religious identity as well as their political character. Noting that there is discrimination between the Turkish Cypriots and the Turks from Turkey in the country and that the problem is not solved by denying its existence, Yonluer argued that this problem will be solved with the Muslim Turkish Cypriot identity.  Mr Yonluer also said that the new party has no connection with any other political party, neither the Turkish Cypriot “Freedom and Reform Party”, nor the ruling “Justice and Development Party” in Turkey. 

 

9.3.7. Ahmet Yonluer established the Movement for Politics for the People yesterday…. Yonluer said that a scientific poll gave the result that almost 50% of the people did not trust the politicians in the TRNC. Cyprus problem will be solved with the Moslem identity of the Turkish Cypriots. Yonluer stated that he learned from the similar scientific studies of the AKP and take it as an example. He added that the Movement does not have direct contact with the AKP. (Kibris, 14.9.2007)

9.3.8. Ahmet Yonluer told in a programme of the Kanal T that he is going to Ankara on Monday. The list is ready… They told me to bring together clean and decent persons in Cyprus. Then we can give you the necessary support and I made a list of those people, who support our Movement.  (Kibrisli, 16.9.2007)

9.3.9. Columnist Aydin Akkurt wrote in Volkan on 26.9.2007 the following:

“Yonluer was already making politics when he was in his office. We remember very well how he was involved in the resignation of some UBP and DP deputies and in the formation of the ORP.

After he resigned, we heard that he would enter the ORP and even become its secretary-general. Later he started a new organization, named “Politics for the People” (HIS).

There were allegations that HIS was a branch of the ORP and one day it will merge with the ORP. According to those, who alleged this, HIS was formed in order to secure popular basis for the ORP.

We have to look at Yonluer’s attitude and position. According to his statements, he tries to establish a party, based on the discrimination between the Turks and Cypriots. He is also in close contact with the ex-Chairman of the YDP, Orhan Ucok and the ex-minister Hasan Yumuk.

He attacks also the ORP. But why? Is there a new complot, being prepared by HIS?”

9.3.10. Under the title “Ertugruloglu is following directions” Turkish Cypriot daily newspaper Afrika reported on 4.10.2007 in its first page that officials from the National Unity Party (UBP) who do not seem to be able to succeed in applying the boycott of the assembly’s sessions, started some time ago, they went again to Ankara yesterday and met with Egemen Bagis, who is the member of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Responsible of Foreign Relations. Ertugruloglu and UBP’s general secretary Nazim Cavusoglu will make statements about their contacts in Ankara after their return to occupied Cyprus.  Afrika wrote that this is the most difficult time in its history for UBP which is suffering loses. The paper wrote that the split within the party is growing bigger.

9.3.11. Ahmet Yonluer gave the following statement yesterday: “After our movement matures to a certain extend, we think of forming a party. The infra-structure is being prepared by expert teams... There is only one deputy in the 50-seats-parliament, who came after 1974 as a citizen from Turkey. We put the picture to the front. Unfortunately there is such a picture in the country, either we accept it or not. (Kibris, 4.10.2007)

9.3.12.Turkish Cypriot daily Kibris newspaper wrote on 18.10.2007 that Ahmet Yonluer went to Ankara in order to have various contacts with Turkish politicians and to inform them about his political movement. Mr Yonluer will meet with the chairman of the Republican People’s Party Deniz Baykal, the MP of the Justice and Development Movement (AKP) and former Speaker of the Turkish Assembly Bulent Arinc and the chairman of the Nationalist Action Party Devlet Bahceli. Mr Yonluer has already held contacts with various ministers of the AKR government.

9.3.13. Turkish Cypriot daily Volkan newspaper  reported on 18.10.2007 in its first page that it was learned that the Responsible for Political Affairs of the US Embassy, Chris Pancio, visited the Culture and Solidarity Association of Persons from Hatay (Allexandretta) on the 3rd and 4th of October together with his own translator. During the first visit Mr Pancio was accompanied by the chairman of the Politics for the People Movement (HIS) Ahmet Yonluer and on the second visit by two other members of the HIS. On Pancio’s first visit with Yonluer to the Association, a meeting was arranged with the members of the executive committee of the association.  At the meeting Mr Yonluer gave information about HIS and Pancio is quoted to have said the following to the members of the executive committee who attended the meeting: “I want you to support the Politics for the People Movement (HIS) and to work towards this direction. If you support the HIS Movement, we, as US Embassy, we will support projects that will develop your association and we will give every kind of help from the material point of view”.

Referring to the issue, from the column “Letter from Volkan” columnist Aydin Akkurt, wrote on the same day, inter alia, that it is not yet known whether the US Embassy helped towards the establishment of HIS movement; however, HIS chairman Ahmet Yonluer is getting ready to transform the Movement into a party and he is not alone in this effort. The columnist went on and wrote the following: “What is the connection between Yonluer and HIS movement with the Responsible for Political Affairs of the US Embassy, Chris Pancio? What are the expectations of the USA from the HIS Movement?  Why does USA support this movement?”

9.3.14. Turkish Cypriot daily Volkan newspaper reported on 19.10.2007 that the news reported one day ago by the paper, that the US Embassy Official in Lefkosia, Chris Pancio, Responsible for Political Affairs (as written by the paper), visited the Culture and Solidarity Association of People coming from Hatay, were confirmed.

Abdullah Atlar, the chairman of the Association, pointing out that Mr Pancio visited the Association, revealed the details of the conversation took place between Mr Pancio at the Association members. Atlar said that he told Mr Pancio, who was giving emphasis to the “differences between (Turkish) Cypriots and Turkish (settlers)”, that there is no difference between them. “The Turks wherever they live they are Turks and the Turkish Cypriot people are one integral entity”, he said.

Mr Atlar also said that Mr Pancio was asking insistently about the number of the members of the Association. Mr Atlar told Mr Pancio that the Culture and Solidarity Association is one of the biggest non-governmental organizations in the TRNC. He also told him that regarding the Cyprus problem they support the active and de facto guarantee of Turkey for a just and lasting solution. He also said that the Turkish Cypriot people was deceived at the referendum and the promises made to them were not kept.   Pancio also wanted to know how the Association evaluates all the political parties in occupied Cyprus with the Politics for the People Movement (HIS). Mr Pancio made some evaluations himself as well.  Mr Atlar told Mr Pancio the Turkish Armed Forces and Security Forces Commandership is a safeguard for the Turkish Cypriot people to live in safety and peace.

9.3.15. After 5 months, the HIS Party was established last Friday (14 December 2007) with 64 founders  and made a press conference yesterday in the City Royal Hotel. 

9.3.16. Afrika wrote on 26.11.2007 under the title “Comment of the Day” that those with Turkish origin are being transferred to ORP. The prominent persons of the other parties too. On the same day Kibrisli reported that before the ORP congress, two mayors entered the ORP.

9.4. FIRST CONGRESS OF THE ORP:

On 25.11.07 Turgay Avci has been re-elected as the leader of the Freedom and Reform Party. With no other candidate for the post, the ORP leader, Deputy Prime Minister-Foreign Minister Turgay Avci was automatically re-elected as the leader of the ORP.

Addressing the party’s first general congress meeting yesterday, Avci said that his party had been established just over a year ago by 4 people who had risked their political careers’. The message of the Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan was read by Egemen Bagis, who represented the AKP. He is the(19.10.07)  Deputy Chairman of the AKP and an MP of the AKP from Istanbul. Among other guests from Turkey were Mevlut Cavusoglu, who is deputy chairman of the Foreign Relations of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and an MP of the AKP from Antalya and Menderes Turel, Mayor of the Antalya Metropolitan Municipality and some other ex-ministers and Deputies. (Kibris, 26.11.2007)

9.4.1.  Referring on the same issue, Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika newspaper  reported on 26.11.2007 under banner headlines ‘Ankara has found its party” and referred to the Freedom and Reform Party’s (ORP) Annual Congress and said that “the crushing majority of the members of the ORP are citizens of the Republic of Turkey. The ORP with the active support of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has become the leader of the rightist front. It is expected that with the first elections several citizens of the Republic of Turkey will be elected deputies and will take their seats at the Assembly. During the last elections, since there was no alternative, the AKP had supported and channelled the Turkish votes to the RTP. This time the AKP is getting ready to use all its support for the ORP. Ankara considers ORP as the party which will be able to accommodate both the Turkish Cypriots and the Turks together. The ORP in 14 months opened 234 party regional offices. They say that it is being financed by circles close to AKP”.

9.4.2. Referring to the same issue, Turkish Cypriot daily Sozcu newspaper reported on 26.11.2007 on the ORP’s congress under banner headlines: “This is not a Bank’s credit Card” and says that the Italian Parliamentarian Maurizio Turco, who was invited to the congress by the ORP leader Turgay Avci, addressing the congress took out from his pocket the so-called Identity Card of the “TRNC” and branding it to the audience and referring to the Archbishop Chrysostomos II said: “This not a bank’s credit card but the TRNC ID card with which I am proud. He urged the Archbishop to act as a religious man and not as politician during his visits in Europe and if he continues to act like politician they will receive him as politician and not a religious man. He also said that they will invite Mr. Turgay Avci to the European Parliament, not as a citizen but as the “Foreign Minister of the TRNC.”

9.4.3. Under the title “UBP (National Unity Party) -ORP (Freedom and Reform Party) Coalition?” Turkish Cypriot daily Kibrisli newspaper reported on 25.11.2007 that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey, is working on a new scenario aiming to take the Republican Turkish Party of Mehmet Ali Talat away from the “government”. The paper wrote that after AKR established the ORP in order to put in the sidelines the Democratic Party of Serdar Denktas, now is taking the second step in order to change the political balance in occupied Cyprus. According to the paper, AKR wants to get rid of CTP so that a new political coalition may be formed between the UBP and the ORP. Invoking sources, the paper writes that this development came after pressure put to AKP from some nationalist circles in Ankara which did not digest the fact that CTP is in power.

9.4.4. Columnist Necmettin Capa wrote in Afrika on 3.12.2007 the following:

                “For the people who participated at the ORP congress, the ORP paid the children 10 YTL, youth 25-30 YTL, adults 50 YTL. It the congress lasts long 50 + meal + transport. How the associations of the persons from Turkey are benefiting from this, no one knows. But they get very high numbers and job opportunities from the state departments are for sure. What is important is that 2000 persons were filled in the Ataturk Sports Hall and they make a show off. It is a scandal. Egemen Bagis, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign relations Secretary of the AKP saw this crowd. It is enough.” 

9.4.5. Turkish Cypriot daily Kibrisli newspaper reported in its first page on 3.12.2007 that Mehmet Cakici, the chairman of the Communal Democracy Party (TDP), described as rottenness the situation exist in the Turkish Cypriot community. As he stated either the ideologist or the sold out will win in occupied Cyprus. Mr Cakici referring to the intervention of the AKP in occupied Cyprus stated that a new political opportunist’ elite was created which markets the will of the Turkish Cypriot people. As he stated these circles are putting the country in great danger. Mr Cakici went on and stated that in this period a settling of accounts is taking place in the TRNC between the idealists and the honest and the sold out and the opportunists. As he stated, if the opportunists win, nobody knows what the outcome will be.

9.4.6. Turkish Cypriot daily Halkin Sesi newspaper  reported on 14.12.2007 that the Politics for the People Movement (HIS) of the former Head of the Religious Affairs Department, Mr Ahmet Yonluer, is becoming a party. As the paper wrote, Mr Yonluer is submitting today at the self-styled interior ministry the application and the list of the founding members of the HIS party. The party’s emblem will be a blue evil eye bead (worn to ward off the evil eye).

9.4.7. Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika newspaper reported on 18.12.2007 that the newly established Politics for the People (HIS) party introduced itself yesterday at a press conference. The founding chairman of the party, Ahmet Yonluer and other party members participated in the conference. Mr Yonluer said that the clear message they have taken during their contacts with the people was that “people do not trust the politicians any more” and that they were expecting the establishment of a new party.  Mr Yonluer reminded that HIS has 63 founding members. He argued that efforts have been exerted recently to perform politics which is only focused on Turkey and both the “government” and the opposition tried to acquire political gains from this. He said that HIS launched its efforts trusting the “TRNC people” and pointed out that the “place for the internal politics is the TRNC”.

Responding to a question, he said that he could not deny his friendly relations with the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and added that he could not neglect these relations because he has established a political party. However, he said that he believes that the internal policy is carried out with the “TRNC people” and interferences from outside should not be allowed. He said that within the next few days they will meet with officials from Turkey, in order to introduce themselves, but they will do this without taking any suggestion from anyone and without expecting any aid. Asked about their targets, Mr Yonluer argued that in spite of the fact that the conditions for carrying out a serious opposition exist in the country, these conditions have not been utilized and added that they will carry out a serious opposition until the elections, they will complete their organizational structure and prepare for the elections and make every preparation for bringing the party into power in the elections.

9.4.8. The ORP has now 5 deputies. Huseyin Avkiran Alanli, who resigned from his party three and half months ago, joined yesterday the ORP. Now the parliament seats are distributed among the parties as follows: CTP: 25, UBP: 13, DP: 6, ORP: 5, TDP: 1 (Kibris, 12.8.2008)

9.4.9. The Our Party (Bizim Parti), which was established as a political party with religious views ten years ago in 1998, merged with the ORP yesterday. The chairman of the Our Party and his friends told that they were happy to support the ORP. (Kibris, 21.11.2008) 

10. Recent Figures

10.1. The number of Turkish Cypriots and Turkish settlers in the TRNC

In our previous table of the first edition (1.9.), we gave the figures of the arriving and departing TRNC and TR and other citizens starting from 1974 until 2003. In the table below, we started from 2001 and found out the number of the incoming and outgoing citizens of the TRNC and TR. According to this calculation, at the beginning of 2004, there were 146,255 citizens of the TR and third countries, who remained in the TRNC and 44,252 TRNC citizens remained abroad.

In our news list below, which we prepared according to the data available, it shows the list of passengers arriving at and departing from the TRNC airports and seaports, by year and citizenship:

          

 incoming    outgoing     difference                      incoming               outgoing        difference

                   TR             TR        TR                                  T/C                        T/C           T/C

_____________________________________________________________________________             

2001    4,924,228   4,833,111        91,117                    2,092,729          2,138,112      -45,383      

2002       316,193       310,514         5,679                      133,317            134,083              766                 

2003       340,083       321,447       18,636                      119,682            119,583                99

2004       434,744       402,578       32,166                      134,886            135,343              457

2005      488,023        487,440            583                       152,804           152,347              457      

2006      572,633        570,533         2,100                       175,081           179,915            4,834

2007      598,529        555,193       43,336                       184,181           178,906            5,275    

2008       650,405       647,435         2,970                       200,074            199,713              361

____________________________________________________________________________   

             8,324,838    8,128,251   +196,587                   3,192,754        3,238,002         -45,248

Summary:

At the beginning of 2009, there were 45,248 TRNC citizens who stayed abroad. The number of the TR citizens, who stayed in the TRNC was 196,587 (which include some tourists on holiday, university students studying at the TRNC universities, besides the mainland Turkish settlers and workers)

10.2. Unreliable number of population and of electors

10.2.1. Afrika newspaper wrote in its “Letter from Afrika” column on 9.3.2009 that in the previous elections, the number of electors was about 163,000 and now it is rumoured that the number is about 180,000. The paper asked:

“Well, How many of them are Turkish Cypriots? Do not expect that the Supreme Election Council make any declaration about this subject. Neither the government could do it. This is a delicate matter. According to the information we received this number is 62,500. It means the one third of our total number of electors. The number of the transferred population and electors are increasing and the local population is decreasing. This number will certainly be drawn to lower numbers. What you should understand is AS FOLLOWS: The administration will be determined mainly by those voters who come from the Republic of Turkey. We have to add also that around 47,000 Turkish citizens are waiting to become TRNC citizens right after the elections. They have been already registered by the Turkish Embassy here and they are waiting their turn.”  

5.2.2. On the same day, another columnist of Afrika, Turgut Afsaroglu estimated that the number of the electors were 173.000 and only 63.000 of them were Cypriots and the rest were Turkish citizens, i.e. the Turkish Cypriots were in minority and their political will was taken away from their hands.

5.2.3. According to the G/C newspaper Politis, Christophias told that the number of the Turkish settlers increased from 250,000 to 325,000 according to the new information they had. (Kibrisli, 17.6.2010)

11. CONFLICTING NUMBER OF ELECTORS

11.1. The Supreme Election Council (YSK) declared on 13 March 2009 that the number of the electors, which will participate at the elections on 19 April 2009 were 198.006. (Kibrisli, 14.3.2009)

11.2.Turgut Afsaroglu wrote in his weekly column in Afrika on 16.3.2009 under the title “We have to take back our jasmines”:

“In the elections of 1976, our number of electors were 75,824. And our population was 113,736.

In the elections of 1990, the  number of our electors became 103,218. The total population was 154,827.

In the elections of 1998, there were 120,758 electors. Our total population increased to 181,137.

In the elections of 2005, the number of the electors was 147,823, whereas the total number of our citizens was 221,735.

It means that in the last 30 years, both our number of electors and the citizens were doubled.

God knows how much will it be in the elections of 19th April?

Let us make an estimate. Will it be 170,000 or 180,000 or 198,000?

And will the Turkish Cypriots be the majority of the minority of them?

Leave the citizens aside. There is also a de-facto population. According to Talat it is 500,000.

According to Serdar 600,000 and according to others it is 700-800,000. And the allegations are such as that after the elections, the Ankara will be pressing, so that at least 45,000 persons more should be made citizens of the TRNC.

Perhaps the population policy of this small country is determined by Ankara and either the UBP or the CTP is in power, they dictate their policies to those who come into power and they bow their necks to this for the sake of their seats....

One has to ask them: “As the 70 million population of Turkey arrive here in flocks, how can you find enough money for the employment, food, housing, school, teacher, doctor, hospital, prison for  this population?

If you divide the few hundred million dollars money that Turkey send here every year to each head, it makes less than two dollars a day. And this is not enough, neither for employment, nor for food, hospital, and prison. At this point one has to decide. Is it O.K. up to now or do we go on like this? And until where?”

11.3. On 23 March 2009, Kibris newspaper criticized the TAK news agency when it published on 22 March a new number of electors as 159,906. The editor of Kibris, Resat Akar, asked at the title of his column on that day: “To whom should we believe?”

He wrote: “The YSK announced in its statement yesterday that the number of the citizens in the TRNC are 198,000. According to the State Planning Bureau, the total population was 178,000 according to the census of 2006. This means that in the last three years, our population increased 20.000... If the government during the period of CTP gave only 60 new citizenships, where does this number of 16,680 new citizens come from? It means that there are serious mistakes here.”  

11.4. On 30 March 2009, the same Council announced in its declaration No.23 that the final number of electors were 161.373. (Kibris, 31.3.2009) 

According to these two declarations, the number of the electors and the number of the Deputies who would be elected by each district would be as follows:

                                            13 March 2009                        30 March 2009 

Nicosia                                 62,227       16                                      50,653

Famagusta                            52,795       13                                      42,325

Kyrenia                                35,990         9                                       30,428

Morphou                              25,383         6                                       21,017

Trikomo (İskele)                   21,611         6                                       16,950

  __________________________________________________________

                                            198,006       50                                    161,373  

11.5. There were 71 Turkish citizens among the 350 candidates:

7 parties with 350 candidates participated at the early general elections, held on 19 April 2009. Among the candidates 71 were Turkish citizens also. They were mainly represented in the parties of HİS and ORP.

Out of 50 candidates of the HIS, 23 were Turkish citizens. In the list of ORP, 17 were Turkish citizens. DP came in the third row with 13 candidates. The UBP had 7, TDP had 6, CTP-BG had 3 and BKP-Jasmine Movement had 2 candidates with Turkish citizenship. (Afrika, 23.3.2009)

12. MEDDLING OF THE AKP TO THE 2009 GENERAL ELECTION IN THE TRNC

12.1. “Meddling of Turkey with full support to the elections in the TRNC!” was the title of the column by Kartal Harman in Kibrisli on 10.3.2009.

He wrote that Denktas did not get directives from the AKP and he used to get support from another place in Ankara. Later the relationship between AKP and Denktas got worse and the party of Denktas’ son, DP was kept out of power with the formation of the ORP as an alternative to the DP. At that point, the meddling to the internal affairs of the TRNC was at its peak. Almost all the high ranking ORP Deputies participated at the ORP congress and the message was clear and net: The AKP is near the ORP!

                During the congress of the DP last Sunday, another leader of a Turkish party, Vice-Chairperson of the Democratic left Party (DSP) Melda Bayer participated at the DP Congress... What they do is nothing than influencing the electors from Turkey (in the TRNC).

                As you can see from this, the fate of the elections will not be determined by the Turkish Cypriots, but by the TRNC citizens, originating from the Republic of Turkey, who came to the island and settled here at one time or another. One should give attention to the following point! It was only yesterday that some persons did not know where Nicosia is and even they were asking us “Which language do you speak here?”. Nowadays they were given citizenship very easily and they were made as the people, who determine the political will of the TRNC.”

12.2. Kibris newspaper wrote on 24 March 2009 that the Chairman of the HIS party, Ahmet Yonluer reacted to the fact that the Turkish Cypriot political parties did not put in their electoral lists of the candidates who came to Cyprus after 1974 and he asked where is their sincerity. He continued:

“In the UBP list, only 7 candidates are persons who came after 1974. Moreover 3 of them cannot get elected because of their placing. Is this your understanding of equality?

Indeed, I do not get angry with the CTP, TDP and BKP, because they say sincerely in every platform that they do not want these people. But if you, like UBP, say that you do not make discrimination and you make fun of those people by making such lists, then we tell those people your real face. “

12.3. Under the title “Izcan: We do not accept the current regime”, Turkish Cypriot daily Havadis newspaper  reported on 27.3.2009 that a delegation from the United Cyprus Party (BKP) – Jasmine Movement visited yesterday Basaran Duzgun, the paper’s editor-in-chief. Mr Izcan said that nothing in the occupied areas will be put in order unless the population policy is taken under control. Mr Izan noted that they will annul the “citizenship” of all the persons who acquired this “citizenship” in a manner contrary to the international law. “This is not racism”, he added, “what we are trying to do is to put an end to the population policy which annihilates the Turkish Cypriots and make the Turkish Cypriots to have a say”.

Mr Izcan noted that the occupied northern part of Cyprus is administered by the “high coordination council”, the “embassy” of Turkey and “Turkey’s Aid Delegation”. He noted that in case the power is not transferred to the Turkish Cypriots the “governments” will be nothing more than puppets and the Turkish Cypriots, who cannot plan their economy, education, population and future, will be annihilated.

12.4. Afrika newspaper, under the title “AKP is touting for votes for Avci”, reported on 30.3.2009 that officials of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) are currently in the TRNC and try to convince those from “the Turkish Republic” who live in the occupied areas to vote for the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP). The AKP experts believe that Avci’s party can elect up to ten deputies with the votes of those from the Turkish Republic. They are trying to reduce the power of the National Unity Party (UBP) and increase the votes of the ORP, notes AFRIKA paper arguing that a coalition government between UBP and ORP will be established after the elections.

12. 5. Yeni Duzen newspaper published on 30.3.2009 an interview by the veteran Turkish Cypriot politician Mustafa Akinci, who bids farewell to politics, with journalist Cagil Gunalp. Akinci pointed out that it would be naive to even consider that the deep state of Turkey is independent from the occupied part of the Republic of Cyprus.

He noted that until the developments of 2003, the Turkish governments, the military civil bureaucracy and the deep state had always been next to former Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktas and the National Unity Party (UBP).

Mr Akinci said that the investigation in Turkey regarding the Ergenekon case will be incomplete if they don’t investigate all the unsolved crimes that occurred in the occupied areas of the Republic of Cyprus, like the murder of Kutlu Adali, the bombs at the houses of two prime ministers (Eroglu-Talat), the bombs at Afrika and Kibris papers, the bombs at the cars of Durduran and Ali Osman as well as the attempt to burn the building of the Peace and Democracy Movement (BDH).

12.6. “IT IS A HUMILIATION FOR US TO INTERVENE TO THE ELECTIONS FROM ABROAD”  This was the title of a letter, written by Ratip Gulmez from Kyrenia, published in Kibris’ in the “The word is yours” column, on 29.3.2009. The writer of the letter gave some examples of meddling in favour of the CTP during the election campaign:

                “First some names, who captured their columns in the Star, Sabah and Radikal newspapers of Turkey, explored suddenly some relationship between “Ergenekon” and Cyprus. They did not remain only with this, they also serviced their findings for the usage by their comrades in the TRNC and by the Ergenekon craftsmen in Turkey... One of them came with another name from the same group to the TRNC and taught us what the “Ergenekon” is and they returned...

Later we saw that Olli Rehn came here all of a sudden. Without any reservation and losing any time, he declared “Let’s hope that the pro-solution parties will win” and he went back. With him we saw that there was a EU dimension of the meddling to the elections.

Right after Rehn, German parliamentarian Jurgen Walter landed out territory and without being ashamed he said “if the previous people come to power, the negotiations will come to an end.”

Mrs.Rothe was the other European parliamentarian who arrived here and she was the most clear one and unaware of the public opinion. She participated directly at a festival of the CTP and openly hinted us the “CTP” and she also went back.

How could such a situation can be experienced in a European country? What took my attention was that these people who meddle from outside were asking for support only in the name of those in the government, but not for the benefit of the parties which are in the opposition. I was wondering why?...”     

17.6. It was reported in the “Letter from Afrika” column, published on 30.3.2009:

“As if they hear it for the first time that Ankara meddles. We have said it yesterday in our main title. The heavy canons of the AKP arrived here, they are among us They are visiting every village and neighbourhood and collecting votes for Turgay Avci. The other day they were in Degirmenlik (Kythrea) region and yesterday they were in Guzelyurt (Morphou). If someone has a doubt, s/he has to go and look with her/his own eyes.”

None of our parties has raised its voice to the meddling of the AKP to our elections. They fish in the sweet waters. But when they will be caught on the hook, they will be surprised.” 

18. INTERVENTION BY LOCAL MEDIA PATRONS

18.1.  Yeni Volkan newspaper (28.03.09) reports that Asil Nadir, owner of Kibris Media Group, has sent Resat Akar, whom he appointed as director of his Media Group, to compulsory leave until the end of the “elections”. Under the title “Asil has been surrendered to the green fascism”, the paper alleges that Asil Nadir has succumbed to the Republican Turkish Party (CTP), which cornered and blackmailed him because he has not paid his tax liabilities. The paper reminds that Mr Akar was appointed to his post two and a half months ago and adds that he was given three weeks compulsory leave.

18.2. “Ahmet Uzun of the CTP, Ersin Tatar of the UBP, Bengu Sonya of the DP and Rasit Pertev of the TDP were the four persons, invited to the KANAL T programme, presented by Dilek Kirci. When they entered the studio, Uzun wanted that Pertev would be sent out of the studio. He asked for the police to come. Pertev was given a short time to talk at the beginning of the programme and later he was sent away. The Patron of the KANAL T was also in the studio and he remained only silent to this scandal.” (Afrika newspaper, Letter from Afrika, 31.3.2009)

18.3. “NOW THEY WANT THE KANAL-T TO BE SILENT”

“The Chairman of the TDP (Communal Democracy Party), Mehmet Cakici, answered the questions of the Volkan correspondent as follows:

“The CTP-ORP coalition government “feeds” on one side the media, which support the government and on the other side tries to silence the persons and organizations, who do not think like themselves by oppression and threats. He gave the example of Kibris newspaper, where Asil Nadir, the owner of the KIBRIS Media Group, was forced to send the editor of his daily newspaper to holiday during the election campaign. Now Ersin Tatar, the owner of the KANAL T, is under attack by the pro-government columnists and his employees were given false promises so that they leave the TV station. (Volkan, 31 March 2009)

18.4. MEDDLING OF THE TURKISH POLITICIANS

18.4.1. According to the information we received, the preparations have started in the Karpasia region. As we were talking to some old leaders of the local UBP organizations, they told us the following:

“We have seen very well how the meddling was in the previous elections. Even the most reliable persons that we know could say “What the green plate (the colour of the diplomatic car plate of the Turkish Embassy in the TRNC) says, that will happen.” After the public opinion polls were made, everything can change in the last three days. He gave us examples.

Eroglu is an old wolf (politician). He knows his work very well. As far as we can see, he took the delivery of the media and many businessmen. If he goes like this, he can get in power all alone, but he will not.... The AKP did not help the formation of the ORP for nothing, only for 2,5 years. Now the turn will for ORP. They will say “stop” to the UBP and “pass” to the ORP. They will secure that the ORP get enough votes over the limit, so that they can have 4-5 Deputies. Don’t tell that it is not possible. They do such things in the last 3 days. Do not forget the elections in 2003 when the balance was 25+25.”  (Harun Denizkan, Havadis, 8 April 2009)

18.4.2. TURKISH POLITICIANS SENDING THEIR ELECTION BUSES

“AKP sent its election bus to the ORP. The bus with the plate number 34 FFG 01 came finally yesterday and started to take part in the election activities. This luxurious bus is known as the election bus of Kadir Toptas, the Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor... On the other hand, the bus of the UBP was sent by Mustafa Sarigul, Istanbul Sisli Mayor, who is a “very close” friend of Eroglu. Sarigul had previously sent his advertisers to the UBP.” (Yeni Duzen, 9.4.2009)

18.4.3. Afrika newspaper, under the title “Let those who look for a meddling see. Give up Ergenekon, look at the AKP’s bus!...” and with a picture of the election bus of the leader of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) of the Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, reported on 10.4.2009  that the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which openly in favour of CTP in the elections of 2003 and 2005, has not hesitated to do it again in these elections. AKP has sent the election bus to Turgay Avci to conquer the TRNC.  In its column “Letter from AFRIKA”, the paper wrote the following: 
“The bus was sent to the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP), because only Turgay Avci demanded it from Ankara. If UBP, CTP and DP wanted, would Erdogan have sent them one? So what? Is ORP Ankara’s own party and the rest the foster parties? (...)  Ankara will in our elections in every period. It is doing it today, it will do it tomorrow. Because TRNC is not an independent state... It is under Turkey’s administration.”

18.5. Ergenekon connections in the TRNC: The following information was included in the second indictment in the Ergenekon trial in Istanbul:

“In the 1998 elections in the TRNC, one million dollars were sent to the island in one evening. Two days before the elections, 17 million 500 million Turkish Liras were distributed by hand to the electors. A total of 20 million dollars were distributed. This operation in the TRNC covers solely the deep interest of Turkey. There is an agreement of opinion in the Upper Council. Mr.Eroglu has the characteristics that are sought for after Denktas. Our friends came to us with the thesis that we should not trust names other than Eroglu. The system of the Turkish Cypriot people has been cooked and they will eat it… The most important is the investment in the ART-TV station and this can serve the aims of the “Directorate of the Civil Department”. (Yeni Duzen, 8 April 2009)

18.5.1. Turkish daily Today’s Zaman newspaper (10.04.09) published the following: “Ferdi Sabit Soyer, prime minister of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC), who filed a request with the KKTC Chief Prosecutor's Office demanding an investigation into allegations against a former president and a former prime minister of the KKTC, has said as there have been revelations that a secret organization existed to influence the free will of Turkish Cypriots, his "silence would be equal to murder" with reference to the investigation into Ergenekon, a clandestine terrorist organization charged with plotting to overthrow the Turkish government.

Soyer filed the request on Wednesday, demanding an investigation into allegations against former KKTC President Rauf Denktas and former Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu, leader of the main opposition National Unity Party (UBP), whose names are mentioned in the second indictment in the Ergenekon trial submitted last month to the court hearing the case. He said that he had experienced a creeping sensation when he read documents seized at the home of Mustafa Ozbek, the jailed chairman of workers' union Turk Metal. According to the documents, the terrorist organization established two main centres, in the KKTC and Ankara, to wiretap conversations, including those of politicians and businessmen. Ozbek was arrested in late January as part of the ongoing Ergenekon investigation.

Soyer said the documents show Denktas’ phone calls were wiretapped to have him eliminated and there were great efforts to have the UBP elected as the winning party with Eroglu as the president. Soyer told that about 18 million dollars were sent by Ozbek to this effect.

“It is an organization that wiretapped the telephones of Mehmet Ali Talat, who later became the prime minister. They also tried to eliminate Talat. Nobody should forget that a bomb exploded in Talat’s home during the same period. Now that I have learned all this, my silence would be equal to murder. I acted upon concrete information with a desire to uncover past secrets,” said Soyer, as quoted by the Anatolia news agency.

Eroglu said that he is the one who should file charges. “We don’t take them seriously. As the Republican Turks Party loses voters, they do not know what to do. They even bring up allegations without knowing what they contain. The UBP is not involved in such a scheme,” he said. He added that he is consulting his lawyers about the issue: “I am the one who should file for a lawsuit. My rights are reserved in that regard.”

18.5.2. Turkish Cypriot daily Kibris newspaper (10.04.09), in its front page under the title “Shock confession!”, reported that the former Turkish Cypriot leader, Mr Rauf Denktas, during the television programme “Last Situation” broadcast by the Turkish Cypriot local television channel KIBRIS TV, said that he was receiving dead threat from CIA during the “elections” of 1981 and added:
“At that period, I was deemed as a hawk on the Cyprus issue. Clerides the peaceful one and I were displayed as the intransigent. Because we do not accept their sayings about the Turkish Cypriot government being a blood stained administration I was asked to be eliminated. Has the meddling of the foreigners disappeared today? Are not the remarks of the British High Commissioner and the U.S Ambassador a meddling? Or the fact that USA has distributed 30 million dollars? Let us not forget these. Those who do not call these meddling are standing up and shouting that Turkey is meddling. When I looked at this report, even the Turkish of the writers was not correct. When such information on certain issues taking place inside Cyprus was coming, I informed the competent officials when I realized that it was serious. And when a death threatening letter was sent by a CIA agent I informed Turkey and Turkey stood behind us.”

18.5.3. Viewing Turkish Cypriot politician Sabit Soyer's demand for an investigation against Rauf Denktas and Dervis Eroglu within the framework of the Ergenekon investigation in an article in Hurriyet Daily News (10.04.09), Yusuf Kanli questioned whether Soyer was plotting to avert a humiliating defeat in the 19 April elections.

18.5.4. Under the headline, "Frightening claims regarding Ergenekon's Cyprus operations," Zaman (10.04.09) published a report which asserts that the Ergenekon network is being accused of staging an assassination attempt against former Turkish Cypriot Prime Minister Mehmet Ali Talat before the referendum on the island in 2004, maintaining explosives caches on the Turkish part of the island, killing certain Turkish Cypriot journalists, and trying to influence the results of Turkish Cypriot elections.

18.5.5. Under the headline, "Chief Public Prosecutor being threatened," the Zaman daily newspaper carried on 11.4.2009 a report which quoted TRNC Prime Minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer as saying that the office of the chief public prosecutor in North Cyprus is receiving threats over a recently filed formal request for an investigation into allegations of complicity between the Ergenekon network and former Turkish Cypriot President Rauf Denktas and former Turkish Cypriot Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu.

18.5.6. In Hurriyet (12.04.09), columnist Ferai Tinc wrote in her article that many circles in north Cyprus believe that daily Havadis publishing new Ergenekon documents was a move by the Turkish Government to 'intervene' in the elections to be held in the TRNC on 19 April. However, she noted, a general consensus exists between all the political parties on the steps to be taken to resolve the Ergenekon mystery. Arguing that possible change of political balances after the elections in the TRNC might obstruct the Ergenekon investigation on the island, Tinc quoted unnamed Turkish Cypriot journalists as saying that "Ergenekon has become an influential organization in north Cyprus. Turkey will be unable to unearth the Ergenekon network's activities if it fails to investigate the organization's links on the island."

18.5.7. A column by Oral Calislar in Radikal (12.04.09) argued that the Ergenekon files that have been placed on the agenda one week before the elections seem to have changed the atmosphere in north Cyprus. According to the Turkish Cypriot media, he said, public opinion polls showing a significant increase in the National Unity Party [UBP] votes led the ruling Republican Turkish Party [CTP] to take action to prevent the transfer of power to the UBP. Claiming that the "peace and reunification talks" talks between Turkish Cypriot leader Talat and President Christofias might be suspended if the UBP wins the elections, Calislar warned that a possible UBP victory in TRNC is likely to affect the Turkey-EU relations negatively. He goes on to note that both the election in the Turkish Cypriot sector and the Ergenekon investigation in the north have the potential to dominate Turkey's political agenda soon.

18.5.8. “They do not say anything, when the God of Meddling is here” was the title of the “letter from Afrika column on 13.4.2009. The columnist wrote as follows:

                “We entered the last week before the elections. That is the most critical week. There is also the last critical 24 hours of this critical week. According to many people, what happens, happens at this last night. The last blessings were distributed and the poll was closed at that night...

                Last week there was a discussion that there was an meddling from outside in the elections of 1988. Who made this? The Ergenekon. The pro-CTP media used this fodder in abundance given by Ferdi Sabit Soyer. They made headlines. They gave supplements in support of this news. In reality, this was the lt branch, which was grasped by the CTP against the UBP. But it did not work. The branch was broken. The citizens did not take care of it... The Ankara governments have been intervening to our elections since 1976. Don’t they? It is not sincere to show that only in 1998 there was meddling...If you talk of meddlings, you have to look around yourselves. What will you see? Now AKP Deputies and election experts are taking part in the election campaign of a party and they visit every village. Why don‘t you say a word to this? Look, Veysi Kaynak, AKP MP from Kahramanmaras is among us. On Thursday, the Turkish Minister for EU Affairs and Chief Negotiator,Egemen Bagis will also arrive. For sure he will be coming with the last “blessings”. He is the God of the meddlings. You are still talking of 1998? Why don’t you see the log in your eye?”

18.5.9. Turkish Cypriot daily Kibris newspaper (15.04.09) reported that Turgut Oker, chairman of the European Alevite Unions’ Federation visited yesterday the premises of Kibris and stated that the Alevites in the TRNC should have the right not only to vote, but to be elected as well. Mr Oker was accompanied by Ozdemir Gul, candidate in the forthcoming elections with the Republican Turkish Party – New Forces (CTP-BG) in Nicosia and chairman of the Association for Researching and Promoting the Haci Bektas-i Veli Culture i.e.The Association of the Alevites in the TRNC.

Mr Oker said, inter alia, the following: “The fact that Ozdemir Gul is candidate in the elections as our chairman in Cyprus is very suitable to our basic targets. From now on, as Alevites we should not only vote, but we should be elected as well. In Europe we have many friends who are MPs and we support them. It is not our fate to remain always in the back. Our people have become experts in many fields. The Alevites too should have a say in politics now.

 18.5.10. Turkish daily Sabah newspaper (16.04.09), under the title “100 thousand voters ´From Turkey´”, published an extensive reportage about the elections, which will be held in the TRNC next Sunday. The paper reported, inter alia, that in the general elections, which are the 10th after 1974, only 61 thousand of the voters are Turkish Cypriots. The rest 100 thousand voters are Turkish settlers who came in the occupied areas after 1974. As the paper wrote, looking it from this point of view, many Turkish Cypriots say that “it is the migrants from Turkey that will determine the elections”.

18.5.11. Turkish daily Milliyet newspaper published on 16.4.2009 a report by its correspondent in Nicosia, Sefa Karahasan under the title, “‘Election bribe’ quarrel in the TRNC”. Sefa Karahasan reported, inter alia, that the Vice chairman of the Executive Board of Vakiflar Bankasi, Mr Ahmet Keskin, speaking in a press conference, accused the CTP of granting credits to five hundred people in exchange of votes, three days before the elections.

19. RESULTS OF THE EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 19 APRIL 2009

Total number of electors:           161,373

Total number of valid votes:      131,178

Percentage of participation:        81.29

Name of the Party                          Percentage (in 2005)            No. of Deputies (in 2005)

UBP                                                      44,04    (31.71)                          26  (18)

CTP-BG                                                29,26    (44.45)                          15  (25)

DP                                                         10,65    (13.49)                            5    (6)

TDP                                                         6,87    (as TKP 2.41)                 2    (-)

ORP                                                        6,21          (-)                              2

BKP-Jasmine Movement                          2,42         (-)                               0

HİS                                                          0,49         (-)                               0           

19.1. 36% of the Deputies (18 new faces) were elected for the first time. There are now 17 doctors in the parliament, one less than the previous period. Out of 345 candidates of the 7 parties, 55 were women candidates.  Only 4 of them could be elected: 2 from the UBP and 2 from the CTP-BG.

19.2. BUYING VOTES

19.2.1. The first President of the TRNC Rauf Denktas talked after the election victory of the UBP and told that “the electors were bought .” The percentage of the voters were 60% during the day, but afterwards, it jumped suddenly up to 80%. Unfortunately those who got their money, ran to the polls.”  (Havadis, 20.4.1009)

19.2.2. “Old habits were experienced again during the elections, which are a kind of examination for the democracy. One day before the elections, the political parties were in a competition of distributing money mainly in Nicosia within the walls, in the suburbs of Nicosia and the surrounding villages and in Karpasia. We have received numerous messages of notification especially in the late hours of Saturday... 

A businessman told that he has 1,000 identity cards in his bag and he asked for one milliard for each person. He was visiting the party buildings, saying “he, who pays one trillion, gets 1,000 votes”. This bargaining was the clearest indicator of the dark side of the election. (Levent Ozadam, Havadis, 20.4.2009)

19.2.3. “The DP Chairman Serdar Denktas, who gave a statement recently to Halkin Sesi newspaper to this effect, applied to the Parliament for the investigation of the allegations that votes were bought. He said that there are rumours of “buying votes and also a discussion about “a bourse of the elected”. The system should be examined by the Parliament, which has a great responsibility. “ (Havadis, 22.5.2009)

19.2.4. Serdar Denktas talked on the Sim Radio and said that his party had also bought votes like every other party during the election period. There are people, who come to you and bargain for each voter, asking 100, 200 or 300 Turkish Liras. If there is no party, which does not do this, it has to come forward and say, but every political party has bought votes.” (Yeni Duzen, 23.4.2009)

19.2.5. The Supreme Election Council (YSK) stated that it was not possible to go further in order to investigate the allegations that votes were sold or bought during the elections.”

Mr.Serdar Denktas changed his statement in front of the police interrogater and said that he did not remember the names of the persons, who wanted to sell votes. He also did not give any written statement and there were no enough available evidence on the subject. ” (Kibris, 16 and 22.5.2009)

19.3. WHY THE CTP LOST?

19.3.1. A Sociologist and the director of the KADEM, Muharrem Faiz, told that the fundamental reason why the UBP became the first party with a percentage of 44.02 was that the previous government made very extreme promises and did not fulfil them. According to a research done, many citizens who were members of the CTP gave their votes for the UBP just out of revenge. Faiz continued: “This has nothing to do with the attractive sides of the UBP. The practices of the CTP government such as the high price for the electricity, the heavy taxes, increased unemployment and no anticipated progress in the Cyprus problem were the reasons that the UBP made a difference to the other parties, he said. The people were thinking completely of the internal situation and the Cyprus problem was in the second or third place.” (Halkin Sesi, 21.4.2009)“

19.3.2. Under the title “Cemil Cicek and the sensitive adjustment”, the Letter from Afrika column of Afrika newspaper of 23.4.2009 wrote that the last visit of Cemil Cicek from Turkey was hidden from the eyes. He made the last sensitive adjustment as all the eyes were concentrated on the ORP. As the nation was waiting to see if an election bus will come or not, he struck the fatal blow to the CTP.

                According to the allegations, Cemil Cicek asked Ferdi openly, if they are going to tighten the belts. He asked later, if they will be implementing or not implementing the package Turkey sent. Ferdi was uttering some words, then Cemil Cicek got angry: “You have not even withdraw the mobile scale for the salaries!” ... When Ferdi slowed down the implementation of his promises, Ankara sent the first warning. From that point on, the December salaries could be paid with delay only in January.  After that moment, Ferdi had to inform Ankara that they will go on the early elections on 19th April. Then Ankara’s sensitive adjustment started...Ankara sent a life buoy to the ORP and took the two Deputies from UBP and gave them to the ORP, one from Karpasia, the other one from Famagusta were given as a present to Turgay Avci...”

19.3.3. Expences of the political parties in the last elections are being calculated...CTP had the highest expenditure with 1,778,600 TL. The TDP spent something like 220,000 TL and the UBP around 800,000 TL. It is estimated that the DP spent 400,000 TL in the general election campaign. (Kibris, 4.6.2009)

20. CAMPAIGN FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS ON 19 APRIL 2010

20.1. Mechtild Rothe, ex-MP and ex-vice-President of the European Parliament,

gave a conference in Gonyeli under the title “The benefits of a solution for the Turkish Cypriots”.  She said that after Mehmet Ali Talat came into power, the negotiations have a strengthened basis. (Kibris, 6.3.2010)

20.2. The US Foreign Minister, Hillary Clinton, invited TRNC President Mehmet Ali Talat to the USA. Talat is undecided.” (Kibris, 8.3.2010)

20.3. President Mehmet Ali Talat returned to the TRNC after completing his contacts in Ankara.  Talat said that he will not be going to the USA, because the way the invitation was made, disturbed him and he did not want to stay away from the TRNC 3-4 days, therefore we will not be going to the USA. (Kibris, 11.3.2010)

20.4. Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu talked in a conference in Aydin University, Turkey and said that the American invitation to Talat is an meddling to the presidential elections in favour of Talat.” (Halkin Sesi, 11.3.2010)

20.5. Under the title “Now the turn is for Tahsin Ertugruloglu!”, the columnist Kartal Harman wrote among others the following:

“Although Eroglu gives statements to the effect that he does not have any problem with the AKP, it is well-known that the AKP do not want Eroglu. Turkey has always intervened into all of the elections in either this way or in another and managed to bring out a government to her like, she gives more importance to the presidential elections than the general elections and she is supporting one side... If a party comes into power and at the moment that this party does not do as Turkey says, the fountain of money is closed and a government crisis is being created immediately in the country... In my opinion, it is not possible that Eroglu can be elected as President. If you look at the scenarios and listen to what Eroglu repeats every now and then like a faulty record, the direction we go is that one. Eroglu says that “we are not in a position to get away from the negotiation table” and he does not say anything else... Therefore, Tahsin Ertugruloglu was called to Ankara and he was told to be a candidate in the presidential elections. The aim is not to give Eroglu a chance to win the Presidential elections.” (Kartal Harman, Kibrisli, 11.3.2010)

20.6. President Mehmet Ali Talat came yesterday to the Supreme Electoral Council and made his application for candidacy. He told to the reporters that he, himself, did not see Ankara intervening to the elections. The doors of Ankara are open for everyone.  He said:  “I have not seen such an meddling since 2004 that I am in this post. Therefore I do not see these allegations as true.” (Volkan, 13.3.2010)

20.7. Ferdi Sabit Soyer, the chairman of the CTP met yesterday at the CTP Headquarters in Nicosia with the AKEL Secretary-General Andros Kiprianu. Kiprianu told that the two parties support Christophias and Talat so that the initiative they undertook will lead to a success.” (Volkan, 13.3.2010)

20.8. The Chairman of the TRNC Settlers’ Association, Gonul Uygun, criticized Enver Dincoglu, Chairman of the Settlers’ Aid and Solidarity Association, who decided to support Mehmet Ali talat in the coming presidential elections. Dincoglu told that they are a nationalist association and they will not be the extension of a political party or the backyard of any political party. (Kibris, 14.3.2010)

20.9. Greek Cypriot weekly newspaper Kathimerini reported that Adviser of the US Foreign Ministry, Philip Gordon asked George Papandreou during his visit to the USA last week to use his authority on President Christophias to support Mehmet Ali Talat for a common declaration about the intensive negotiations on Cyprus problem, which could be very helpful for him during the election campaign. According to the daily Phileleftheros, Papandreou told President Obama that there exists no  relationship of dependency between Athens and Nicosia, whereas there is such a dependency between the occupation regime and Ankara. So Obama has to turn to Turkey. (Volkan, 15.3.2010)

20.10. Independent candidate, Tahsin Ertugruloglu, who broke away with the UBP, told that he met during his stay in Ankara with President Abdullah Gul, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and State Minister Cemil Cicek. He shared his view about his candidacy. I did not get any promise from them. But also they did not tell me not to do such a thing.” (Havadis, 20.3.2010)

20.11. The Chairman of the ORP, Turgay Avci told that his party decided to support Mehmet Ali Talat, since the ORP likes his vision of solution. Avci said: “I have talked with Turkish officials. They asked me to support Mehmet Ali Talat. At this moment, it is not possible that we decide otherwise. Our party has a debt of 380,000 euros in party’s name. If we do not act together, everyone will have problems with the courts. (Volkan, 25. and 27.3.2010)

20.12. Independent candidate for the presidential elections Mehmet Ali Talat told during a visit to the industrial area in Famagusta that in the last six years, it has been a golden age of the TRNC and they made severe progress with a policy in cooperation with Turkey.” (Afrika, 27.3.2010)

20.13. The candidate of the UBP for the presidential elections, Dervis Eroglu, told the Anatolian news agency that he only could laugh at the allegations of Talat that he does not know the Cyprus question. Eroglu said that he has been in the politics since 1976 and he has read all the proceedings of the previous negotiations and he has been always in close dialog with Turkey. Eroglu also said that the chairman of the ORP, Turgay Avci wanted to have a coalition government with the UBP on the condition that the debt of 350,000 TL of the party should be paid by the UBP. Eroglu continued: “Avci told the ORP Council that he received a directive from Ankara to support Talat and later this decision was announced to the press. It is wrong to exploit the name of the fatherland with lies.” (Kibris, 28.3.2010)

20.14.The Supreme Electoral Council announced yesterday the total number of the electors as 164,072. The distribution is as follows:

Nicosia                 51,381

Famagusta            43,004

Kyrenia                31,233

Morphou              21,214

Trikomo               17,240

(Kibris, 30.3.2010)

20.15. The Turkish State Minister and Chief Negotiator with the EU, Egemen Bagis told the Anatolian news agency that whoever will be elected to the Presidency of the TRNC on 18 April, Turkey will do whatever she can for the continuation of the negotiation process within the UN parameters. Turkey will continue to be one step forwards in the words of our Prime Minister.” (Halkin Sesi, 2.4.2010)

20.16. The columnist of Halkin Sesi, Hasan Kahvecioglu, asked  Mehmet Ali Talat “Are you going to get support from the citizens of the Turkish Republic in the TRNC?” Talat answered: “Of course I shall get. Why not? If you make a comparison of the advantages of a solution, the voters with a Turkish origin will have more benefits of the solution than the Turkish Cypriots.” (Halkin Sesi, 2 April 2010)

20.17. The Chairman of the DP, Serdar Denktas, told that his party DP decided to support Eroglu actively and unconditionally. Denktas said: “During our meetings with Eroglu, we did not make any preliminary dealing. We just wanted to tell the world that our will for solution protects our state and our sovereignty. (Kibrisli, 2.4.2010)    

20.18. The columnist Levent Ozadam, writing in Havadis on 5.4.2010, stated under the title “The result of the election will be determined by the electors with TR origin.” Ozadam wrote: 

“First the UBP, then the DP, much later the CTP explored them. The settlers from TR were successful to bring a party they supported into power and a person they supported to the Presidency. And they will have again a big share in the Presidential Elections to be held on 18 April and the candidate who will win their heart will sit to that post. 

                At this moment, the candidates work mainly in their regions. There is a big interest in the crowded masses, who are of Turkish origin. Because a word, which comes from the mouth of an agha or a family head, is very important. And one person can easily influence hundreds of them and the votes go, not scattered, but in bulks, to the polls.

                Maybe those of Cypriot origin are angry at this situation, they complain as if Cypriotism is fading away, but now they are not anymore foreigners, they are the persons, who determine the real will in this country, either they want or not!

                Since the politicians know this very well, they concentrate in the rural areas and try to attract them with thousand and one promises to themselves.”

20.19. US Foreign Minister Hillary Clinton phoned yesterday the President Mehmet Ali Talat and congratulated him for the progress in the intercommunal talks. Clinton also invited Talat to come to Washington after the presidential elections in order to see how the USA can contribute to the talks. (Yeni Duzen, 7.4.2010)

20.20. Turkish daily Today’s Zaman newspaper published on 10.4.2009 the following on the issue:
“Ferdi Sabit Soyer, prime minister of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC), who filed a request with the KKTC Chief Prosecutor's Office demanding an investigation into allegations against a former president and a former prime minister of the KKTC, has said as there have been revelations that a secret organization existed to influence the free will of Turkish Cypriots, his "silence would be equal to murder" with reference to the investigation into Ergenekon, a clandestine terrorist organization charged with plotting to overthrow the Turkish government.

Soyer filed the request on Wednesday, demanding an investigation into allegations against former KKTC President Rauf Denktas and former Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu, leader of the main opposition National Unity Party (UBP), whose names are mentioned in the second indictment in the Ergenekon trial submitted last month to the court hearing the case. He said that he had experienced a creeping sensation when he read documents seized at the home of Mustafa Ozbek, the jailed chairman of workers' union Turk Metal. According to the documents, the terrorist organization established two main centres, in the KKTC and Ankara, to wiretap conversations, including those of politicians and businessmen. Ozbek was arrested in late January as part of the ongoing Ergenekon investigation.

Soyer said the documents show Denktas’ phone calls were wiretapped to have him eliminated and there were great efforts to have the UBP elected as the winning party with Eroglu as the president.

“It is an organization that wiretapped the telephones of Mehmet Ali Talat, who later became the prime minister. They also tried to eliminate Talat. Nobody should forget that a bomb exploded in Talat’s home during the same period. Now that I have learned all this, my silence would be equal to murder. I acted upon concrete information with a desire to uncover past secrets,” said Soyer, as quoted by the Anatolia news agency.

Soyer, also head of the centre-left Republican Turks Party (CTP), had accused the Ergenekon gang before of blocking the peace process in Cyprus. He had said in March that the KKTC was facing an obstacle in the path toward peace and the name of this obstacle was “Ergenekon.” He promised that the KKTC would continue to seek a solution for the divided island, no matter what obstacles it faces.

Meanwhile, former President Denktas held a press conference yesterday afternoon, reiterating an earlier statement that he was not a perpetrator, but rather a victim of the plots mentioned in the second Ergenekon indictment.  Speaking to journalists at his office in Nicosia yesterday, Denktas claimed that Soyer was going to “correct” the KKTC Prime Ministry’s official statement on the complaint filed on Wednesday. Denktas also said the complaint, filed shortly before upcoming elections on the island, had a purpose; he claimed there was an attempt to make him appear as having links to Ergenekon. He said Soyer’s complaint filed at the KKTC Chief Prosecutor’s Office had been misrepresented, conveying the wrong meaning -- that he is also being accused. He said he talked to Soyer on the phone Thursday morning, adding that Soyer had accepted the mistake and promised to issue a statement to clarify Denktas’ position in the case.

President  Talat said Turkish prosecutors should submit their demands to the KKTC in order to achieve Turkey-KKTC coordination of the investigation into Ergenekon.

“Prime Minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer has called on prosecutors to do their duty. We are legally connected with the Turkish prosecutors. If there is bilateral will, both sides should work together. Turkish Cypriot prosecutors could open a case but if there is not enough support from Turkey, I don’t know how well this process would progress,” Talat said, as quoted by AdaTV.

Talat was asked if Turkey had requested such support into the Ergenekon investigation; he said there had been no such demand as yet but that Turkish Cypriot prosecutors would be ready to help if asked.

Eroglu said that he is the one who should file charges. “We don’t take them seriously. As the Republican Turks Party loses voters, they do not know what to do. They even bring up allegations without knowing what they contain. The UBP is not involved in such a scheme,” he said. He added that he is consulting his lawyers about the issue: “I am the one who should file for a lawsuit. My rights are reserved in that regard.”

Meanwhile, Denktas said the petition Soyer filed was not for an investigation into him, but into a past Ergenekon-related attempt to overthrow him. A statement released yesterday by the Turkish Cypriot administration’s press office said: “There has been an ongoing investigation dubbed ‘Ergenekon’ in Turkey. As is well known, there has been an indictment prepared against the suspects as a result of this investigation under the Code on Criminal Procedure [CMK] of the Republic of Turkey. Excerpts from this indictment have also been printed in our domestic press, including allegations against UBP Chairman Dr. Dervis Eroglu and former President Rauf Denktas. Since these allegations are grave ones and since the public good calls for action, it is inevitable that an additional investigation also be launched under KKTC legislation.” When Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan was asked about the recent debate over some KKTC leaders’ involvement in Ergenekon, he said: “If there is anything in the legal process that is connected to Cyprus, then the judiciary would take necessary steps. Our desire is for an illumination of the whole issue. Nothing should remain in the dark.”

20.21. The columnist of Afrika, Turgut Afsaroglu wrote under the title “Ankara wants whom?” the following on 12.4.2010”:

                “It has been announced that our number of electors are more than 164,000 now. I wonder how many of them are Cypriot and how many Turkish? Is there anyone who knows it? In the 1976 elections the number of our electors was about 76,000. Have our fertility gone up, or what? In a country where the fertility rate is 5 in per thousand, normally we could catch this number in 200 years, but we reached at it in 34 years. Let God have more... Don’t have an eye on that.

                                                               ***

                Denktas did not say this in vain in 2000 elections: “In the TRNC, the person whom Turkey wants is elected as President. In the 2005 elections, Turkey wanted Talat, that’s why he was elected. Since Turkey did not want Denktas, he could not be even a candidate. Well... In the 2010 elections, whom does Turkey, better to say Ankara, much better to say Recep Tayyip Erdogan want to be elected? First time in these elections, it is not known whom Turkey wants to get elected.

                                                               ***

                Talat says: “I am in the Ankara’s heart.” Eroglu says:”Ankara did not tell me not to be a candidate.” Ertugruloglu says: “I put my candidacy since Abdullah Gul told me to do so.”

                                                               ***

                (.....)

                We know... Ankara can influence at least 100,000 of the 164,000 electors. If Ankara wants, even a single Turkish Cypriot could not be elected to any post. We have learned this by living... The one who wins in this contest, cannot go outside what Ankara says. Noone can win this contest, if Ankara does not want... “

21. RESULTS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 19 APRIL 2010

The TRNC Supreme Electoral Board statement announced the official results on 21 April 2010 as follows:

Total Electors: 164.072
Electors casting votes: 125.294
Voter turnout: 76.37 percent.

Candidate                 Total Vote       Percent

Dervis Eroglu             61,422           50.35
Mehmet Ali Talat        52,294           42.87

Tahsin Ertugruloglu      4,647             3.81
Zeki Besiktepeli           1,967             1.61

M. Kemal Tumkan         964             0.79
Arif Salih Kirdag             520            0.43
Ayhan Kaymak              168             0.14

38,778 electors did not turn out and there were 3,312 invalid votes. The most invalid votes were casted in Morfou area and the less in Nicosia.
Moreover, the highest “voter turnout” was observed in Famagusta, while the lowest in Kyrenia.

21. 1. The columnist, Ali Osman, wrote in Afrika on 19.4.2010 the following:

                “Tayyip Erdogan’s last night meddling on the Kanal 24 TV was not sincere in my opinion. The events turn out to be as expected. There was an interest in nationalism. Talat, too, received votes from those regions, but he could not prove enough his nationalism to them. Otherwise they could bring him out of the polls instead of Eroglu.

                They had to find someone like Eroglu, who could make the other side to run from the table. In my opinion, it was a show-off to be on the Kanal 24 TV and behave as if he is intervening to the matter… It had a meaning that “I have done everything, but again Eroglu won.”

21.2. THOSE WHO LOST THIS TIME WITH THE SETTLERS’ VOTES STARTED TO CRITIZE THEM

21.2.1. The chairman of the CTP-BG, Ferdi Sabit Soyer told that the citizens who had Turkish origin changed the direction of the elections. Soyer said that they would continue their struggle for a solution and peace.” (Yeni Duzen, 19.4.2010)

21.2.2. The Chairman of the BKP, Izzet Izcan, told the citizens with a Turkish origin have settled this work of elections. Izcan said that Eroglu won the Presidency with the votes of those in Famagusta and Trikomo. If the promises of the EU and international circles would be kept, the result would be different.” Izcan also accused the Geek Cypriots that Talat lost the election by rejecting to issue a common statement on a solution and peace.” (Yeni Duzen, 19.4.2010)

21.2.3. The columnist of Halkin Sesi, Hasan Kahvecioglu, wrote on 20.4.2010 under the title “Is Erdogan the real target? Did he or we lose?” the following:

                “If we compare with the 2005 presidential elections, one can see that Talat did not have very great losses, but Mr.Dervis have increased his votes in many places two or even three fold...This means that those, who orginate from Turkey and concentrate in Karpasia and Famagusta, did not go to a “different” place. They stayed in the right line and followed Mr.Dervis. Besides Erdogan’s tender, silent and hesitant “signals”. In fact, some deep state journalists could not help, but utter words like “In fact Erdogan lost”, shows where the revenge scenarios root in Turkey...”

21.2.4. The columnist of Havadis, Levent Ozadam, wrote on 21.4.2010 under the title “They could not read the electors originating from Turkey rightly!” the following:

                “Those people who say that the AKP did not interfere to the presidential elections deceive only themselves. The meddling was done as much as possible, but in a way it reacted! The election result which ended with a small difference approves this.

                The brain team of the AKP established a base in the TRNC and it used the Ankara government extensively. But when they made some tactical faults, they could not influence the election results and the fate of the elections could not be changed. ..The majority of our people, who originate from Turkey and live in the TRNC stand a little bit cold to the AKP and they reacted. But there are other factors other than these meddlings, which could be put forward and discussed. Those people, who supported Talat should make self-criticism.”

21.2.5. Turkish Cypriot weekly Yenicag newspaper, in its front page under the banner headline “Congratulations to the new postman!” reported on 23.4.2010 on the New Cyprus Party (YKP) executive committee's assessment on the so-called presidential election results.

The members of YKP’s executive committee Murat Kanatli, Alpay Durduran and Erdinc Selasiye held yesterday a press conference to outline their assessment on the “election” results. Mr Kanatli, inter alia, said that the number of voters in 2010, which were 164,072, has increased by 216% compared to the number of voters in 1976 when this number was 75,824. Noting that Turkey s in the “election” process in different ways, Mr Kanatli said that several circles have repeatedly made complaints regarding the behaviour of media organizations and added: “Besides that, we have our concerns and we will continue our struggle to improve this”.

Mr Kanatli added that despite all the pressure and manipulation, voter turnout in the “election” was only 76% which he described a failure for the regime. He said this was a remarkable reaction against the regime considering that a significant percentage of voters did not cast a ballot as conscientious objectors. He noted that the reaction of the people becomes more obvious when we take into consideration the fact that the turnout in the “elections” one year ago was 81%. Finally, he said that if you take into account the structure of the electorate then it is easily understood that this reaction was more prevalent among Turkish Cypriots.”

21.2.6. The G/C weekly newspaper Kathimerini reported on 25 April 2010 an interview with a close associate friend of Talat without giving his name. He said that one of the reasons of Talat’s failure in the presidential election was Christophias’ acceptance of only 50,000 Turkish settlers, who would stay in Cyprus after the solution. The Turkish settlers’ interpretation was that Talat sold them out. This was exploited by Eroglu’s propaganda machine accordingly. Although they voted “yes” in the referendum in 2004, they are not accepted by their President. So it was natural that they will not vote for Talat anymore.”  (Kibris, 26.4.2010)

22.3. THE PROBLEM OF NEW CITIZENSHIPS

22.3.1. Under the title “Congestion for the citizenship”, Turkish Cypriot daily Yeni Duzen newspaper reported on 28.4.2010 that the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the TRNC experienced a raid yesterday ago by people who wanted to file an application in order to acquire the citizenship of the TRNC. The paper wrote that the length of the lines created by those who were waiting to file an application did not decrease all day long. The director of Ministry of Interior, Adnan Altan told Yeni Duzen that congestion existed yesterday but the citizenship was not given to every applicant. He reminded that according to the law, persons who have completed five years of work with a working permit and persons who have permanent working permit for ten years have the right to apply for permanent residence in the TRNC. He noted that these persons have the right to file an application but the citizenship is not given to everyone who applies for it.  The paper reminds that in February, Ilkay Kamil, the Minister of Internal Affairs, had stated at the assembly that his government gave the TRNC citizenship to 1020 persons in ten months and alleged that no one acquired the citizenship illegally. The paper wrote that yesterday was the last day for filing such applications because the bans for the municipality elections started as of today. Therefore the congestion which existed at the above-mentioned department forced the employees to work overtime.

22.3.2. Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper reported on 29.4.2010 that the population of the TRNC increased by 8 thousand people in a year, according to a survey carried out by theState Planning Organization (DPO). The head of the statistics and research department of DPO, Mr Guner Mukellef, in a press conference yesterday, announced the “Results of Household Labour force 2009 survey”. According to these results, unemployment which was 9.8% in 2008 increased to 12.4% in 2009. Unemployment among the young people increased from 24.7% in 2008 to 31.4% in 2009.

Mr Mukellef said that while the civilian population in the TRNC, estimated in October 2008 to be 250.373 persons, increased to 258.441 persons in October 2009. The increase amounted to 8.068 persons.

22.3.3. Under the title “Pressure for citizenship”, Turkish Cypriot daily Yeni Duzen newspaper reported on 29.4.2010 on its front page that the congestion which is created at the Ministry of Interior by people who sought to file an application for citizenship of the TRNC is due to the occupation government’s policy to accelerate granting citizenship before restrictions take effect regarding the election period for the local elections on 27th June.

According to the paper, some bureaucrats at the Ministry of Health are exerting pressure on doctors at the hospital to issue health reports to citizenship applicants. The Chairman of the Turkish Cypriot Trade Union of Doctors, Mr Erol Seherlioglu, made these complaints to Yeni Duzen newspaper. He also added that these citizenship applicants are threatening the hospital personnel.

 22.3.4. Under the title “Congestion for the citizenship”, Turkish Cypriot daily Yeni Duzen newspaper (28.04.10) reported that the Ministry of Internal Affairs “experienced a raid” yesterday by people, who wanted to file an application in order to acquire the citizenship of the TRNC. The paper wrote that the length of the lines created by those who were waiting to file an application did not decrease all day long.

The director of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Adnan Altan, told Yeni Duzen that congestion existed yesterday, but the citizenship was not given to every applicant. He reminded that according to the law, persons, who have completed five years of work with a working permit and the persons, who have permanent working permit for ten years have the right to apply for permanent residence in the TRNC. He noted that these persons have the right to file an application, but the citizenship is not given to everyone who applies for it.

The paper reminded that in February, Ilkay Kamil, the Minister of Internal Affairs, had stated at the assembly that his government gave the citizenship of the TRNC to 1020 persons in ten months and alleged that no one acquired the citizenship illegally.

The paper writes that yesterday was the last day for filing such applications because the bans for the municipality elections started as of 28.4. Therefore the congestion which existed at the above-mentioned department forced the employees to work overtime.

22.3.5. Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper (29.04.10), on its front page and under the title “Youth unemployment shot up to 31.4%; the population increased by 8 thousand people in a year”, reported on a survey, carried out by the State Planning Organization (DPO). The head of the statistics and research department of DPO, Mr Guner Mukellef, in a press conference yesterday, announced the “Results of Household Labour force 2009 survey”.

According to these results, unemployment which was 9.8% in 2008 increased to 12.4% in 2009. Unemployment among the young people increased from 24.7% in 2008 to 31.4% in 2009. Mr Mukellef said that while the civilian population in the occupied areas of the Republic of Cyprus estimated in October 2008 to be 250.373 persons increased to 258.441 persons in October 2009. The increase amounted to 8.068 persons.

22.3.6. Under the title “Pressure for citizenship”, Yeni Duzen, reported on 29.4.2010 on its front page that the congestion which is created at the Ministry of the Internal Affairs by people who sought to file an application for citizenship of the TRNC was due to the TRNC government’s policy to accelerate granting citizenship before the restrictions take effect regarding the election period for the local elections on 27th June.  According to the paper, some bureaucrats at the Ministry of Health were exerting pressure on doctors at the hospital to issue health reports to citizenship applicants. The Chairman of the Turkish Cypriot Trade Union of Government Doctors, Dr. Erol Seherlioglu, made these complaints to Yeni Duzen newspaper. He also added that these citizenship applicants were threatening the hospital personnel.

22.3.7. The Secretary-General of the BKP, Izzet Izcan evaluated with his party’s Council the election results. Izcan said that the Turkish Cypriots have turned into a minority in their own country and their will has been grasped away as it was seen once again by the election results.” (Yeni Duzen, 29.4.2010)

22.3.8. Yeni Duzen newspaper reported on 1.5.2010 that a delegation of the United Cyprus Party (BKP) headed by its General Secretary, Izzet Izcan visited the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) on Friday. Mr Izcan said that the aim of their visit was to discuss the municipality elections and to inform the CTP that they are ready for cooperation among the supporters of the solution in Cyprus. Mr Izcan criticized the policy followed by the National Unity Party (UBP) on the issue of the population and added that that they were worried about the fact that the UBP distributes the TRNC citizenship with the intention to benefit in the elections. Mr Izcan noted that they will refer to this issue during the conference on Cyprus which the European Left Group will organize on May 5 at the European Parliament.

Moreover, Ferdi Sabit Soyer, chairman of the CTP, also criticized the fact that the UBP distributes the citizenship of the TRNC before the elections and alleged that this could cause worries for the future and division among the people who live in the TRNC. He claimed that especially the recent developments showed the realities and that the “artificial alliances established for the continuation of the non-solution in Cyprus”, as he described the support of the Democratic Party to Dervis Eroglu during the presidential elections, were meaningless. Referring to the statement by Serdar Denktas, leader of the Democratic Party (DP), that he could not sign the letter sent by the Turkish Cypriot leader Eroglu to the UN Secretary-General right after his election, Mr Soyer alleged that “this kind of artificial alliances could serve no other purpose than creating more crises in the society”.

22.3.9. Under the title “1,500 persons became citizens within a year”, Halkin Sesi published on 4.5.2010 the statements made by the mp of the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) in Nicosia, Kadri Fellahoglu on the citizenship granted to settlers by the National Unity Party (UBP).

Speaking on the program “Morning Mail with Can Servan”, Mr Fellahoglu estimated that 1,500 persons became TRNC citizens during the last year. Noting that responding to a question submitted in writing two months ago by the CTP mp, Ozkan Yorgancioglu, the “Ministry of Internal Affairs answered that 1.062 persons have been granted the TRNC citizenship, Mr Fellahoglu said that during the last period the Migration Department worked until late and therefore the number of the persons who took the citizenship could have increased to 1.500.

22.3.10. Under the title “A necessity the carrying out of a population census”, Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper  reported on 6.5.2010 on an address made on Monday in Brussels by the General Secretary of the United Cyprus Party (BKP), Izzet Izcan, on the “Latest developments on the Cyprus problem”.

Speaking at a panel organized by the leftist group in the European Parliament, Mr Izcan referred on Cyprus and the outcome of the latest presidential elections, the impact of the negotiations process and the population issue in the TRNC. Asking for the carrying out of a population census in the TRNC, which will be monitored by international observers, Mr Izcan said that the population in the northern part of Cyprus has increased in a form, which is in a contradiction to the Geneva Convention. The transfer of settlers in the occupied Northern Cyprus has caused the population of the Turkish Cypriot community to decrease and in a future election procedure the genuine will of the Turkish Cypriots will not be able to be expressed.

Referring to the outcome of the latest presidential elections in the TRNC, Izzet Izcan said that the outcome of the procedure was determined by the votes of those living in Famagusta and Karpass peninsula, which are of a Turkish origin. “Mehmet Ali Talat would have won the elections if the votes of the TRNC citizens who are of a Turkish origin would cast, because these persons have expressed a different will than those of the Turkish Cypriots,” he said.

Mr Izcan also stated that his party is in favour of the continuation of the negotiations in Cyprus which aim to find a solution to the problem and added that the aim of BKP is for the population of Cyprus once again to live together on the basis of an effective and honourable agreement.

22.3.11. Under the above title “One thousand and 500 persons were made citizens in one night”, the Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper  reported on 7 May 2010 that tension was created one day ago at the TRNC assembly between Ilkay Kamil, Minister of Internal Affairs and Local Administrations and Abbas Sinay, the MP with the Republican Turkish Party (CTP), when the latter brought onto the agenda the issue of granting the TRNC citizenship to 1500 persons before the beginning of the election bans. Mr Sinay accused the UBP government of granting the citizenship to 1500 persons including some students in order for them paying lower fees. He said that in this case all students should be declared as citizens of the TRNC. Mr Sinay said that the government was guilty because it granted the citizenship to 1500 persons in one night.

Responding to Mr Sinay, Mr Kamil said that the National Unity Party’s (UBP) government granted the citizenship to 1.139 persons until 30 April 2010. He noted that 900 persons were given the citizenship because of marriage with other citizens, 48 after a proposal by the Ministry and 81 persons because they are children from marriages with TRNC citizens.

Referring to the same issue, Mustafa Emiroglulari, the MP with the Communal Democracy Party (TDP), criticized Mr Kamil and noted that even students and persons who were painting Turkish Cypriot leader Eroglu’s house were granted the TRNC citizenship.

22.3.12. Turkish Cypriot daily Havadis newspaper  reported on 7.5.2010 that Izzet Izcan, the General Secretary of the United Cyprus Party (BKP), told that the change of the demographic structure in the Northern part of Cyprus through the distribution of the citizenship of the TRNC, has become a bleeding wound within the Turkish Cypriot community. Mr Izcan, who was visiting Brussels, noted that the Cyprus High Level Contact Group of the European Parliament would visit the island in June in order to follow the developments closely. He stated that he brought the issue of the change of the demographic structure of the TRNC onto the agenda of the European Parliament (EP) and asked for a population census to be held under the observation of an international committee.
Within the framework of his contacts, Mr Izcan met with Spanish MEP Willy Meyer, vice president of EP’s High Level Contact Group for Cyprus, and discussed with him the elections held in the TRNC on 18 April 2010 and the negotiating process.

23. CAMPAIGN BEFORE THE LOCAL ELECTIONS

23.1. President Talat told during a visit to the village of Ayios Antronikos (Yesilkoy) that he will be finishing the elections in the first round and sending a strong message of peace and solution to the world. Talat was accompanied by the Vice-Chairman of the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP), Trikomo (Iskele) District Chairman and member of the Central Executive Committee of ORP and the Chairman of the Solidarity Association of the Turkish Refugees, Enver Dincoglu. Talat stated: “They say that our citizens, who are originating from Turkey will be sent to Turkey. This is a mere lie. Without any discrimination, everyone will be the citizen of the new state. (Kibris, 8.4.2010)

23.2. The five associations of those from Hatay, living in the TRNC, stated that they will be near the one, who applaused the TRNC. Presidential Candidate and the Prime Minister, Dervis Eroglu got another support from the citizens, who are born or their parents are born in Hatay and who live in the TRNC. The Cultural and Solidarity Association of those from Hatay, The Integration and Aid Association of those from Hatay, The Culture and Solidarity Association of those from the city of civilizations, Antakya, The Culture and Solidarity Association of those from Hatay and the Union of Students from Hatay stated that they will all support the UBP candidate Dervis Eroglu in the Presidential Elections unconditionally and without getting directives from anyone.” (Kibris, 12.4.2010)

23.3. TURKISH SETTLERS ORGANIZED THEMSELVES IN ASSOCIATIONS

After 1974, some Turkish soldiers were given the option to settle in Cyprus with their families. They first formed the Victorious Veterans’ Association of the Turkish Peace Forces. Later when the number of settlers grew, they formed The Aid and Solidarity Association of the Turkish Refugees. We saw in the course of later years, the formation of various so-called cultural associations, which are called after the name of the original birth place of the Turkish settlers, who came from Anatolia to live in the occupied northern part of Cyprus. Thus there are at the moment the following settlers’ associations:

1. TRNC Black Sea Cultural Association

2. Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Gaziantep

3. Cultural and Integration Association of Persons from Adana

4. TRNC Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Konya

5. TRNC Cultural Association of Persons from Malatya

6. Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Cukurova

7. Aid and Solidarity Association of Persons from Erzurum

8. Educational and Cultural Foundation of Persons from Denizli

9. Association of Persons from Mardin

10. Association of Persons from the Region of the Southeast Anatolian Project (GAP)

Those coming from Hatay (Alexandretta) province were first organized in one association, but later they split into eight different associations, which support different interest groups, living mainly in Nicosia. The total number of the settlers from Hatay is estimated between 30,000 and 35,000 in 2007:

11. Integration and Aid Association of Persons from Hatay

12. Brotherhood and Solidarity Association of Person from White Hatay (Mainly settled in Famagusta)

13. Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Hatay

14. Solidarity Association of Persons from Pure Hatay

15. Culture and Solidarity Association of Persons from Reyhan

16. Culture and Solidarity Association of Persons from the city of civilizations, Antakya

17. Union of Students from Hatay

18. Association for Innovators from Hatay.

19. There is also a Cultural and Aid Association of the Turks from Bulgaria, which represents about 1,600 persons.

There are also two associations of the Alevites:

20. Association for the Research and Propaganda of the Culture of Hadji Bektash-i Veli

21. Pir Sultan Abdal Cultural Association

Some of the construction workers also organized themselves

22. Solidarity Association of the Construction Labourers

23.4. Talat visited the quarters within the walls of Nicosia and talked with the shopkeepers and with the citizens of Turkish origin in the coffee-houses. Talat asked them not to believe the allegations about the TRNC citizens with Turkish origin: “They go around and say that “If Talat is elected, he will send you back to Turkey.” These are all lies. I have never put you on a bargain and I will not do either. I never made any differentiation between TRNC citizens of Cypriot origin and Turkish origin... President Talat visited during this visit the Election Office of the Culture and Solidarity Association of those from Reyhan and said that the citizens originating from Turkey cannot use many benefits, but with the solution they will be able to use all the possibilities equally like the other citizens with Cypriot origin. The President of the Culture and Solidarity Association of persons from Reyhan, Mehmet Celik, appealed to all theTRNC citizens with Turkish origin to support President Talat and he said that they are behind Talat until the end. (Kibris, 12.4.2010)  

23.5. Full support for Bulutoglulari from the Cultural Associations: The Associations of the settlers who came to Northern Cyprus from Gaziantep, Konya and Cukurova declared that they will give full support to Cemal Bulutoglulari, the UBP candidate for the Turkish Cypriot Mayor of Nicosia.” (Volkan, 14.6.2010)

23.6. The President of the Turkish Settlers Aid and Solidarity Association, Enver Dincoglu, declared the names of the candidates, whom their members will support in the local elections. In his written statement, he said that they will support without looking to the political identity of those, who are successful and whom they think will be successful. (Kibris, 17.6.2010)

23.7. Famagusta Mayor and the CTP Candidate for Mayorship, Oktay Kayalp, told yesterday in the quarter of those from Antalya about his projects. (Halkin Sesi, 21.6.2010)

23.8. The new chairman of the Retired Officers’ Association, Alper Onel said that whatever one’s the place of birth is or whatever the political view one has, everyone should be in unity. All of the TRNC citizens need this unity and togetherness very much, especially in a period, when successive election processes took place.” (Volkan, 23.6.2010)

23.9. The Culture and Solidarity Association of persons from Gaziantep declared that they will give support to the candidates of UBP-DP cooperation in the local elections and to Resmiye Canaltay in the interim elections. (Volkan, 26.6.2010)

24. RESULTS OF THE LOCAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 27 JUNE 2010

This was the third election held in the last 14 months. The number of the electors for the local elections was 164.486. Voter turnout was 72%, highest being in Trikomo (79%) and lowest in Nicosia (65%).

In the local elections, 28 mayors, 268 municipality councellors, 148 village heads and 448 community councellors were elected. There was no election for 125 community councellors and for 91 community heads since there was enough number of candidates.

According to the Kibris newspaper (28.06.10) “There were not many changes in the municipalities and the mayors of the five big cities did not change.  Out of 28 municipalities

The National Unity Party (UBP) won 12 (lost 2),

the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) 8 (all of them re-elected),

the Democratic Party (DP) 5

and independent candidates 3.

The UBP preserved its mayors in Nicosia, Trikomo and Morfou, while the CTP reelected its mayors in Famagusta and Kyrenia.

25. INTERIM ELECTION

On the same day of the local elections, interim election was made for one seat of the Famagusta district in the Parliament, which was left empty, after Mr.Dervis Eroglu was elected as the President of the TRNC. There were five candidates and Huseyin Angolemli (TDP) won this seat by having only two more votes than the UBP candidate, Resmiye Canaltay, who is the daughter of Dervis Eroglu. 

Huseyin Angolemli (TDP)             11,929- 2 votes more                   

Resmiye Canaltay (UBP)              11,927

Dursun Oguz (ORP)                       5,395

Nushet İlktug (Independent)               978

Ata Tepe (MAP)                               714

25.1. After the interim election, the composition of the TRNC parliament is as follows:

Name of the Party                                                   Seats

National Unity Party (UBP)                                         24

Republican Turkish Party-United Forces                      15

Democratic Party (DP)                                                  4

Communal Democracy Party (TDP)                               3

Freedom and Reform Party (ORP)                                 2

Independent    Deputies                                                  2

25.2. One of the independent Deputies at the moment is Ejder Aslanbaba, who was born in Turkey and is both TRNC and Turkish citizen, was elected in the Trikomo (Iskele) district from the DP, but he resigned later from his party. The other one, Tahsin Ertugruloglu was originally elected in Nicosia from the UBP. When he decided to put his candidacy against Dervis Eroglu in the Presidential Elections, he was excluded from the UBP.

25.3. The UBP will be going to seek for a coalition partner in the coming months since this party does not have the majority vote in the assembly of the TRNC.

ANNEX I: POLITICAL PARTIES IN NORTHERN CYPRUS

Shortly after the division of the island in the wake of the Turkish invasion of 1974, the Turkish Cypriot administration tried to improve its institutions of self-government. Its efforts initially met with some success, especially as regards the formation of a legislative body.

In its current form this body has 50 members chosen through electoral contests occurring every 5 years. Political parties must obtain at least 5% of the total vote to gain entry to the legislature. Voters are able to choose candidates from different parties in five electoral districts, namely Nicosia (16 legislators), Famagusta (13 legislators), Kyrenia (9 legislators), Morphou (6 legislators), and Trikomo (6 legislators). The first elections in northern Cyprus took place in June 1976.

The main parliamentary political parties in northern Cyprus are the Republican Turkish Party-United Forces (CTP-BG), the National Unity Party (UBP), the Democratic Party (DP) and the Communal Democracy Party (TDP).

Founded in 1970 the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) is the oldest party in northern Cyprus and has a centre-left political orientation. It is a member of the Socialist International since 30 June 2008.  Its founding leader, Ahmed Mithat Berberoglu, was succeeded by Ozker Ozgur and later by Mehmet Ali Talat and Ferdi Sabit Soyer. The party has traditionally opposed the idea of partitioning Cyprus and is in favor of a negotiated solution that would follow the ideas included in the Annan Plan. 

The majority of RTP supporters are Turkish Cypriots although it has consistently, during the recent election campaigns, solicited the vote of the Turkish settlers. (NOTE: the Annan Plan essentially provides that at least 60,000 settlers will remain in Cyprus, which has made the plan attractive to those settlers who have been in Cyprus longer and are therefore eligible to remain under the Plan) Mehmet Ali Talat was reported during the 2003 campaign as saying that: “The human rights of the Greek Cypriots are not more important than the property rights of the mainland Turkish settlers in Cyprus,”(Press Summary of 25.8.03, published in Birlik 24.8.03)

In the Parliamentary elections of 20 January 2005 the CTP, in cooperation with the United Forces (CTP-BG) won 44.5 of the popular vote and 24 out of 50 seats and became the largest group in the TRNC Assembly. Its candidate, Mr.Talat, won the Presidential election of the TRNC in April 2005 with 55.8 % of the popular vote and was proclaimed as the new leader of the Turkish Cypriots by the US Administration. Mr.Soyer was elected as the President of the party, who was the Prime Minister from 2005 to 2009.  

The National Unity Party (UBP) was founded in 1975 by Rauf Denktash and others. Its current leader is Irsen Kucuk. In April 1994 the party incorporated the right-wing settler party of Orhan Ucok (the Homeland Party). The National Unity Party’s political agenda focuses on the concept that the current status quo in Cyprus is the best solution to the Problem, because it provides the best policy options for Turkey. The party opposes any solution that would deprive Turkey of its effective control of the island or that would mean that any of the Turkish settlers—on whose vote the party is largely dependent—would have to be repatriated. 

The Democratic Party (DP) is a right-wing party founded in 1992 as a breakaway faction of the National Unity Party that included Denktash’s younger son, Serdar. (Denktash has been supportive of his son’s party). The Democratic Party was joined later by the Social Democratic Party of Ergun Vehbi (originally founded by Raif Denktash—Rauf Denktash’s eldest son who died in a car accident in the late eighties). In 1992 the Democratic Party was joined by the main settler party of Ali Ozkan Altinisik (the Rebirth Party) hence gaining the largest settler following among all parties in northern Cyprus.

The Democratic Party supports the position that the solution of the Cyprus Problem must be based on the notion of two separate sovereign states. In August of 1994 together with the National Unity Party it voted against the idea of a federal solution to the Cyprus Problem, supporting instead Rauf Denktash’s call for a confederation. The Democratic Party has been traditionally opposed to Cyprus’ accession to the EU. Nevertheless, it has not rejected the Annan Plan outright, especially once the strong pro-Annan Plan and pro-Europe demonstrations of the Turkish Cypriots got underway in 2002-3.

The Communal Democracy Party (TDP) was formed in May 2007 with the merger of the Peace and Democracy Movement-BDH (founded under the leadership of Mustafa Akinci in June 2003 with an alliance of the several smaller political parties and trade-unions) and the Communal Liberation Party.

The party has no ideological platform other than the common desire to resolve the Cyprus Problem in accordance with the provisions of the Annan Plan. The Communal Democracy Party is predominantly a Turkish Cypriot-supported party. The People’s Party of Mr.Rasit Pertev, ex-advisor to Mr.Talat, joined the TDP just before the general elections of 2009.  The party leader is Mehmet Cakici.

The Freedom and Reform Party (ORP) was formed in 2006 by former MP’s from the UBP and DP in order to form a coalition government with the CTP-BG. The party leader is Turgay Avci who was the Mp Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs until the general elections of 2009.

All of the parties in northern Cyprus were and continue to be under the effective control of Ankara.

Only independent pro-reunification parties are the United Cyprus Party (Chairman: Izzet Izcan) which cooperated with the Jasmine Movement of the Afrika newspaper and the New Cyprus Party (Secretary for Foreign Relations: Alpay Durduran) which boycotted the general elections of 2009.

The last census which covered all the inhabitants of the island of Cyprus was made on 11 December 1960 and the number of the Turkish-Cypriots (T/Cs) was 104,320. Adding on this number, the 475 Moslem gypsies and other Moslems, it reached to 104,942. The total number of Christians was 473,265. (Census of Population and Agriculture 1960, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1962)

ESTIMATE IN 1973: 114,960

Because the T/Cs left the structure of the Cypriot state after the beginning of intercommunal clashes at the end of 1963, no census covering the T/Cs could be made. According to the study of the Canadian researcher, Richard A.Patrick, who served as an officer in the UNFICYP, "Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict 1963-1971", published in 1976, there were a total of 119,147 T/Cs living in the T/C settlements on the island. The population estimates of the G/C administration for the T/C in Cyprus put the number as 114,960.

THEIR POPULATION IN THE SUMMER OF 1974: 115,758

After the division of the island with the war of 1974, the following information was given in a report prepared by Mr.Ahmet Sami, the secretary-general of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Justice of the "Autonomous Turkish-Cypriot Administration", dating 20. October 1974:

“A total of 83,719 T/Cs live on the territory of the "Autonomous Turkish-Cypriot Administration". There were 32,039 T/Cs left in the south. Appr. 10 thousand of them are in the SBA, 4,200 in Limassol and in its villages, 12,000 in Paphos district, 2,630 in the Larnaca district, 3,209 in the villages of Nicosia district. It was stated in the same report that until 19 October 1974, about 12,000 T/Cs moved to the north with their own possibilities.”

According to the information given above, there were 71,719 T/Cs living in the northern part, 44,039 T/Cs in the southern part of the partition-line drawn after the war, making a total T/C population of 115,758.

THOSE BROUGHT FIRST FROM TURKEY

According to a news-item, published in the Zaman newspaper of 9. August 1977, Mr.Hakki Atun, the Minister for Settlement and rehabilitation of the "Federated State of the Turkish Cypriots", declared that 20,934 families, i.e. 83,650 T/Cs were settled in the north in the three years between 1974 and 1977. As the number of the T/Cs coming from the south were 44,039, the remaining 39,611 persons were those settlers brought from Turkey.

As it is well-known, the Turkish settlers were brought from Anatolia for the first time in October 1974 with the pretext that "they would work in the hotels and gardens left by the G/Cs", but later this practice was widened in January 1975 as the families of the martyrs fell in the war of 1974 were also settled in the north, continued with giving houses and plots of land to those who wished to settle in Cyprus.

The Zaman newspaper of 10 June 1976 reported Mr.Denktash, saying the following during an election speech: "Those, who opposed us, were exploiting the plight of the people. It was a matter of out-rooting and settling about 80 thousand people. This magnificent mission was done by human beings, they could make some mistakes." Mr.Denktash was making politics with the number of 80,000 by adding the number of Turkish settlers to the official 44,039 resettled T/Cs.

47,186 MAINLAND TURKISH SETTLERS AT THE END OF 1983

In the draft "Second Five-Year Development Plan", prepared by the State Planning Bureau, published in September 1983, it was stated that 91,225 persons were re-settled between 1974 and 1982 on the territory of the "Federated State of the Turkish Cypriots". As the number of the T/C refugees coming from the south was 44,039, the number of the Turkish citizens, settled in Northern Cyprus can be put as 47,186. It is interesting that there has been no official statement on this matter until now.

WHY THE POPULATION STATISTICS WERE NOT PUBLISHED?

The population of the T/Cs were 104,942 in 1960 and 115,758 in 1974. The number of the T/Cs covered also the mainland Turkish settlers, starting from July 1974. The population reached to 173,224 when a census was made on 26.5.1990 for determining the number of the voters before the general election. The head of the regime in Northern Cyprus, Mr.Rauf Denktash, answered the reporters the reason why the population statistics were not disclosed: "If we disclose them, they will know who came from where!" (Yeni Düzen, 23. July 1993)

EUROPEAN COUNCIL ASKED FOR A CENSUS

The Spanish MP Alfons Cuco, the rapporteur of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Demography of the European Council prepared a report on the "Structure of the Cypriot Communities" dated 27. April 1992, which was discussed by the Parliamentary Assembly of the European Council. The Assembly adopted a resolution No.1197 on 7 October 1992 which recommended that the Committee of Ministers instruct the European Population Committee to conduct a census of the islands' population, in cooperation with the authorities concerned, in order to replace population estimates with reliable data. The authorities of the Republic of Cyprus and the T/C Administration were requested to keep the arrival of aliens on the island under strict control. Turkey was invited to register in its Cyprus Consulate all Turkish citizens residing and arriving in Cyprus.

It is unfortunate that since then no census was conducted in the north of the island under the observation of international organizations and the number of mainland Turkish settlers or the number of those Turkish citizens living illegally could not be determined.

 

HOW RELIABLE IS THE FIRST OFFICIAL CENSUS?

The results of the first official census, made by the T/C authorities on 15.December 1996 and was evaluated at the State Institute of Statistics in Ankara, were made public first after two years. According to this data, the de facto population was 200,587 and the de jure population was 188,662.

The difference between the two was explained by Mr.Ahmet Bulunç, Adviser of the State Planning Bureau, who made public the results, that 11,925 persons declared on the day of the census that their permanent place of residence were outside the TRNC.                   

The other demographical structure was given as follows:

Total population................. 200,857      %100

Citizen of the TRNC .......... 164,460       % 82

    Born in the TRNC.......... 137,398

    Born in Turkey ..............  23,924

    Born in a 3rd country.....     3,138

Citizen of Turkey...............   30,702        %15

     Student ........................     8,287           

     Employed....................    12,922

     Unemployed................      1,327

     Other (private business,

     pensioner etc.)...............    8,166

Citizen of a 3rd country.....     5,425         % 3

The number of the Greek-Cypriots living in the north was 384 and the Cypriot-Maronites 173.

As it can be seen from the above numbers, there is no statement about the number of those children born in the TRNC by the Turkish parents. There is no mention of the number of the appr. 35,000 soldiers of the Turkish Army in Cyprus, nor of their dependents. There are about 25 or 30 thousand illegal workers which should make the number of the de facto population much higher.

According to the information given by some authorities, who want to remain undisclosed, appr. 46 thousand people were given citizenship since 1974 and 20-25 thousand of them do not live permanently in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 31.1.1998) Famous politicians and parliamentarians were included among those. (Ortam, 17.19.1996)

Mr.Kenan Akin, who originates from mainland Turkey and was the Minister of Agriculture and Forestry of the TRNC, disclosed that there were 60 thousand mainland settlers in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 6.6.1998)

"40% OF THE POPULATION IS FROM THE MAINLAND"

The idea of re-establishing a political party like the "Re-Birth Party" of the mainland Turkish settlers which amalgamated with the Democrat Party in 1992, emerged after the lost of votes on the general elections made on 6. December 1998 and those, who were angry, published an advertisement of protest in the press which said "The 40% of the population (Kibris, 15. December), nearly one third of the wider range of the population were divided cunningly and their just and balanced representation in the parliament was obstructed. (Hürriyet-Kibris, 22.December 1998)

As it can be seen, the number of those, originating from the mainland Turkey, in the population of the TRNC, differs between 60 and 80 thousand and this number reaches over 100 thousand with the illegal workers.

IMMIGRATION STATISTICS OF THE TRNC

Below you will find the list of the passengers arriving at and departing from the TRNC through the air- and sea-ports, according to the years and citizenships. The number of the mainland Turkish settlers in the north is 100,000. As those born in Turkey and their children are later given the citizenship of the TRNC and they are included under the title of "TRNC citizens", it is difficult to know who are really of T/C origin.

                             ARRIVALS                                                  DEPARTURES

Year   TRNC      Turkey      Other          Total          TRNC       Turkey        Other         Total   

         

1974       5,098       5,573       1,022        11,693           6,093         4,193           804     11,090

1975    13,635      73,831       6,577        94,043        29,842        51,465        5,943      87,250

1976    30,764      83,440       4,552      118,756        31,454        80,347       4,985      116,786

1977    33,570   108,016        5,113      146,699        34,540        97,142        5,377      137,059

1978    35,449   104,738        8,177      148,364        36,410       103,108       7,802     147,320

1979    47,839     95,095      13,286     156,220         46,858         92,956     12,619     152,433

1980   51,204      69,810      14,793     135,807         53,135        68,727      14,082     135,944

1981   52,933     62,812      15,471     131,216          52,371        44,912      15,512     112,795

1982   49,870     62,058      22,811     134,739          51,764        66,172       22,631     140,567

1983   58,908     78,467      20,467     157,842          60,660        76,386       20,300     157,346

1984   57,929      93,913     18,925     170,767          56,763        90,403       19,511     166,677

1985   53,860    103,791     21,284     178,935          54,599       102,754       21,049    178,402

1986   55,076    105,729     25,763     186,568          55,788       105,492       25,603    186,883

1987   59,602    149,394     36,448     245,444          60,954       149,980       36,995     247,929

1988   60,178    173,351     56,050     289,579          62,243       169,501       53,966     285,710

1989   68,583    214,566     59,507     342,656          68,212       209,837       58,562     336,611

1990   74,681    243,269     57,541     375,491          73,771       241,764       57,615     373,150

1991   66,012    179,379     40,858     286,249          66,627       178,770       40,502     285,899

1992   78,466    210,178     57,440     346,084          80,304       209,045       57,380    346,729

1993   93,669    281,370     77,943     452,982          97,702       281,160       78,876    457,738

1994 109,787    256,549     95,079     461,415        113,012       252,813        94,514    460,339

1995 134,374   298,026     87,733     520,133         136,803      291,058       87,214      515,075

1996 133,072   289,131     75,985     498,188         135,079      286,691       75,337     497,107 

1997 138,109   326,364     73,000     537,473         138,884      321,208        71,853     531,945 

___________________________________________________________________________

      1,562,868  3,668,850 895,825  6,127,343     1,603,868    3,575,884      889,032  6,068,784

===================================================================

Summary:

As of the beginning of 1998 

Departing TRNC citizens                                             41,000                              

Remaining Turkish citizens in the TRNC                                           92,966

Remaining other citizens in the TRNC                                                                  6,793

As seen above, 41 thousand persons left the north of the island in the last 23 years and about 100 thousand persons, 93,000 being citizens of Turkey, remained there. If the number of 11,765 university students (10,349 from Turkey, 1,416 from other countries like Pakistan, Sudan, Jordan, Palestine etc.) are reducted from this (Kibris, 12.11.1998), there were at the end of 1998, a total of 87,994 aliens in the TRNC, 82,617 citizens from mainland Turkey and 5,377 citizens of the third countries.

Covered in the departing 41,000 persons are those Turkish citizens who were given the citizenship of the TRNC and those having higher education in Turkey and other countries during the school-year 1997-98 (Statistical Yearbook 1997 of the State Planning Bureau of the Prime Ministry of the TRNC, p.90) If those who are abroad on a travel for touristic and other purposes are also counted, about 38,000 TRNC citizens have already emmigrated from the island.

THE NUMBER OF THE T/C'S ARE NOT KNOWN

The number of the Cypriot-born TRNC citizens, 137,398, does not indicate the actual number of the original T/C's in the TRNC, because it covers the children of the mainland Turkish settlers.

The G/C newspaper Fileleftheros stated in a news-item titled "Revelation: Turks reached 25% of the population. Colonization speeds up and change its dimension" that although all of them have not been given the citizenship of the TRNC, the number of those mainland Turks reached 120,000. There are clear signs that Ankara speeded up the plots of changing the demographical structure radically, both in quantity and in quality.

Fileleftheros, relying on the information collected and evaluated through various channels, alleged that "the number of the T/C's is not more than 86,800 at the end of 1998. This means that their proportion in the Cypriot population has dropped from 18% to 11%."

The newspaper continued: "The number of the colonists is already over 120,000 and is between 125 and 128 thousand. According to the Report of the Statistics Department, the emmigration wave of the T/C's continue and 54,000 of them have already emmigrated. The number of T/C's is only 88,200 at the end of December 1997. Instead of increase, they decreased in number." (extracted in Halkin Sesi, 1.3.1999)

CONCLUSION

In the last 25 years since 1974, the T/C's have become more a minority in their own country, as the 37% northern part of the island is being kept under the occupation and the control of the Turkish Armed Forces. The demographical structure there has been changed in an important scale. The approximately 160 thousand G/C's who used to live on this territory before 1974 and who were displaced to the south of the partition line after the Turkish invasion, are not allowed to return. Whereas, the legal status of an occupational force on an occupied territory, its rights and responsibilities were arranged by international conventions and all of these are written one by one in the Regulations of Den Haag about the Ground Wars, dated 18. October 1907 and the 4th Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civil Persons during the Times of War, dated 12. August 1949. These conventions regulate how the occupational forces would behave according to the international law, when an occupation of a territory was made according to the international law.

Since 1974, the mainland Turkish settlers were first tried to be kept secret as "seasonal workers", today they have a say as the future of the T/C's are being determined as the T/C's are made a minority in the total population of the territory, which is kept under the occupation of the Turkish Armed Forces in the north of Cyprus. The settlers have become a social entity which plays an important role in the stalemate of the Cyprus problem.

(Translated into English by the author from his book "Kibris Nereye Gidiyor? (Quo Vadis Cyprus?)", published in Turkish, in Istanbul/Turkey, in June 2002, by the Everest Publishing House, pp.318-327. The article was originally published under the nickname "M.Sonuç" in "Kıbrıs'ta Sosyalist Gerçek" (Socialist Reality in Cyprus) journal, Issue No.42, July 1999)

Nowadays almost half of the world population lives in the countries, where the constitution and the structure of the state are federal. The socialist federalism implemented in the socialist countries, where the working class is in power (e.g. the USSR, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia) and the bourgeois federalism of the developed capitalist countries will not be dealt here.

Especially after the Second World War, the colonialist countries, Great Britain in the lead, practiced a new policy of federalism. In this new period of the capitalist general crisis, this federalisation of the colonies was realised by bringing federative elements into the constitution of those countries and by making detailed legal arrangements. Through this, the possibility of influencing the character, the structure and the form of the new states, which were about to become independent soon, emerged as an element of the new colonialism. The aim of this new strategy of the imperialist powers was to keep the old colonial territories under their sphere of influence as long as it was possible and to protect their economic and strategic interests under the specific conditions of each region.(W.G.Grafski-B.A.Straschun, Federalism in the developing countries of Asia and Africa, Moscow, 1968)

Great Britain, which was the country forming most of the federations in the colonial countries, depended on her experience in legal arrangements both in her dominions, Canada and Australia and in the USA. Great Britain, as Karl Marx stated, used the Roman principle of “divida et impera” for the extension of her sovereignty in India and created enmity among various nationalities, tribes and casts. The same policy was also used in all of the British colonies in Africa.

But in all former colonies there was a close relationship between the national resistance and the nationalities policy of the colonial country. The colonialists intensified their divisive policy of nationalities after the formation and the strengthening of the national liberation movements. Parallel to this practice, which was about to emerge in this period, when the imperialist colonial system started to crack down, the colonialists, as if they agreed beforehand, tried to make special arrangements in the colonial countries in the direction of federalism and autonomy. By doing this they tried to combine the national differen­ces in a great scale with the national contradictions, to weaken the anti-imperialist unity front and to keep their sovereignty in other forms through arrangements. As it will be remembered, this policy was tried to be practiced under “self-government” in Cyprus in 1948, but it gave no result, because of the ambition of the Greek Cypriots for enosis (Greek word for union-with Greece)

As stated above, the main weapon of the nationalities policy of the colonialists was the administrative and political separation. With the help of this, they managed to break off the centuries old political, economical, cultural and other relations between the communities or nationalities or deteriorated their development. In order to achieve national integration, the colonialists took no initiatives, on the contrary they practiced openly a destructive policy for the split of the national movement. They succeeded in changing the structure of the state into a federal one or realised the division of the minorities. They put the national prejudices to the fore and funned them. They managed to make the weak communities influ­ential in the ethnic composition of the colonial armies and they used them against the stronger ones. A typical example for this was seen in the anti-colonial struggle in Cyprus, where the police force from the Turkish-Cypriot community was used against the Greek-Cypriot resistance fighters.

The origin of the idea of having a federal constitution in Cyprus

In the 1950’s the British imperialism did not want to lose its last colony in the strategic region of Middle East, Cyprus. But later she preferred to withdraw itself to the territories of the two military base areas and decided to give the administration of Cyprus over to the Turkish and Greek-Cypriot communities.

The British law expert, Lord Radcliff, who partitioned India and left Pakistan apart, prepared the proposals for a new constitution for Cyprus in 1957 as Cyprus was then a colony. In Paragraph 28 of his re­port, he stated that there was no ethnic-regional division in Cyprus, which was a precondition for an arrangement of federal state in Cyprus. He wrote down his opinion that a federation of the Cypriot communities was a very difficult constitutional form. On the other hand, Lord Rad­cliff proposed a dual administration for the island. One, under the British governor, whose administration would be responsible for the Foreign Affairs, Defense and Internal Security and the other administra­tion would be autonomous, consisting of legislative assembly, executive and the judiciary.

In the plan of June 19, 1958, prepared by the British Premier Minis­ter MacMillan, it was gone further and Cyprus was about to be given for 7 years to the “tripartite administration” of the three NATO countries, Great Britain, Turkey and Greece. We have to stress yet another fact about the crux of the nationalities policy: C.M.Woodhouse, who worked as a successful agent in the British Intelligent Service, loyal to the conservative aristocracy, wrote in his Memoirs (London 1982) that Mac­Millan, who had been Foreign Minister before, had insisted on the mobilisation of the Turkish-Cypriots in order to neutralise the Greek-Cyp­riot agitations.

The Republic of Cyprus and its constitution

After the special meeting of the NATO Council of Ministers in Paris from 16th to 18th December 1958, the Premier Ministers of Great Britain, Turkey and Greece agreed on the foundation of an independent republic of Cyprus through the agreement signed in Zürich on February 11, 1959. The ideas of taksim (partition) and enosis (union with Greece), which were being advocated by the both sides respectively, were supposed to be abandoned. The separatist elements of the Macmillan plan were transferred to the new constitution. The three NATO countries, Great Britain, Turkey and Greece were the guarantors of the independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus through the signed agreement of Guaranty and Alliance. The British military bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia were put out of the territories of the Repub­lic of Cyprus and the British sovereignty was to continue in these re­gions for the protection of the imperialist interests. Thus the guarantor countries were protecting and developing their own interests on the island rather than the interests of the Republic of Cyprus.

Turkish Professor of Constitutional Law, Nihat Erim wrote in his memoirs: “While preparing the constitution of Cyprus in the summer of 1959, I told in one of my speeches that this Cyprus state, planned in Zürich and in London, was in reality a federation. This was a federation with specifics of its own.” He went further on, saying that the only necessary thing for the good functioning of this federation was the good will of the both sides. (Nihat Erim, Cyprus as much as I’ve known, I’ve seen, Ankara 1975, p.98-167)

The 1960 Constitution divided the administration between the Greek- Cypriots, who make the 80% of the islands population and the Turkish-Cypriots, who make the 20%. It forsaw the preservation of the 70:30 ratio in all of the executive organs and 60:40 ratio in the army. According to an evaluation by Prof.S.A.de Smith, the most complicated and detailed constitution of the world after the constitution of Kenya was prepared in Cyprus. As the rights of the communities were tried to be controlled through guarantees and limitations and to be balanced. Constitutionalism was parallel with communal egoism (Prof.S.A.de Smith, The Common­wealth and its constitutions, London 1964, p.285). Through long and complicated precautions, it was planned to avoid the misuse of the rights by the both sides, but an influential organisation of a state was not realized.

The constitution of the Republic of Cyprus was supposed to bring a federal state order, not through territorial separation, but through communal separation. Additional to the House of Representatives, comprising of 55 Greek- and 15 Turkish-Cypriots, there were Communal Chambers for each community, but their members were to be elected separately by their own communities. Thus they were representing in a way the executive of the regional administration in the classic federal system. But the Chambers did not have the rights for executive openly and this dual structure helped the strengthening of the separatist tendencies in the public service. (The problem of separate municipalities, proposed by the British in 1958, sew the first seeds of separation then.) In this situ­ation, the necessary institutional guarantees, requisite for intercom­munal cooperation were ignored and the federal relations were annihila­ted. (Carl J.Friedrich, “Dangers of Dualism:Cyprus” in Trends of Federa­lism in Theory and Practice, New York 1968)

The authors of the book called “Cyprus problem” emphasized the following: “This dual element, comprising of Turkish and Greek communities. Was under the foundation of the whole state life. This state of affairs went through the whole political and social mechanism, despite the monistic (unitary) structure of the state, into dualism. The unitary structure was placed on the reality of two separate communities and on very sensitive balances in the constitution. This point was clearer in the formation of the political institutions. The state mechanism with one constitution and the unitary structure with its characteristic of federal content was a typical proof of transformation into a federal administration in the future. (Murat Sarica, Erdogan Tezic, Özer Eskiyurt- Cyprus Problem, Istanbul 1975, p.22)

The conflict in 1965 and the Turkish thesis

The constitutional conflict started in the years of 1960-63 resulted in intercommunal clashes on December 21, 1963. Underground organisations on both sides caused bloody events. The Cyprus question was put again to the fore in the international arena. Dr. Galo Plaza, who was appointed by the Secretary-General of the UN as a mediator in order to find a solution to the problem, wrote in the Paragraph 97 of his Report of March 26, 1965 the following: “The Turkish-Cypriot community insists on a solution based on the geographical separation of the two communities under a federal system of government.”

Dr. Plaza went on by saying that the Republic of Turkey had the same opinion and stated in the Paragraph 150: “The establishment of a federal regime requires a territorial basis and this basis does not exist. The events since December 1963 have not basically altered this characteristic; even the enclaves, where numbers of Turkish-Cypriots concentrated following the troubles, are widely scattered over the island, while thousands of other Turkish- Cypriots have remained in the mixed villages.”

The federal form of government, proposed by the Turkish side, was in fact a proposal for the partition of the island (or with official wording, the geographical federation). Even the line of partition was proposed. (Plaza Report., Paragraph 154)

One of the architects of the Constitution of Cyprus, Prof. Nihat Erim wrote his above mentioned Memoirs that in the summer of 1959, as General Turgut Sunalp was in Cyprus for the preparations of the Turkish Army contingent to be stationed in Cyprus, he visited the island all over, mountains and plains with a car as he caught the possibility and pointed the necessary places on a map opened on his thighs. He also participated at the Third Tour of Negotiations on the Acheson Plan in Geneva. Mr. Acheson told Nihat Erim himself that the Pentagon is in need of such commanders as General Sunalp” (ibid, p.98 and 367)

Imperialist Conspiracy

The complicated structure of the I960 Constitution of Cyprus, which was prepared with a view of opposing the division of the island’s territory into two, did not satisfy both sides, because of their own reasons and caused a lot of difficulties in its implementation. The intercommunal talks for a new constitution for the Republic of Cyprus continued between the years 1968 and 1974 on the basis of a “unitary state”. But the sides could not reach to a solution. (For a detailed analysis of the agreed and disagreed points at the negotiations, Polyvios Polyviou, Cyprus in search of a constitution, Nicosia 1976)

After the coup, prepared against the President Archbishop Makarios the CIA through the hands of the Greek junta in June 1974 failed, the following military intervention of Turkey created the preconditions for the partition of the island, longed for a long time by the USA and the British imperialism. The bi-zonality, which was necessary for a federal solution was realised by the transfer of the Turkish- and Greek-Cypriot populations after the war. In other words, the two units of a federation were created de facto and the remaining question was to form an influential central government de jure.

Unitary and federal state

The Soviet scholar G.B.Strauschenko writes in his book “Nation and State in the newly liberated countries” that in those countries, where there is an effort to form a single nation out of the state people (Cyprus is not in such a period at the moment), the choice has to be mostly in favour of an “unitary state”, where a high degree of centralism governs and that this was the favourite form, chosen by most of the leaders on the African continent. Because, if in the existing state, a new single nation is to be formed after an appropriate process, a unitary structure of state is more suitable for those countries. (ibid, p.279)

Strauschenko, in his same book shows that if the national conflicts are sharp and it is impossible to protect the unity of the state, the most suitable form of state is federalism. The federal form of state, which was difficult to implement before 1974 in Cyprus, as we stated at the beginning of the article, seems to be the only form of state in the aftermath of 1974, where no solution was reached and this could secure the unity of the island of Cyprus and its people.

Federal and confederal state

As known, federal states are composed of more than one states or part of states (autonomous republic, canton or states). The constituent units, which form the federation, have their own legislative and executive organs and as a rule they have their own judiciary organs. On the other hand, unitary states are formed only by regional administrative units (regions, provinces, governments).

The difference between a federation and a confederation is that a confederation is a unity of states, which have their own organs, dealing with the general affairs, which are defined exactly. A decision, taken by the organs of a confederation, is valid after the signature of all the member states of the confederation or if a sufficient majority signs (Marxistisch-Leninistische allgemeine Theorie des Staates und Rechtes, Band 1., Berlin 1974)

Bourgeois federalism in the developing countries and some impor­tant principles

The bourgeois federalism practiced in the developing countries is more complicated than the unitary state and it needs a special effort for its implementation. There is a need for capable cadres in the state and administration. It is not only necessary that the federalism would cope with the realities in the country, not only in the practical and social fields, but also in the economical field. Therefore one has to be very careful. Because of the economical under-development and the extreme dependence on the imperialist countries, the state in the deve­loping countries has to play an influential role in the economy under the present conditions.

Although Karl Loewenstein, one of the bourgeois scholars, supports the idea that federalism has become obsolete in the 20th century and that economic planning is the DDT of federalism, in fact, it is only the pest of dualism that economic planning (the DDT) has killed. (Ramesh Dutta Dikshit, The political geography of federalism, New York 1975, p.6)

In federal states, state ownership in the important sectors of the economy requires the planning and the orientation of the important economic processes by the state; control and direction of the internal and external financial economy by the state, restriction of the foreign and private capital, bringing the economy of the private sector under influential state control, promotion of the agricultural production by the state and the erection of new property relations, es­pecially in the rural areas. In the developing countries, especially in most of the states in Africa, there are different social and political orientations and different levels of development. This should not be forgotten. For this reason, it is necessary to centralise the state and the political power strictly, which are not sufficiently formed or are under very difficult conditions in the bourgeois federalism. (Grafski-Straschun, ibid)

Another point, which should not be forgotten, is that bourgeois federalism is not an instrument for the solution of the questions of ethnic or national development. Federalism is rather a specific form of practicing the political power on the regional administrative level. It works with a relative decentralisation and formal and structural independen­ce between the regional levels. It depends on a relatively developed bourgeois constitution and on parliamentarism with two or more political parties. (ibid)

The relationship between many problems during the formation of the state and the ethnic-national structures, which are in transition, is still in a seed-form and it is very difficult to diagnose them. Because of this reason, if the forms of the national-regional autonomy are built in a progressive way in the federal states of the deve­loping countries, it can be helpful for the solution of the questions of the ethnic-national development or the conflicts, in the interest of the whole people of the country and its social progress.

On the other hand, the role of the subjective factor in general and the role of the state by the solution of the national-ethnic problems and conflicts will increase. Hence, there will be necessity, especially in the states, which chose the way of socialism, for the conceptions of politics and state law on a scientific base, which will be realist and suitable for the conditions of the country. Without high consciousness and administration and planning, in which the whole society participate the problems cannot be solved. For this reason also Lenin regarded the federal form of state as a possibility for a “voluntary integration” for the ex-colonies, which have achieved their freedom newly and have a complex ethnic-national composition of the population and have adopted the way of social progress. (Lenin, Werke, Band 27, Berlin, p.145)  

Therefore in the poly-ethnic processes of consolidation, being experienced in the developing countries or under the conditions of sharpened ethnic-national conflicts or when the states or the divided territories of the countries are in need of reunification, federal state structure can make an important contribution for the solution of the questions of national development or for the reduction of national conflicts. (Klauss Hutschenreuter, Problems of nation formation and state development in Transsahara of Africa, Berlin 1970)

The way to unity in Cyprus

The rightist circles in Cyprus, when they speak of reunification of the two separate regions, which were created de facto after 1974, start from the point of two separate states and seem to adopt a federal state of Cyprus, which has a weak central authority. As Ismet Inonu, former Premier Minister of Turkey, told on September 8, 1964 in the Grand Assembly of Turkish Nation about the official concept of a federation, he explained “We started the discussion not by saying partition officially, but using the word federation, just to stay within the framework of the agreements.’’ This official form of federation is synonymous with confederation, which envisages the partition of the island.

As it is known, in a confederation there is no direct contact between the peoples of the constituent units and the central authority. The central authority is compelled to reach the people only through the respective regional governments, which may or may not allow this contact. In a federation, by contrast, there is a direct relationship between the central government and the people, who not only share in the task of the constituting it, but also submit to its rule (in the spheres of its competence without interposition of the regional governments as intermediaries. (Dikshit, Ramesh Dutta, ibid, p.3)

Contrary to a confederation, there is no division of sovereignty in a federation. The constituent units are only autonomous in certain limited spheres. Once a federation is created the states have to abide by the decisions of the properly constituted central government in matters, where the constitutional compact empowers it to act. (ibid, p.3)The regional and central government in a federation should not only be coordinate, but they should also be cooperative. (ibid, p.8) A balance between the two opposing sentiments is necessary. This balance should, however, be so struck that the forces for unity have a slight edge over those for separation. As Wheare says (Federal Government, London 1953), if the communities involved are not prepared to submit themselves to an independent government, they have not achieved the first prerequisite of federal government. This is important, for federalism is essentially what Riker terms a bargain between prospective national leaders, who want unity and the officials of the constituent governments, who stand for larger regional control .(Riker, W.H., Federalism: Origin, operation, significance, Boston 1964, p.11) Indeed, “a truly federal government is the denial of national (sic) independence to every state of the federation” (Dicey, A.V. Introduction to the study of the Law of the constitution, London 1939)

Some prerequisites of federal government

Ramesh Dutta Dikshit refers to Wheare in his above mentioned book and writes that he has tried to isolate various factors for union and separation, which appear to him as necessary factors in the origins of federalism. He enumerates the following half-dozen factors, all of which operated in the U.S., Switzerland, Canada and Australia, to produce a desire for union among the communities concerned (ibid, p.37). Those factors are:

1. Need for common defense

2. Desire to be independent of some foreign power and a realization that only through union independence be achieved

3. Expectations of economic advantages from union

4. Some political association of the units involved prior to their federal union

5. Geographical neighbourhood and

6. Similarity of political institution (ibid, p.220-221)

It will be noted that Wheare excludes from this list of prerequisites for union, factors such as community of language, of “race”, of religion or of nationality. To these six prerequisites Wheare adds one more: “Leadership or statesmanship at the right time.” (ibid, p.221)

The situation in Cyprus now

It is of interest to look at these prerequisites one by one in the concrete situation in Cyprus.

1. Is there a need for common defense for the Turkish- and Greek-Cypriots, who have lived over 400 years side by side on this island? Of course there is such a need against imperialism and its aggressive organisation NATO, which wishes the partition of the island and to stop the struggle of the people of the island for social liberation. It is imperative for the Turkish-Cypriot leadership especially, to follow a policy of non-alignment consistently, in order to put Cyprus out of the sphere of influence of NATO.

2. From the point of view of the progressive and democratic forces, which have understood that the way to the complete independence of Cyprus is through unity, the demand for being independent from the imperialism and its military bases as well as from the “motherlands” is valid as ever.

3. Expectations of economic advantages from union are very wide especially among the Turkish-Cypriot working masses.

4. From the point of view of certain political parties of class approach, there is an association of political aims of the Turkish- and Greek Cypriots before the federal union. This association of political aim will be crystalised better in a democratic system.

5. Geographical neighbourhood is the most appropriate in Cyprus, where the small island is divided into two.

6. Although there is a similarity of the political institutions on both sides, there is a difference in the level of maturity of the democratic life. But this can be developed with mutual solidarity and especially with the elimination of the anti-democratic elements, without any outside interference. Moreover, there will be common political organisations based on class approach rather than ethnic-national origin.

Another point of view, which should not be overlooked is that the solution of the problem in the concrete conditions of Cyprus depends on one hand on the elimination of the influences of imperialism and neo-colonialism and the military bases and on the other hand to decide the internal question of nationalities how to be solved, which is the main issue. But the determining factor is not the difference between the two communities, on the contrary it has to be stressed that the class struggle in the country and in the international arena will be decisive.

The problem is not as the bourgeois circles suggest which community will govern the other one, but which class will have the power in his hand on the whole surface of the island. That is our evaluation.

(The original Turkish version of this study was published in Ortam daily newspaper under the name “Ertan Yüksel” as two separate articles, on 20, 21 December 1984 and on 22, 23, 24 January 1985)

We have lost a dear friend, Greek Cypriot historian Rolandos Katsiaounis on 30 June 2014! He was always proud of being a graduate of Oxford University and I got to know him at the Cyprus Research Centre (CRC). His doctoral thesis “"Labour, History and Politics in Cyprus during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century" was published in 1996 by the CRC in English and it is still a unique study in its own field, which could not be overcome. Unfortunately, he could not realize the second overviewed edition of this book.

 

Rolandos (1954-2014) was a militant Marxist, who took history seriously and he could not refrain to declare his political views. He was complaining that his own party AKEL have not given him enough support. His uncle, Christos Katsiaounis was among the leaders of the Cyprus Communist party and he was one of the members of the AKEL Central Committee, who fought against Hitler’s fascism in the Second World War.

Rolandos published his second book in Greek in 2000, where he recorded lots of new information, which shed light to today, related with the political developments between 1946 and 1948 and  with the experience of “The Consultative Assembly”, which the British Colonial Administration proposed to our island.

He mentioned to me about his project of writing the history of the KKK-AKEL, when we met after a meeting organized by PEO and DEV-İŞ on 13 October 2005 in Nicosia about the “1948 Miners’ Strike”. I was so happy to hear that he would deal with this subject. Rolandos wanted to learn my opinion about the book, dealing with this important past, whether it should be a short or a long story. I told him to write two versions: One, in more than one volume, where all the documents and information would be found in a detailed history and the other one would be a concise history, which could be read by an ordinary reader.

Unfortunately he could not finalise his studies. When the diagnosis was done, the incurable illness was already advanced and at the end, he left us behind. He was a 60 year old Famagustan and he had a lot of studies to accomplish.

I talked to him as my last on 27 April 2013 at a bi-communal meeting on “The birth and the development of Nationalism in Cyprus”. I had learned about his illness beforehand and I rather wanted to see him and to listen to his contribution on “Nationalism and Left” at this meeting. He told me about the side-effects of his treatment and he was complaining very much. Thus, his life adventure was this much, until this point.

The working class movement of Cyprus has lost one of its very dear members. As I convey my condolences to his relatives, I hope that his studies will be a guide for the new generation of historians.

(Obituary by Ahmet Cavit An, published in the “Friends of Cyprus Report”, Issue No.57, New Year 2015) 

   

            History deals with the sum of the events that happened in the past. It should be studied in order to understand the present. Today’s reality in Cyprus is influenced by history. It directs our attitudes and preferences. In this context, an awareness of history, the way the history is written, and the teaching of history are crucial. As Cypriots, how much do we know about the history of our country and the history of the inter-communal relations?

The emergence of Greek and Turkish nationalisms in Cyprus

           When the British occupied the island of Cyprus in 1878, ending a 300-year period of Ottoman rule that had begun in 1571, they preferred to keep the existing structures of education in Cyprus. Christian and Moslem schools were kept separate from one another. There were two Boards of Education, one Christian and the other Moslem. They ensured that the curriculums of the two communities mirrored those in Greece and Turkey respectively. The Greek Orthodox community was educated by teachers who had mainly graduated from Greece educational institutions and the educational system was under the control of the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus. At the request of the Cyprus Government, the headmaster of the only lyceum in Nicosia was always sent from Istanbul. They were all Turkish nationalists. The Boards also prescribed the books to be used in the schools, insisting that the history textbooks were written in the so-called motherlands. As a result, the books emphasised the conflicts between Greece and Turkey, which fought against each other in 1821, resulting in Greece’s independence from the Ottoman Empire, and again in 1921, when Turkish Army defeated the Greek troops that had invaded Western Anatolia, leading to the formation in the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Both events therefore influenced the Moslem Turkish and the Christian Greek community in Cyprus. This was particularly the case with Turkish nationalism, which had developed during the national struggle to liberate the Ottoman Empire from occupation by imperial powers. Though it developed almost a century after Greek nationalism, this Turkish nationalism became influential among the Moslem Turkish population in Cyprus after the military defeat of the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia.

As well as through the schools, Turkish nationalism was disseminated in Cyprus by the Turkish Cypriot press, which followed the example of the mainland Turkish press, as well as through the activities of the Turkish Consulate on the island, which was opened after the foundation of the Turkish Republic. Meanwhile, the Greek Cypriots also pursued their own nationalism. They aimed to bring about the union of the island with Greece; a demand often put before the Legislative Council, which had been established by the British in 1879. The Turkish Cypriot members of the parliament used to resist these demands by saying that the island should be returned to the original owner, Turkey. However, following the annexation of Cyprus by the British Empire in 1914, Turkey gave up all of her rights on Cyprus when it signed the Treaty of Lausanne Agreement, in 1923. This was confirmed in 1925, when Britain declared Cyprus to be a Crown Colony – a status it retained until 1960.

The nationalism of both Greek and Turkish Cypriots did not originate from local historical circumstances, but was imported to the island through the teachers, books and newspapers that came from mainland Greece and Turkey. This nationalism was encouraged by the British colonial administration and the British tried to disseminate it among the unaware masses of people in accordance to their traditional policy of ‘divide and rule’.

 

The consolidation of nationalisms

            When the Greek Cypriots started a terror campaign in 1955 to end British colonial administration, the Turkish Cypriot leadership collaborated with the British and provoked the Greek Cypriots by recommending the Turkish Cypriot youth to become auxiliary police and commandoes in order to fight the Greek Cypriot fighters, thereby defending the colonialists. Thereafter, as the Greek Cypriot EOKA (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters) underground organisation killed Turkish Cypriot security forces, the Turkish Cypriot TMT underground organisation began to kill Greek Cypriots in retaliation. As both organisations were anti-communist, they also killed progressive Cypriots who were against the partitionist policies of the British and their local collaborators. The growing demand of the Greek Cypriots for the union of the island with Greece (enosis) was encountered with the demand of the Turkish Cypriots for the partition (taksim) of the island between Turkey and Greece.

Finally, neither the Greek Cypriots’ objective of union nor the Turkish Cypriots’ aim of partition materialised. Instead, a limited independence was given to a new partnership, the Republic of Cyprus, which was established in 1960. The British maintained their sovereignty over the two military bases and the island was declared an independent state, banning both enosis and taksim in its constitution. The Turkish Cypriots, with 18 per cent of the island’s population were given 30 per cent say in the administration of the new Republic of Cyprus. This was strongly opposed by the Greek Cypriots. In December1963, the President of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios, tried to change the 13 points of the constitution by abolishing the veto power of the Turkish Cypriot Vice-President Dr Fazil Kuchuk. Inter-communal clashes began and, at the beginning of 1964, the Turkish Cypriots withdrew from the state apparatus. This conflict of nationalisms between the pro-enosis Greek Cypriot leadership and the pro-partition Turkish Cypriot leadership complicated the solution of the ethnic-national question in Cyprus. The unity of action and aim of the Cypriots could not be developed under a common shared aim and this caused new bitterness.

Meanwhile, those who sought to promote coexistence were silenced. In 1958, Turkish Cypriot trade unionists started to come under attack. In 1962, two prominent lawyers, Ahmet Muzaffer Gurkan and Ayhan Hikmet, founders of the ‘Cumhuriyet’ weekly newspaper, which advocated cooperation between the two main communities of new Cyprus state, were murdered. In 1965, Dervis Ali Kavazoglu, a Turkish Cypriot communist trade-unionist, was murdered by the Turkish Cypriot underground organization TMT (Turkish Resistance Organisation). These actions of intimidation silenced the democratic opposition within the Turkish Cypriot community, which was fighting against the partitionist policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. As a result, the separatist policy that the Turkish Cypriot leadership had pursued since 1958 was one of the reasons that Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots did not have a common political aim during the inter-communal negotiations that began in 1968.

From 1968 until 1974, various rounds of inter-communal negotiations were carried out, ending with a coup d’état by mainland Greek Army officers against Makarios, on 15 July 1974. This was followed by the invasion of the island by the mainland Turkish Army, on 20 July 1974. Together with Great Britain, Greece and Turkey were supposed to be the guarantor powers of the independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriot leadership unilaterally declared independence in 1983, forming the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, on the Turkish occupied territory of the island; a move that was immediately condemned by the UN Security Council. Nevertheless, in the Turkish Cypriot textbooks of Cyprus history, the Turkish invasion in 1974 was described as an act of salvation. In contrast, Greek Cypriot students were taught nothing about the events between 1963 and 1974. The struggle for the union of the island with Greece during 1955-59 was portrayed as a struggle for the independence of the island. The Turkish Cypriots were ignored and excluded.

As imperialist foreign powers were against the independent development of the Republic of Cyprus, which followed an independent non-aligned foreign policy, they continuously incited nationalistic and anti-communist feelings among the island’s population. Yet again, a Cypriot awareness could not be developed to a sufficient degree. The guarantors of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus were members of the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) and did not want to see a Cypriot state free from their influence. That is why they still do whatever they can to prevent the development of independent internal political and cultural structures.

 

Challenging nationalist histories

          

In order to draw useful lessons for the future, we have to have a good knowledge of our history and a multi-perspective approach to our past without any prejudice. For this purpose, it is necessary to have well-educated historians; rich archives open for all; multi-communal platforms, where everything can be discussed freely; and a democratic environment free from all taboos. Without all these, it would be very difficult to bring historical realities to light. Even then, it cannot be said that the Cypriot communities are likely to be at ease discussing these subjects.

History has to play a unifying, rather than a discriminatory role between the nations and communities. In the nationalist way of history-writing, the writer chooses ‘we’ in every stage of history and sees ‘the others’ as enemy. Seeing those from his nationality as different from and superior to others is the minimum characteristic of the nationalist history-writers. Some writers state this in a hard form. Others take a softer approach. But what is seen in all the nationalist history writers is seeing their own nation state as superior and defending, if necessary, the interests of their own nation at the expense of the others. This way of looking at history and commentating on the past is a dominant characteristic in various stages of writing official history and in the development of a nation state.

The review of textbooks and history teaching with multilateral and international efforts is a very long and much tiring process. Efforts to produce new models for text-books in European countries as well as in Turkey, Greece and the Balkans are being conducted by non-governmental bodies, historians and social scientists. In this respect, it would be very valuable to form a common committee of the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot historians which could try to achieve an interpretation of the common history of the communities living in Cyprus. I can name some subjects to be discussed and researched by such a Committee: the common rebellions during the Ottoman Occupation against the local governor’s arbitrary taxations; the common struggles in the Legislative Council during the British colonial rule related with the economic policy; the common struggles of the trade-union movement, which was united until 1958; the common struggle of the Cypriots against fascism during the World War II on the side of the Allied Forces.

Since 1974, the influx of mainland Turkish settlers in the occupied areas of Cyprus, which is contrary to the Geneva Convention, has been a threat to the existence of the Turkish Cypriots. This has led many of them to reassess their communal identity. Turkish Cypriot intellectuals, in particular, have started to ask themselves the question ‘Who are we?’ and ‘How can we preserve our own identity?’ as they have looked into the history of their cultural heritage. Cultural, scientific and the literary heritage are three important components of the national consciousness. Here we see the responsibility of historical researchers for the development of a common Cypriot consciousness. They have to research the common cultural heritage of the island and use these common elements for a common political aim. The various examples of cooperation between the two communities in the commercial and social life and in trade- union movement in the past are good examples of the coexistence of the two main communities in Cyprus. This highlights the degree to which the class character of the state has a big role to play in the formation of the Cypriot consciousness. There has to be a clearly designed state policy for the support of a Cypriot identity. The organs of the mass media should also play a constructive role in this respect since they can easily reach the homes of almost all citizens. 

Conclusion

             Over the past century and a half two different identities have emerged in Cyprus. Since 1974, these have been consolidated. Today, one is North of the divide. This holds the separatist TRNC as an expression of the nationalist identity of the Turkish Cypriots. The other is in the South of the divide. This views itself as the sole owner of the Cypriot state, which has distinctively an Orthodox Greek Cypriot character. To combat this, there needs to be an effort to challenge the separate histories told by the two communities. However, it needs to go further than this. There also need to be common political parties of Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots, seeking common political aims. The New Cyprus Association, which was formed in March 1975, aimed to preserve the existence of the state of Cyprus and avert the danger of permanent partition by encouraging people to behave first as Cypriots and then as a member of their respective community. Unfortunately, during the past 37 years, this movement of intellectuals was unable to become a political movement that could organise Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots under a common Cypriot identity. Nevertheless, the full equality of all the communities living on the island in the fields of politics, economy and culture can only be achieved through common political parties that will fight for a democratic federal state and against all kinds of separatism and discrimination. As the Turkish-Cypriot Coordinator of the Bi-communal Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus, which was formed in 1989, I fought for 11 years to win a case against Turkey in the European Court of Human Rights, in February 2003 (Djavit An v. Turkey, 20652/92) for depriving me of my freedom of assembly due to my efforts to promote greater contacts between the two communities in Cyprus. My experiences since then have showed me that all Cypriots who want to see a reunited island should organise themselves and fight for the same goal: ending the occupation and the colonisation of the Northern part of our island by Turkey and forming a democratic federal state through power sharing. Policies are needed to solve the problem of nationalities. Rather, a single Cypriot nationality is needed. This can only be done by challenging the historical presentation of the past and promoting political cooperation in the present.

 

1.      An, Ahmet, An Overview of the Research Studies on the Identity of the Turkish Cypriots, in “Articles on the Turkish Cypriot Culture”, Nicosia 1999, p.222-230, (in Turkish)

2.      An, Ahmet, The Political History of the Turkish Cypriots (1930-1960): The Forgotten Political History of the Turkish Cypriots and the Struggles for the Leadership in the Mirror of the Press, Nicosia 2006 (in Turkish)

3.      Attalides, Michael, Cyprus, Nationalism and International Politics (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1979)

4.      European Court of Human Rights, Djavit An v. Turkey (application no. 20652/92)

5.      Worsley, Peter and Pashalis Kitromilides (eds), Small States in the Modern World (Nicosia: The New Cyprus Association, 1979)

 

 "Παντως εμεις θα τους αντισταθουμε,
οποιοι και αν ειναι
οσο δυνατοι και αν ειναι"
Δωρος Λοιζου [ σε μια αλλη εποχη, των τανκς..αλλα τζαι σημερα, την εποχη των banks, των σκανδαλων τζαι των επεμβασεων τους, οι παραλλαγες εχουν τες ομοιοτητες τους..]

Ζουμε σε μια παρωδια που εσιει ξεφυγει πκιον
 τζαι εν τζαιρος να αναλαβει ο καθενας τις ευθυνες του..

Συμπτωματα αθλιοτητας:
Η προσπαθεια να φορτωθει η κοινωνια τις ζημιες των developers: Τον περασμενο Ιουλιο ο Αρχιεπισκοπος τζαι ο Αβερωφ εξαπολυσαν μια επιθεση εναντια στην εισηγηση να διαχωριστει η Τραπεζα Κυπρου σε κτηματικη τζαι εμπορικη ετσι ωστε να μεν φορτωθει η κοινωνια τις ζημιες των ντιβελοπερς..
Υστερα μεσα που τον Συμβουλιο της Τραπεζας [το οποιο ελεγχουν με τους διορισμους της κυβερνησης] ετερματισαν το συμβολαιο με την Αλβαρεζ και Μαρσαλ που εισηγηθηκε την ιδεα.
Επιθεση για να μεν γινεται ελεγχος Διαπλοκης: Υστερα τον Σετερβη επιτεθηκαν στον Διοικητη γιατι εν εδεχετουν να εγκρινει χωρις ελεγχο τα μελη του νεου ΔΣ της Τραπεζας Κυπρου που βασικα εδιορισεν η κυβερνηση.
Καποιοι, στα ΜΜΕ, αντισταθηκαν τοτε.
Διοτι αν τα καπετανατα τζαι ο Γιωρκατζισμος εσκοτωναν κοσμο τζαι εβαλαν πομπες καποτε,
 σημερα η επιθεση γινεται με πρωτοσελιδα.
 Το Μεγα του αρχιεπισκοπου τζαι ο φιλελευθερος που ελεγχεται επισης λ.χ.
Αμα μερικοι αντισταθηκαν, τζαι εν επροχωρησεν τζηνη η επιθεση, εμπηκαν αλλα μεσα.
Η δημοσια εξαγορα του ΔΣ της κεντρικης. Εδιοριστηκαν τζαι αλλα μελη στο ΔΣ της Κεντρικης τζαι εδοθηκεν τους παρακαλω αυξηση τζαι ετσι που 1700 ευρω επεταχτηκαν στα 30, 000..Σε εποχη λιτοτητας κλπ, που οσους φωναζουν κατα τα αλλα για τα "επιδοματα". Τζαι οι δυο εκτελεστικοι θα πιανουν πανω που 100,000 λαλει...τζαι με λιμουζινα παρακαλω..

Σκετη εξαγορα.
Οποτε εβαλαν τα φυσικα με τον Δημητριαδη.
Να αγνοησουμε δηλαδη οτι το μονο μελος που εδιορισεν η προηγουμενη κυβερνηση, καποιος κ. Κωνσταντινου, ξαφνικα αλλαξε θεση;
Μερικους εδωκαν τους τζαι λιμουζινα.

Οταν η Διαπλοκη μιλα για "συγκρουση συμφεροντων" χωρις να ντροπη - τζαι φυσικα προβαλει το ο σταθμος του αρχιεπισκοπου. Υστερα φκαινει το συμβολο της Διαπλοκης , ο Ν. Παπαδοπουλος τζαι κατηγορει την τον Διοικητη οτι εκαμε συμβολαιο με την Αλβαρεζ και Μαρσαλ για να αυξησει τις ζημιες των τραπεζων, τζαι ηταν λαλει "συγκρουση συμφεροντων".. Ο ανθρωπος που εσιει το δικηγορικο γραφειο που μεχρι το 2006 [ενω ο ιδιοκτητης του ηταν τζαι προεδρος] αναφερετουν επισημα στα διαφημιστικα της τραπεζας, σαν δικηγορικο γραφειο της Λαικης,
που εσυνεχισεν τζαι μετα να εν δικηγορικο γραφειο της Λαικης [περα που αλλα συμφεροντα της οικογενειας του στην τραπεζα]
ενω ο ιδιος ο Ν.Παπαδοπουλος ηταν επικεφαλης της επιτροπης οικονομικων της Βουλης
 που εγκρινε τα 1.8 δις για την Λαικη,
που επεβαλε τον κ. Φιλιππου επικεφαλης,
 τζαι που φυσικα εν ερωτησεν ουτε για τον ΕΛΑ ουτε για τις αλλες αναγκες της τραπεζας που εδημιουργησεν ο Ορφανιδης μεσα που την εγκριση της Εγνατιας
η ο Σαρρης μεσα που τον ΕΛΑ.
Τζαι τουτος ο τυπος μιλα για συγκρουση συμφεροντων..
Τελικα η συμφωνια της Κεντρικης εισιεν γινει τον Μαρτη ενω οι αναγκες των τραπεζων ειχαν καθοριστει που την Πιμκο τον Γεναρη..τζαι αφορουσε επενδυσεις που θα μπορουσε να εφερνε η Αλβαρεζ...

Αλλα η υστερια εν εκατασκευαστηκεν για να απευθυνθει στην λογικη - ο στοχος ηταν η δημιουργια κλιματος υστεριας για να εξυπηρετηθουν τα συμφεροντα οσων εθελαν/θελουν να εχουν ανοιχτο το δρομο για να συνεχισουν να κερδοσκοπουν σε βαρος της κοινωνιας..
Τζαι καποτε η λιστα των δημοσιογραφων που παιζουν σε τουτο το βρωμικο παιχνιδι πρεπει να δημοσιοποιηθει..
Εν μονο οι συμβουλοι που πιανουν ετσι αυξησεις για να ψηφιζουν;

Τζαι ετο τζαι το παιδιν - ο casino banker που επαραιτηθηκεν λογω των σκανδαλων της τραπεζας του στην Βρετανια, εδιοριστηκεν Διευθυνων Συμβουλος της Τραπεζας Κυπρου. Η Διαπλοκη εν αντρεπετραι καν ...Οποτε σε τουτο το κατασκευασμενο κλιμα η Τραπεζα Κυπρου προσλαμβανει παρακαλω τον τραπεζιτου που επαραιτηθηκε που την Royal Bank of Scotland για το σκανδαλο Libor, τζαι που τον ονομαζαν στην Αγγλια  "casino banker"..

Την 15η του Ιουλη, ετυχε να ειμαι στην Παφο. Εβαρκουμουν να δω τες εφημεριδες - αλλα ετσι πεταχτα επιβεβαιωσα τα δεδομενα. Ο Φιλελευθερος τζαι η Χαραυγη κατι ειχαν για το πραξικοπημα, ο Πολιτης εβοσκεν αλλου. Εγυρευκεν ακομα να πουλησει αθλιοτητα για το Μαρι. Ετσι αθθυμηθηκεν οτι η αποφαση αμφισβητουσε σε καποια σημεια τις καταθεσεις μερικων μαρτυρων [αλλη ιστορια τζαι τουτη - αμα μια μαρτυρια εν βολευκει μερικους, συμπεριλαμβανομενων τζαι των δικαστων, εν να φταιει ο μαρτυρας;] - φυσικα μερικους αλλους ο Πολιτης εξηχανεν τους. Τον Μπισμπικα, τον Τσαλικιδη, τον Σοφιανιδη - για τους οποιους εγινεν συγκεκριμενη αναφορα για την απουσια τους γιατι ειχαν αρμοδιοτητα..Η για αλλους μαρτυρες που εκφρασεν αμφιβολια το δικαστηριο..Που να τους αθθυμηθει η εφημεριδα του Γ. Παπαδοπουλου; Θα επρεπε πρωτα να ζητησει συγνωμη η εστω να ανακαλεσει το αθλιο πρωτοσελιδο της 12 Ιουλιου 2011 - που ελαλεν οτι ο Χριστοφιας εδωσεν οδηγιες να στοιβαχτει τζιαμαι κλπ το φορτιο..Οϊ πως ο φιλελευθερος ηταν καλλυτερος -  τζηνους το πρωτο τους ψεμα ηταν να ονομασουν την ανακληση προσωπικου "εκκενωση".
Τζαι υστερα που τοσες συζητησεις, αραγε τελικα εβρεθηκαν τζηνες οι "επιστολες" του Ιωαννιδη;
Οξα ηταν στο κλιμα της εποχης;..

Γιατι αθθυμηθηκα το Μαρι; Γιατι εν οπως την υποθεση Ντρεϋφους στην Γαλλια στα τελη του 19ου αιωνα. Καθε διερευνηση παραδεχεται τζαι κατι που τα τεκμηρια που εν τζιαμαι, τζαι απλα κωλωνει..ωσπου να αποδοθει δικαιοσυνη τζαι να ειπωθει η αληθκεια..
Τωρα η αθλιοτητα εστιασεν στον κ. Παπακωστα. Μερικοι ειδαν το σαν τραγικο ενας αθρωπος που αγωνιστηκεν για την δημοκρατια να πεφτει θυμα ετσι σκευωριας. Αν εφταιεν εν θα το εθεωρουν ζητημα. Αλλα...
Οπως εκαθουμουν στην παραλια, εσκεφτηκα οτι παλε ο στρατος εφκαλεν τον νουρο του ποξω οπως τζαι το 74..Αθθυμηθηκα οτι το 2009 αθθωθηκαν κατι αστυνομικοι για ξυλοδαρμο πολιτη γιατι το δικαστηριο εθεωρησεν οτι εν μπορεν να ηταν σιουρο για την βιντεοκασετα που εδειχνε τον ξυλοδαρμο τζαι για να προστατευσει τα δικαιωματα των κατηγορουμενων, αποφασισε να μεν δεχτει το τεκμηριο. Τζαι οϊ μονο τουτο, εκαμεν τζαι ειδικη αναφορα στην παρουσιαση του θεματος που τα ΜΜΕ:
"Το Κακουργιοδικείο ανέφερε ότι ένας πρόσθετος λόγος που οδήγησε στην απόρριψη της υπόθεσης εναντίον των κατηγορουμένων ήταν «η δυσμενής δημοσιότητα από την έναρξη της ποινικής έρευνας μέχρι και το στάδιο που η υπόθεση οδηγήθηκε στο Δικαστήριο αλλά και κατά τη διάρκεια της δίκης. Χαρακτηριστικά, το Δικαστήριο έλαβε υπόψη του τα 361 δημοσιεύματα σε διάφορες εφημερίδες που κάλυπταν την επίδικη περίοδο, τη δημοσιοποίηση έκθεσης της Επιτρόπου Διοικήσεως και διάφορες δηλώσεις που έγιναν κατά καιρούς από πολιτειακούς, κρατικούς και πολιτικούς αξιωματούχους που είχαν μεταδοθεί από διάφορα Μέσα Μαζικής Επικοινωνίας. Στην πολυσέλιδή του απόφαση το Κακουργιοδικείο αποφάνθηκε ότι «απόδοση στους κατηγορούμενους ποινικής ευθύνης με τον τρόπο που έγινε από τα ΜΜΕ είναι απαράδεκτη σε μια ευνομούμενη κοινωνία».
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/police%20and%20courts/135545

 Ωστε..361 δημοσιευματα α;..Ε καλα για το Μαρι ποσα υστερικα δημοσιευματα ειχαμεν;
Ηταν δικαστηριο αλλης χωρας;
Οξα εδυσκολευκουνταν να τα μετρησουν;
Κραυγαλεα αντιφαση δικαστικων αποφασεων.
Στην μια περιπτωση η [για τους δικαστες της μεχρι τωρα κυπριακης δικαιοσυνης] ενας λογος που οδηγησε στην "απορριψη της υποθεσης" ηταν η "δυσμενης δημοσιοτητα", ενω στην αλλη περιπτωση εν ισχυσε το ιδιο...
Αλλα αν ηταν η μονη αντιφαση..
Διοτι το θεμα σε τουτην την περιπτωση ενεν καν τα δημοσιευματα αλλα τα ψεματα.
Αμα εβρω χρονο θα κατσω τζαι θα φκαλω εν βιβλιο με συλλογη απατης που τα δημοσιευματα της τοτε περιοδου..
Ουσιαστικα τα ΜΜΕ για λογους πολιτικους [τζαι για το κυπριακο, τζαι οσοι ηταν στο κολπο τζαι για να καλυφτει το θεμα των τραπεζων που ηταν γνωστο στους αππεσω που τα τοτε αφου η αποφαση για το κουρεμα των ελληνικων ομολογων εισιεν ηδη παρθει] επιτεθηκαν στην κυβερνηση τζαι στον Προεδρο τζαι εκαμαν οτι εμπορουσαν για να απαλλαξουν τον στρατο - ο Φιλελευθερος επαρουσιαζεν  λ.χ. τον Μπισμπικα σαν σοβαρο μαρτυρα τζαι κατηγορο.
Ε κοπελλια, ο λεβεντης που ενι;
Εν οπως τες επιστολες..

Ο Αργυρου ουσιαστικα εσυμπεριληφθηκεν [οπως τζαι ο Μαρκος] γιατι εξαπολυθηκεν τοτε μια υστερια εναντιον τους, ειτε γιατι εθεωρηθηκεν οτι "ηταν του Χριστοφια" ηταν για να εκβιαστουν να φυουν που την κυβερνηση.
Τζαι τελικα οι ευθυνες του στρατου σαν ιεραρχιας εσυγκαλυφθηκαν.

Μετα τον Πολυβιου που εσυμπεριφερτηκεν σαν δικηγορος την τραπεζας κυπρου [αν οϊ των συγκεκριμενων νεκρων που ηταν οι αρμοδιοι της βασης],αντι σαν δημοσιος λειτουργος, [τζαι φυσικα εν τζαι τζηνο εναν θεμα που προσπαθουν μερικοι να συγκαλυψουν]
το δικαστηριο εκαμεν ενα βημα - αποδεχθηκεν την ευθυνη λογω αρμοδιοτητας.
Αναγνωρισεν δηλαδη οτι συνταγματικα καθε δομη του κρατους εσιει τους αρμοδιους του...
Για να κοιταξει μετα γυρον
 τζαι αφου οι υπευθυνοι του στρατου εν ηταν τζιαμαι,
διοτι εχουμεν ακομα εναν καταλοιπο της αποικιακης δομης του στρατου [που υπηρχε ως το 74],
που μας στελλουν αξιωματικους που τους οποιους εν μπορουμεν μετα να ζητησουμεν λοαρκασμο,
εβρεθηκεν μπροστα στις ευθυνες των αρμοδιων της βασης..
Που εν εδιαταξαν εκκενωση, που για 2 ολοκληρα χρονια εθωρουσαν το φορτιο τζαι εν εκαμαν τιποτε για να στεγαστει [ξερουμεν οτι χρηματα υπηρχαν],
που ακομα τζαι μετα τον Φερβαρη του 2011, που εγινε μια συσκεψη εν ενδιαφερτηκαν να βουρησουν, να πιεσουν, να γινουν εστω οι αναλυσεις του περιεχομενου που αποφασιστηκαν,
τζαι ουτε καν αποψιλωση εν εκαμαν την εφτομαδα πριν..
Σε ποια χωρα του κοσμου, σε ποιο στρατιωτικο συστημα του πλανητη,
οι τοπικοι αξιωμαιτκοι μιας μοναδας αποφασιζουν οτι εν τους ενδιαφερει ενα φορτιο που εν στην μοναδα τους, στον στρατιωτικο χωρο αρμοδιοτητας τους [ενεν η υπερασπιση του μαυρογερημου του χωρου που εν η συνολικη δουλεια του στρατου;]
 τζαι ουσιαστικα αρνουνται να φροντισουν ακομα τζαι για την ασφαλεια των στρατιωτων τους με την δικαιολογια οτι ενεν δικο τους;
Αν δεν ηταν τραγωδια με νεκρους θα ηταν ανεκδοτο.
Δηλαδη με τουτην την λογικη μια μοναδα μπορει να αποφασισει να συμμετασχει η να μην συμμετασχει σε μια ασκηση αναλογα με το αν συμφωνουν οι τοπικοι διοικητες με τις αποφασεις των πολιτικων για αναβολη η οχι μιας ασκησης;
Οξα η λογικη παει πισω στο οτι ο στρατος εν ελεγχεται που την δημοκρατικη πολιτεια;
Διοτι τουτο υπηρχε το 1974 - τζαι πριν το πραξικοπημα ο στρατος εν ελειτουργουσεν στα πλαισια του συνταγματος..

Τζαι οι μαρτυριες εν σαφεις για την νυχτα της εκρηξης:
οι πυροσβεστες επηαν κοντα γιατι καποιος εδιαταξεν τζαι οπως ειπεν τζαι ο Τταντης
"φωναζουν οι μαστοροι"..
Ποιοι μαστοροι εφωναζαν;
Ο ενας ο διδυμος εμπηκεν στο θαλαμο τζαι ειπεν οτι ειχαν "οδηγια" να πασιν να σβησουν τα χορτα..
Ποιος ηταν ο μαστρος, ποιος εδωσεν οδηγιαν;

Το δικαστηριο επρεπε φυσικα να δειξει ευαισθησια απεναντι στους νεκρους..
Οποτε εφευρεθηκεν ο ορος "μη τελεια αντιδραση των θνητων"..
Ομως στην περιτπωση της Ηλιος ο πιλοτος εισιεν ευθυνες..
οταν πεσει ενα λεωφορειο στο γκρεμο, ο οδηγος εσιει ευθυνες αν κατσουμεν να δουμεν γιατι εγινε το αρυχημα..
ενεν νεκροι, ενεν αθρωποι, θνητοι τζαι τζηνοι;
Δαμαι ομως το δικαστηριο αποφασισε να μεν μιλησει γιατι εφοηθηκεν την υστερια των ΜΜΕ
αλλα ισως τζαι γιατι ετσι θα επροστατευκεν τον στρατο..
Ιντα ενδιαφερουσα συμπτωση..τζαι το 74, τζαι στην δικη των αστυνομικων το 2009, τζαι στο Μαρι,
παντα η "δικαιοσυνη" κλωνει που την μιαν τζαι που την αλλη για να προστατευσει [παραδοξα;] τους μηχανισμους καταστολης του κρατους..
Η τα συμφεροντα του "βαθεως κρατους" τζαι μερικων δικτυων..

Εγραψεν τζαι ο Σαββοπουλος καποτε το στιχο..
"Η δικη εξελισσόταν μέσα μα η δικαιοσύνη ήταν απ’ έξω"

Ουσιαστικα η δειλια των δικαστων να πουν την αληθεια οπως εν τεκμηριωμενη πκιον στις,
στις τελευταιες λεξεις του πυροσβεστη Ταντη,
τζαι του ενος που τους διδυμους,
ελογοκρινε για μιαν ακομα φορα,
οϊ μονο το τι εγινε
αλλα τζαι τα θυματα..
Μερικα απο τα θυματα εν ειχαν καν την συμπαρασταση των συγγενων τους μετα θανατο..
Μερικοι εφωναζαν τζαι εκαλυφκαν τις ευθυνες τζηνων που εδιαταξαν τους στρατιωτες τζαι τους πυροσβεστες...
μερικοι απλα φωναζαν για να μεν δουν ισως;
οκ..το τραυμα..
Ας μεινω δαμαι..

Το ζητουμενο εν ευρυτερο..
Οι 13 εν ηταν κατι το ενιαιο..
Οπως εν ηταν ενιαια η εμπειρια του 1974..
Καποιοι εδιαταξαν, καποιοι επηαν θυματα..
Αφου μερικοι εθελαν καποιο Ντρεϋφους για να εστιασουν την υστερια,
η Ιστορια αναγκαστικα θα δικαιωσει τα θυματα της υστεριας,
σαν συμβολα μιας εμπειριας που εν πρεπει να επαναληφθει.
Τζαι τουτον αφορα τζαι την απομυθοποιηση της ουδετεροτητας της δικαιοσυνης φαινεται...

Διοτι το θεμα εν ειναι απλα η αδικια σε ενα ατομο..η ισως τζαι σε αλλους που τους κατηγορουμενους..
Εν ευρυτερο - οπως το θεμα της αθωωσης των αστυνομικων για τον ξυλοδαρμο ηταν εκφραστικο μιας νοοτροπιας,
ετσι τζαι δαμαι το ζητουμενο εν η δημοκρατια απεναντι στο ψεμα των ΜΜΕ τζαι στους εκβιασμους τους...
η εφαρμογη της "ισονομιας" την οποια η κυπριακη δικαιοσυνη ισχυριζεται οτι εφαρμοζει
προφανως εν λειτουργει σε μερικες περιπτωσεις που εχουν να καμουν με συγκεκριμενες δομες..

Αφορα τζαι τον στρατο τον ιδιο.
Εν μπορει να μεν εσιει ευθυνη ο ιεραρχικα ανωτερος για τις αποφασεις του που επηρεαζουν
μεχρι τζαι την ζωη των υφισταμενοων τους...
τζαι να φορτωνονται οι ευθυνες καπου αλλου.

Εθκιεβασα μια ομιλια του δικαστη του κ. Τ. Οικονομου για τον κ. Γ. Πικη οταν αφυπηρετησε.
http://www.supremecourt.gov.cy/judicial/sc.nsf/3A3595A5A6841EEFC22573020040A818/$file/Omiliaoikonomou.pdf

Ενδιαφερον πως οι δικαστες μιλουν οπως του πολιτικους - λογια του αερα.
Αν εφαρμοζουνταν τα μισα απο οσα ειπεν ο κ. Οικονομου,
τοτε η αποφαση θα ηταν σαφως πιο γενναια..
Για να σκεφτειτε αφιερωνει τζαι χωρο στο οτι εν πρεπει οι δικαστες να υποκυπτουν στις πιεσεις της "κοινης γνωμης" - η για να ακριβολογουμεν στο κλιμα που κατασκευαζουν τα ΜΜΕ.....
Αλλα ισως οπως τζαι το 74..μερικοι καμνουν τους γενναιους προς τα εξω,
αλλα αμα βρεθουν μπροστα στο εσωτερικο δεδομενο, κλωνουν..
Ετσι οταν τα ΜΜΕ κατηγορουν αστυνομικους για κακοποιηση πολιτων
το κυπριακο δικαστικο συστημα εν ευαισθητο,
οταν ομως κατηγορουν πολιτικους μιας παραταξης [που εν εσιει τζαι ιδιαιτερες ακρες με το βαθυ κρατος]
για ενα θεμα που αφορα τον στρατο,
ξαφνικα η ευαισθησια για τα ΜΜΕ παει περιπατο,
οπως φαινεται να μειωνεται επιλεκτικα τζαι η ευαισθησια για την "διακριση των εξουσιων"...
Αλλα τουτο παει για αλλο κειμενο, αλλη παρασταση κυπριακης δικαιοσυνης..

Ετσι τζαι με τα ανθρωπινα δικαιωματα,
ετσι τζαι με το "δικαιο της αναγκης"μετα το 1963-64,
αλλα τζαι μετα το 1974....
εστηριξεν την ανεξαρτησια, αλλα ηταν τζαι μια επιλεκτικη χρηση οσον αφορα την ισονομια των πολιτων...
Αλλα εννα τα ξαναπουμε για τις ενδιαφερουσες αποφασεις τζαι αντιφασεις μερικων δικαστικων αποφασεων...

Υ.Γ. 1.  Η υποθεση Ντρεϋφους διχασε την γαλλικη κοινωνια εντονα αναμεσα στο 1894 [οταν καταδικαστηκε] και το 1906 [οταν αποκατασταθηκε]. Ο  Ντρεϋφους ηταν ενας γαλλος αξιωματικος εβραικης καταγωγης ο οποιος κατηγορηθηκε σαν κατασκοπος και καταδικαστηκε 2 φορες το 1894 και το 1899 - ανκαι στην δευτερη περιπτωση του δοθηκε χαρη. Η αντιπαραθεση σηματοδοτησε σε ενα βαθμο το περασμα της γαλλικης πολιτικης ζωης στην μοντερνιστικη νεωτερικοτητα του 20ου αιωνα.

Υ.Γ. 2. Αλλαξεν η Παφος. Εσιει μια γλυκαδα παντα..Ηβρα ενα βιβλιουι στο περιπτερο με φωτογραφιες του 74..η πρωτη εικονα ηταν ενα συνθημα της τοτε εποχης σε ενα τοιχο: "Ειρηνη"...Στην Παφο που αντισταθηκε..
Μπορει να εν τζαι advanced η Παφος στο φαντασιακο - που τζηκατω ειδα τζαι το πιο ωραιο συνθημα της εξεγερσης του Μαρτη του 2013: "τοτε με τα τανκς, τωρα με τα banks"..
Κινεζικες διαφημισεις τζαι πολλοι ρωσοι..
Για την οικονομια αλλη φορα..αν το θεμα εν η ισορροπια στο σιοινι, το σιοινι μπορει να μεν η τραπεζα κυπρου αλλα οι ρωσοι..
Αλλην φορα...

"...εν τζαι εν πως αγαπησαμεν ξαφνικα τον Χριστοφκια, η οτι εγιναμεν ακελικοι..αλλα τουτο που γινεται, τουτες οι επιθεσεις εναντιον του, εν σαν...σαν να προσπαθουν να σταυρωσουν ενα αθρωπο..Τζαι τουτο το μισος ενεν για τζηνον μονο...ενα σαν να σταυρωνουν τον Χριστοφια σαν αριστερο..σαν εκπροσωπο της αριστερας...
-- Εν τζαι θεμα κατεστημενου...εν σαν να λαλουν οτι επιασαν τους καποιοι αλλοι, οι αριστεροι, οι φτωσιοι, το κρατος τους..εν τζαι οτι εν ο μονος προεδρος που εν εξεκινησεν με εκατομυρια...
-- Εταρασεν τζαι τα νευρα τους σιορ..εν εκανεν που ηταν αριστερος, ελαλεν το..εν εκανεν που εξεκινησεν φτωχος, εν το εξηχανεν..μα εν τζαι εν ευκολα πραματα τουτα για τα αππωμενα τζακια.." 
"Υπαρχω": ενας κυβερνητης σε αναζητηση αναγνωρισης της υπαρξης του
Εν μπορουμε να εχουμε τζαι παραπονο. Τουτο το club που εσυναξεν ο Αναστασιαδης για να του σαζει την δημοσια εικονα του εν οντως για τα παναϋρκα.
Νομιζουν οτι επειδη εφκαλαν την προεκλογικη πουλωντας ψεματα, τζαι ο Βικτωρας να καμωνεται την οσια Μαρια που ταχα μου εν ουδετερη τζαι φευκουν του οι προκαταληψεις, εν να συνεχισουν ετσι.
Οποτε την περασμενη εφτομαδα επιαστηκαν παλε να λαλουν ψεματα - ειχαν πιασει το εγγραφο Νταουνερ που τες 30 του Απριλη τζαι ειπαν 2 φορες ψεματα - οτι εν εξεραν τζαι υστερα οτι το επιασαν λλιες μερες πριν. Αμα μαθεις στο ψεμα...
Ατε να το δεχτουμε τζαι τουτο...
Η εποχη του "δεσμευομαι" εν ο νεος κωδικας του ψεματος..
Αλλα οϊ ...οι κομμωτες τζαι οι κομμωτριες στο κυβερνειο αποφασισαν να το παιξουν τζαι ηρωικος απορριπτισμος...
Φταιει ο Νταουνερ...
Κατα το φταιει ο Χριστοφιας, φταιει ο Δημητριαδης....
Χαρουες τζαι οι απορριπτικοι.."Ανοιγει η πορτα για αντικατασταση Νταουνερ"...
Οι "φιλελευθεροι" αγκαλια με τον απορριπτισμο..
Ωσπου ηρτεν η σκληρη πραγματικοτητα..Ωιμε..
Περνουν οι μερες, οι του ΟΗΕ φαινονται να τον εχουν γραμμενο το κυβερνητη..
Ρωτα ενας δημοσιογραφος τζαι η απαντηση χαρακτηριστικη:
Τα γερημα ..τζαι στον απορριπτικο ρολο που ειπεν να παιξει ο κυβερνητης, ειπεν τζαι οτι εν θα επηαιννεν αν δεν..
Οπως του εγραψαν τελικα οι απορριπτικοι, απλα εσηκωσεν τον πηχυ τζαι επερασεν πουκατω..
Στο τελος αφου μονοι τους καμνουν παναϋρκα, ειπαν να φκαλουν τζαι μονοι τους ανακοινωση..
Ο Στυλιανιδη ειπεν οτι η ταδε βοηθος του γ.γ. ειπεν στον αντιπροσωπο της Κυπρου..
Ουτε μιαν ανακοινωση τα γερημα;
Αλλα ενοχληθηκεν ο Νταουνερ που την διατυπωση Στυλιανιδη, τζαι ετσι ο ΟΗΕ εφκαλεν ανακοινωση στηριξης του..τζαι υστερα εσυραν τζαι ενα ψιχουλο στο λοφο του Στροβολου...Εν να εν κοινωνικο το δειπνο, αφου το οργανωνει ο Νταουνερ...
Δηλαδη αν δεν ηταν κοινωνικο ηταν να μεν μιλουν ο ενας του αλλου, οξα εν θα ετζερνουσαν καφε;

Γιατι εγινε τουτο το παναϋρι ουλλο;
Μαλλον διοτι ο Αναστασιαδης φαινεται οτι εν ενας ανασφαλης αθρωπος [ενταξει εν ανθρωπινο] τζαι εκτος που αναγκη που κολακες τζαι κομμωτες να του μαυριζουν την κομη,
ζει μονιμα σε ενα πολεμο με το συμπαν...
Αφου ειπεν ενα σωρο ψεματα προεκλογικα, τωρα πρεπει να αθθυμαται τι ειπεν, τζαι τι οϊ, τζαι απεναντι του εν εσιει πκιον τους ηδη εξασφαλισμενους "δημοσιογραφους" που εν να καλυφκουν τες γκαφες του..
Οι ευρωπαιοι εξεραν τι καμνει το δικηγορικο του γραφειο για τουτο τον εκαρτερουσαν για να
αλλαξουν μνημονιο..
Οι Οηεδες τα ιδια...
Βασικα αντιμετωπιζουν τον σαν ενα ιθαγενη που η μονη του δουλεια ενι να μεταφερει στους αλλους ιθαγενεις τις αποφασεις που θα παρθουν..
Ινταλως το ειπεν η τυπισσα του ΟΗΕ; Μα εθεωρησαμεν οτι το θεμα ηταν για εσωτερικη καταναλωση...

"Γιατι δεν εχουμε συνεπη φιλελευθερη ταση μπαμπα;" Οταν συμμετεχεις σαν cheerleader σε υστεριες τζαι βαρας πισκαλακια στα προεκλογικα ψεματα, σε τι διαφερεις απο τον μπαμπα;..
Τζαι σε τουτο το πλαισιο, μια μεριδα των "φιλελευθερων" που εστηριξεν με παθος την διγλωσσια τζαι τα ψεματα του Αναστασιαδη, τωρα μουρμουρα...
Μα γιατι;...μα ενεν γενναιος...μα γιατι ακουει το Δηκο;...
Οσοι αποδεχτηκαν οτι θα εστηριζαν την επιστροφη του ψεματος σαν κυριαρχη ρητορικη του δημοσιου λογου, τωρα απλα θα ζουν τις συνεπειες..
Οταν ο Αναστασιαδης υποσχετουν στο Δηκο, γιατι μερικοι εθεωρουσαν αυτονοητο οτι  θα τους εξαπατουσε;
Γιατι στο φανταστικο κοσμο της δημοκρατιας τους, το σωστο ενι ενας πολιτικος να λαλει αλλα, τζαι να καμνει αλλα με την δικαιολογια οτι εφεραν το οι περιστασεις;
Οσοι ανεχτηκαν τα προεκλογικα ψεματα του Αναστασιαδη, θα πρεπει να μαθουν να ζουν
με την αναποφευκτη δειλια του...η εστω την αναγκη να συμπεριφερθει με ισορροπιες..
ετσι εν το πολιτικο συστημα...
τζαι καποιες ρητορικες δημιουργουν που μονες τους δεδομενα...
Τζαι εγω προσωπικα εν καταλαβω γιατι πρεπει να τους ακουσει τζηνους, τους φιλελευθερους, τζαι οϊ τους αλλους ψηφοφορους του..
Το οτι οι εισηγησεις τους οδηγουν σε αδιεξοδο, εν κατι που εξερεν τζαι προεκλογικα..
αρα τωρα;
Ετσι τζαι αλλοιως τα liberal icons αποδειχτηκαν ευκολα εξαγορασιμες ποσοτητες..
Ετον ετον Δρουσιωτη χωσμενο στο προεδρικο να εποπτευκει τες ανακοινωσεις εναντιον του Νταουνερ...
Αν τουτο εν αντιστοιχο του "βουρατε γειτονοι", σορρυ κοπελλια αλλα εν καταλαβετε τες αναγκες του χιουμορ της  σημερινης εποχης..

Ειδα τζαι ενα κειμενο του Κ.Κωσταντινου στο ιντερνετ...
Ο καθενας απολαυμβανει οπως του φκαινει την εποχη της κομμωτικης..:)
Ο Κωνσταντινου λοιπον, ανακαλυψεν wow νεα ατακα..γιατι εν εμεινισκαμεν σιορ αγγλικη αποικια;
Ατε..γενναιο..θα το θκιεβασει η εθνικοφροσυνη στον Πολιτη τζαι θα παθει κατι;
Μπα..οι λεξεις εν δωρεαν..
Ιδου ολοκληρο βιβλιο για τα καπετανατα τζαι τον γιωρκατζισμο τζαι ο συγγραφεας του αποδειχτηκεν απλα καποιος με φαντασιωσεις να καμνει οτι τα καπετανατα την δεκαετια του 60..
Πισω στο Κωνσταντινου...
Μα γιατι καλε μου, νομιζεις οτι θα αποφευγαμε το Κουβειτ;
Τζαι τζηνο εισιεν αγγλικη προστασια τζαι οι καλοι φιλελευθεροι αγγλοι επαρεδωσαν το στην οικογενεια του εμιρη..Διοτι οι εγγλεζοι ειχαν τζαι ενα αηπιν που η φιλελευθερη φαντασιωση δυσκολευκεται να το καμει process..μπροστα στις διεκδικησεις των ιθαγενων επροτιμουσαν παντα να τους κρατουν ιθαγενεις..
Οπως τζαι δακατω..Με ουλλες τες διαφωνιες με την εκκλησια, στην ουσια οπως εφανηκεν τζαι το 1948, επροτιμουσαν την εκκλησια που τους..κομμουνιστες...
τους ανυποτακτους ιθαγενεις..
Οποτε φιλτατε μαλλον εμιρατο των παπαδων θα ειχαμε αν εμεινισκαμεν στην Βρετανικη αποικιοκρατια..
Η αν θελεις κοιταξε τζαι την Ιρλανδια - η καλη αυτοκρατορια των παρασιτων του Μπακινχαμ εισιεν τους βορειοιρλανδους να σκοτωνουνται μεχρι προσφατα για τους θρησκευτικους πολεμους του 17ου αιωνα...
Αλλα που καπου προσπαθει να πιαστει το πλασμα..
Πως μπορουμε να καμουμεν την ευρωπη της Μερκελ πιο φιλικη προς το περιβαλλον;
Να προβαλουμε τους δικους μας που τα εκαμαν πιλλιες..
Μονο που εν η τοτε Ευρωπη που τους εβοηθαν..
Οι φιλελευθεροι ειχαν παντα προβλημα κατανοησης των συνεπειων..τωρα εν να συμπεριφερουνται τζαι με συνδρομα αμνησιας;

Διοτι το ερωτημα ενι: ποια λυση, ποιοι θα την στηριξουν, τζαι πως οι στρουθοκαμηλοι θα μπορουσαν να ειναι συμβολο της κυπριακης δεξιας
Διοτι ερκεται τζαι το επομενο ...η λυση του κυπριακου ηταν τζιαμαι μεχρι προσφατα..
τωρα η Τουρκια ξαναμπαινει στο παιχνιδι τζαι οι τυποι δακατω απλα παρακολουθουν..
Ομως μια λυση ενεν απλα ενα χαρτι...
Εν κατι που πρεπει να εγκριθει,
τζαι εν κατι που πρεπει να στηριχθει για χρονια...
Τουτο το ανεκδοτο που κυβερνα [αναφερομαι στην συλλογικοτητα] μπορει να στηριξει οτιδηποτε;
Η μονη φορα που εσκεφτηκα οτι ισως να μεν εν το σιηροτερο που εχασαμεν το 2004 ηταν οταν εσκεφτηκα σε τι τυπους [με βαση τις τοτε συμμαχιες] θα επρεπε να βασιζουμαστεν  για να λειτουργησει η λυση, αν εκερδιζεν το ναι..
Με ετσι ανεμομυλους, θα εφκαλαμεν νερο, αλλα τιποτε εν μπορει να κτιστει..
τωρα ο ανεμομυλος εγινε κυβερνητης..
Με ιντα μουτρα μπορει να απευθυνθει στην αριστερα [εν μιλω για το ακελ σαν κομμα, εννοω το κοσμο της αριστερας] να στηριξει οτιδηποτε φερει;
Διοτι αν υπαρχει τζαι τουτη η αυταπατη, ξηχαστε την..
Πρεπει να εφευρει αλλον ρολο, τζαι το δειμμενο φρυδι να το εξασκει τζιαμαι που τον παιρνει - στο εσωτερικο του κυβερνειου..
Φκαινει το πρωι τζαι λαλει οτι θελει ενοτητα τζαι φκαινει το δειλις ο αλλος ανεμομυλος, ο Στυλιανιδης, τζαι καμνει επιθεση του Χριστοφια γιατι ειπεν οτι αποσυρση προτασεων εν δωρο στην Τουρκια. Αποψη του τζαι μαγκια του - τζαι σαφως εσιει κοσμο που συμφωνει.
Ιντα πριν 3 χρονια θα εσυμφωναν τζαι ο ιδιος.
Τωρα νομιζει οτι εν να βαφτισει την εκ περιτροπης κατι αλλο τζαι εν θα φανει οτι οι τ/κ επιασαν οτι εθελαν, τζαι οι ε/κ εχασαν την ενιαια ψηφο για να εχουν λογο στην βορεια Κυπρο;
Φαινεται εν εκαταλαβεν τι εγινε τον Μαρτη. 

Ο Αναστασιαδης ηταν το 2010-11 [μεχρι τον Ιουλη] στην πιο πλεονεκτικη θεση ηγετη της αντιπολιτευσης: μετα που μια περιπετεια επιθεσεων εναντιον του, το 2004-08, το κλιμα ηρεμησεν, ο νεος Προεδρος αντιμετωπιζεν τον με σεβασμο, τζαι σε μια ενδεχομενη εκλογικη αντιπαραθεση το 2013 θα εισιεν τζαι αποθεμα αριστερων ψηφων για την λυση...
Υστερα που τον Ιουλη του 2011 η εικονα του αναπροσαρμοστηκε πληρως..
Εμφανιστηκε παλε σαν καιροσκοπος οπως πριν το 2004 [τοτε με τα ρουσφεθκια, το χρηματιστηριο κλπ] καμνωντας το διαλειμα  του 2004-08 να φαινεται σαν ενα ακομα θεατρινιστικο επεισοδιο..τζαι αρκεψεν να καμνει ακριβως οτι εκατηγοραν [να γυρευκει συμμαχια με το ΔΗΚΟ, τζαι με τους απορριπτικους] ...
Την υστερια για το Μαρι εδιαδεχτηκεν την η υστερια για την τροικα - η υποκρισια να θελει καποιος να ερτει η τροικα τζαι υπογραφουν οτι οροι υποβαλλονταν [αμπα τζαι κοπει το ΕΛΑ της Λαικης τον Νιοβρη], τζαι υστερα να το παιζει παπια - " μα εσεις.."..
Εμφανιστηκε σαν οργανο των τραπεζων, ενω η εικονα των οικονομικων του
αφησεν ενα αισθημα.."αστα να πανε"..
Το οτι τα εκαμε μανταρα τον Μαρτη, η το οτι εξεραν οι ξενοι οτι θα τον εκαμναν οτι εθελαν,
ηταν προιον μιας εσωτερικης επαρσης κτισμενης σε πηλινα ποδια..
Εν εκαταλαβαινε..
Τωρα πρεπει να εκλιπαρει ποτζει ποδα στηριξη..
Νομιζω εν εσιει τζαι πολλην σημασια η ερωτηση τι μπορει να καταφερει..
Το ερωτημα εν αλλο - ακριβως επειδη επηραν τον χαπαρι θα ερτουν πιεσεις πολλες..για διαφορα..
Τζαι τουτος εσιει τους κομμωτες να του μαυριζουν τα μαλια για να μεν φαινεται οτι εν ενας ηλικιωμενος που νοιωθει χαμενος..
Μπορει ο Αναστασιαδης να συμπεριφερτει ωριμα, με μετρο την ηλικια του, τζαι να σταματησει να στηνει πολεμους των λυμπουρων μπροστα που ελεφαντες;
Παντως κωμωδια υπαρχει..λλιο μελο..Μαρθα Βουρτση - με απατησες..απονη..

Οι επιθεσεις εναντια στον Χριστοφια: ο φοβος για το συγκριτικο μετρο αλλα τζαι η μνημη των ταξικων αντιπαραθεσεων
Αφηκα τελευταιο το θεμα των επιθεσεων εναντια στον Χριστοφια, ασχετο αν ξεκινω με τουτο..
Επιφανειακα μπορεις να πεις οτι ετσι γινεται συνηθως..αμα αλλαξει κυβερνηση, κατηγορει η νεα την προηγουμενη..
Ενταξει..το πολιτικο κετσαπ κατανοητο...
Αλλα εν βαθυτερο...τζαι εν θεμα οϊ μονο για την αριστερα αλλα τζαι για την κοινωνια ολοκληρη...
Να πιασω δυο διαστασεις..
τις επιθεσεις εναντια στην πολιτικη της προηγουμενης κυβερνησης
τζαι τις προσωπικες επιθεσεις εναντιον του Χριστοφια..

Οι επιθεσεις εναντιον της προηγουμενης κυβερνησης στην ουσια εν η συνεχεια [με την μορφη συζητησης για την ωρα - αλλα μιας συζητησης με στοχο το δημοσιο λογο] μιας ταξικης αντιπαραθεσης..
Για 3 χρονια ο τραπεζικος τομεας υπονομευκεν την οικονομια..
Η κυβερνηση, σαν οντως αριστερη κυβερνηση, επροσπαθησεν να προστατευσει την κοινωνια..
Να διαφυλαξει το κοινωνικο μοντελο μπροστα στην επελαση της κρισης που ερκετουν που την υπογεια πορτα των τραπεζων..
που φυσικα εκρατουσαν την κοινωνια στο σκοταδι με τα ΜΜΕ...
μονο ο Χριστοφιας ετολμαν τζαι ελαλεν τα που το 2011..
τζαι τοτε εξεκινησεν, την ανοιξη, εξεκινησεν τουτη η υστερια..

Οι τραπεζες εν ηταν μονες τους..ειχαν τζαι οργανα στην βουλη τζαι συντριπτικη επιρροη στα ΜΜΕ.
Που την αλλη υπηρχε μια ταξικη συμμαχια περα που συνορα αριστερας-δεξιας μεσω των συντεχνιων..
Το ζητημα που θα υποβοσκει μονιμα εν το εξης:
εφοσον οι αιτιες της κρισης ηταν σαφως ο τραπεζικος τομεας
[τουτον εν τεκμηριωμενο τζαι που τα Γιουρογκρουπ πκιον για οσους εκαμναν οτι εν εξεραν να θκιεβαζουν τις εκθεσεις των οικων αξιολογησης]
τοτε η μονη λογικη αμυνα,
 αφου εν ειχαμε δικο μας νομισμα [το αυτογκολ κατα τον Πισσαριδη],
 ηταν μια προστασια της κοινωνιας με αντισταση στην λιτοτητα.

Τωρα το κεφαλαιο επαθεν την χοντρα διοτι στην υστερικη του επιθεση, εν εκαταλαβεν τις συνεπειες,
εκλεξεν ενα τυπο που εν εμπορεν λογικα να διαπραγματευτει [αφου ηταν φανερο το τι εσημαινε ξεπλυμα τζαι ας κλαιουνται δακατω τα πρωτοσελιδα]..
οποτε το μετωπο των  τραπεζων προσπαθει να δαιμονοποιησει την αντισταση..
Οϊ μονο για ιστορικους λογους κλπ..
Αλλα τζαι για πρακτικους..
Τρεμει ενα ακομα Μαρτη οπως τον περασμενο..
Τζηνη την οργη που εμποδισε το καθολικο κουρεμα ουλλων των καταθεσεων..
την κλοπη..

Επηραμε μετρα;..ρωτουν τα γερουθκια στην επιτροπη που εδιορισεν ο Ιωνας...
Εν ηξερουν οτι οι συναδελφοι τους επροσφυγαν εναντια στις περικοπες;
Ποσα πιανουν οι δικαστες;
Αμα ο Χριστοφιας εχαμηλωσεν τον μισθο του το 2010 τζαι εκαλεσεν αξιωματουχους να το καμουν επισης, εισιεν δικαστες που το εκαμαν;
Οσοι δικαστες ηταν να προσφυγουν στα δικαστηρια για τις περικοπες,
θα κληθουν να εξηγησουν την σταση τους;....:)
Ειπαμεν, εν τζαι κωμικη εποχη..

Πίσω στην ουσια της διαμαχης των σχολων οικονομικης πολιτικης η οποια εν τζαι σαφως ταξικη.
Επρεπε να παρουμε μετρα που να περιοριζουν την παροχη ρευστοτητας τζαι αρα να πληρωσει η κοινωνια την ζημια των τραπεζων;
Η επρεπε να παρουμε μετρα με κοινη συναινεση τζαι να πληρωσει τζαι το συσσωρευμενο κεφαλαιο που αρκεψεν ηδη να την καμνει για το εξωτερικο;
Σε τουτην την αντιπαραθεση η κυπριακη αριστερη κυβερνηση αντισταθηκε παραπανω απο οτι οποιαδηποτε αλλη στην Ευρωπη -
τζαι οποιος διαφωνα να το τεκμηριωσει.
Τζαι ακομα τζαι οταν οι τραπεζες εσπρωξαν την χωρα στον μηχανισμο [τωρα ξερουμεν οτι η τραπεζα κυπρου επροτιμαν που τον Σετεβρη του 2011 την τροικα παρα να χασει η οικογενεια τριανταφυλιδη-πολυβιου τον ελεγχο στο ΔΣ],
εδιαπραγματευτηκεν ενα ηπιο μνημονιο που εν εσυμπεριλαμβανε ιδιωτικοποιησεις..
Ηταν ενας συμβιβασμος..
Προφανως οι ευρωπαιοι εθελαν αλλα τζαι ετσι εκαρτερουσαν τον δικηγορο της makra investement..

Ακομα τζαι τον Μαρτη ομως, με την εισηγηση για κουρεμα, η προσπαθεια της κυβερνησης ηταν ουσιαστικα να φορτωθει η κοινωνια το κοστος με καθολικο κουρεμα.
Εν η κυπριακη εξεγερση της 16-23 Μαρτιου που ανετρεψε το σκηνικο.

Οταν λοιπον μιλουμε για μετρα θα πρεπει να ξεκαθαριζουμεν για ποια μετρα..τζαι με βαση ποιας σχολης [ η τζαι ποιου κοινωνικου στρωματος τα συμφεροντα] θα γινονται οι αξιολογησεις..
Διοτι λ.χ. τζαι οι εοκαβηταζηες ελαλουσαν οτι αν υπακουεν ο Μακαριος στην Χουντα
εν θα εγινετουν πραξικοπημα.
Να μας πει λοιπον ο Πικης: εφταιεν η αντισταση για το πραξικοπημα;
Θα επανελθουμε στα σκονακια των εμπειρογνωμονων που εν μονοφθαλμοι.

Οποτε οι επιθεσεις εναντια στον Δ. Χριστοφια ενεν τυχαιες... εν επιθεσεις εναντια στην αρνηση του να δεχτει σαν αυτονοητο να υποβληθει η κοινωνια στην λιτοτητα λογω τραπεζων.
Τζαι το σιηροτερο για τζηνους εν οτι εκαταφερνε τα - η χωρα εν "εχρεοπησεν" για 2 χρονια παρα το οτι ηταν εκτος αγορων, διοτι εκινειτουν σε ενα γεωπολιτικο πλαισιο σαν παικτης οϊ σαν "ο τυπος που στελλει επιστολες  για εσωτερικη καταναλωση"...
Ως τον Φερβαρη εφκαινε τζαι λλιο πλεονασμα..
Τζαι επειδη η ιστορια εν γραφεται σαν παιδικη εκθεση αλλα συγκριτικα,
 ο Δ. Χριστοφιας δεν ακολουθησε τον δρομο του Γ. Παπανδρεου, ουτε του Θαπατερο στην Ισπανια..
Αν ο διαδοχος του αποφασισε να αλλαξει στρατηγικη τον Μαρτη
η ευθυνη ειναι σαφης.

Εκτος βεβαια αν το σεναριο ενι οτι επρεπε να πληρωσουμε για τις τραπεζες τζαι να μεν πουμεν τιποτε.
Μα θα ειχαμε σιωπη;
Ετην Ισπανια...

Οποτε οι προσωπικες επιθεσεις εναντιον του εν τζαι ενα ειδος μετατοπισης των αδιεξοδων αλλα τζαι της ανασφαλειας.
Την περασμενη εφτομαδα ειχαμε ενα νεο επεισοδιο της αθλιοτητας.
Αθθυμιζω οτι μολις εξεσπασε η φαση με το κουρεμα, ο Διπλαρος του Δησυ, σαν hitman της δεξιας αρκεψεν να λαλει στα καναλια οτι εφκαλεν η κορη του Χριστοφια λεφτα στο εξωτερικο..
Απεσυρεν αμα ετηλεφωνησεν η κορη του Χριστοφια..
Αλλα ηταν φοβερο θρασος..
Ηξερεν πολλα καλα ο Διπλαρος οτι εν η κορη τζαι ο συμπεθερος του ηγετη του που το εφκαλε λεφτα εξω..
Ομως χωρις αντροπη επαιζε το κουτσομπολιο..
Να μετατοπισει σε ενα αλλο, ενα αθωο, τις ευθυνες...
Να αθθυμισω οτι εν το ιδιο ατομο που εισιεν πει τον Ιουλη του 2011 οτι εισιεν επιστολες του Ιωαννιδη που επροειδοποιαν κλπ..Ο φιλελευθερος εισιεν τζαι πρωτοσελιδο..
Ακομα γυρευκουν τες επιστολες;..
Το ψεμα...

Υστερα ειχαμε την ιστορια με το αυτοκινητο..Μα γιατι να θελει αυτοκινητο ο Χριστοφιας;..
Η ιδια αθλιοτητα..
Καλα ο Κληριδης ο Λυσαριδης, χουφταλα κλπ, εχουν πο' ουλλα - τουτος γιατι οϊ;
Γιατι εν αριστερος; Γιατι εν εργατικης καταγωγης;
Την ιδια ωρα που ο υπουργος αμυνας εμιλαν για πλανα να αφορασουν φρεγαδες,
τζαι ο υπουργος εσωτερικων υποχρεωνε αλλους να μειωσουν τα νοικια στις δημοσιες υπηρεσιες,
αλλα φυσικα το δικο του εν το μειωνει,
εφταιεν ο Χριστοφιας γιατι επεριμενε ισην μεταχειριση..
Γιατι εν καταργουνται για ουλλους;
Ποσα αυτοκινητα εσιει το προεδρικο;
Τζαι τι χρειαζεται ο συμπεθερος του Λουτσιου αυτοκινητο που το Δημοσιο στο κατω κατω;

Υστερα πιο βαθκεια στην μικροπρεπεια...οι κομμωτες του κυβερνειου..
Μπαινει θεμα γιατι προσλαμβανονται δημοισογραφοι στο προεδρικο..Διοτι εν ενα πραμα να πιασεις ενα συνταγματολογο η κατι , τζαι αλλο να πιασεις ενα δημοσιογραφο να σου φτιαχνει το image αμα καμνεις γκαφες τζαι να τον πληρωνεις με δημοσιο χρημα..
Ο Περδικης τουτο εν το επροσεξεν γιατι εν ο κατ' εξοχην ενας yesman των καναλαρχων για χρονια..
Δαμαι, υποτιθεται, "περιβαλλοντιστης" [οικολογος εν ενι, μεν λαλουμεν, εννοειται] τζαι καθε φορα που εν πει κατι για την βιοηχανια των αμπελοπουλιων,
καμνει τζαι κριτικη τους ακτιβιστες..
Κρατει τα σιοινια...εν συνεπεια φαινεται..τζαι οϊ συμφεροντα..

Οποτε οι κομμωτες τζαι οι κομμωτριες του κυβερνειου, ηβραν το "ταμειο αλληλεγγυης"..
Τζαι αφου ελαλουσαν οτι εν εβρισκαν τα στοιχεια [κατι μυστικο εκαμεν, κρυφα, κλπ κλπ] τελικα το Σαββατο εδωκαν τα σε δυο εφημεριδες..
Ειδες τους κομμωτες - σκεφτονται την κυκλοφορια..
Ιντα χαζα πρωτοσελιδα...τζαι οι 2 να εχουν πιασει την ιδια λιστα που το ιδιο ατομο τζαι να κομπαζουν για αποκλειστικοτητα..
Περαστικα..:)
Το θεμα;
Ο Χριστοφιας αντι να πει τους πλουσιους τζαι οσων εταιρειων ενδιαφερουνταν να το παιξουν "δημοσιες δωρεες"
δωστε μου τα τζαι θα τα κανονισω,
η αγοραστε μας κανενα κοτερο να εχουμεν τζαι εμεις,
η εστω ενα αυτοκινητο, 
επηεν τζαι εκαμεν ταμειο..να υπαρχει αναφορα..
Ενω ο καλος μας Γλαυκος που επροεδρευσεν σε τοσο ρουσφετι,
ακομα εν θα ξερει, φανταζομαι, ποσα εφκαλεν ο  Κατσιαριστρας, ο Χασικος...
Ο Τασσος εισιεν μεχρι το 2006 το δικηγορικο του γραφειο να φιγουραρει δημοσια σαν νομικη υπηρεσια της Λαικης..
Μουχτιν;..
Ιντα ετσι εποχες ο Πολυβιου εφκαλεν μονο που το αμεσο ποσο που επληρωνετουν
[εξω οι δικες]
400.000 καθε χρονο που την Τραπεζα Κυπρου.
Ετσι ποσα που ελαλεν τζαι ο κυβενρητης για τα 50 εκατομυρια, εν συνηθισμενα..

Ο Βαξεβανης αποκαλυψεν μας προεκλογικα οτι ο Ανστασιαδης επιανε "δωρακια" που την τραπεζα Κυπρου... για το δικηγορικο του γραφειο...
Τουτα εν εγραφουνταν πουποτε;..

Γιατι εγινε τζηνο το επεισοδιο..
Διοτι οΧριστοφιας εδημοσιοποιησεν τα περιουσιακα του στοιχεια, τα δικα του τζαι της οκογενειας του για την περιοδο 2008-2013..
τζαι για οποιον αθθυμαται, η συγκριση με τα στοιχεια του Αναστασιαδη εν κραυγαλεα..
Ο Αναστασιαδης εδωκεν σαφως ελλειματικα στοιχεια τζαι αφηκεν εξω τα παιδια κλπ...
Οποτε η εικονα του Λουτσιου τζαι του δικηγορικου γραφειου που εδιακιναν εκατομυρια ηρτεν πισω..
Τζαι οι επιθεσεις εναντιον του ηταν αθλιες ακριβως για τουτο..
Αν καποιος θελει να καμει πολιτικη με βαση την προσωπικη ζωη τοτε εν απλο-
θα πρεπει να συγκρινει ομοια..τον Χριστοφια, τι εισιεν , τι απεκτησε, με αλλους προεδρους..
Εν θα χωνεται πισω που κατασκευασμενες υστεριες..
Το κυκλωμα του Συναγερμου στον Φιλελευθερο ενω μια δημοσια καταγραφη του πως διαχεεται το κουτσομπολιο...γραφει ο εντεταλμενος, ο Καλλινικου, ακολουθει ο Χατζηστυλιανου...τζαι υστερα οι παραδεξαμενοι..:)
Μα γιατι εδηλωσε σαν μειωση περιουσιας οτι εδωκεν στα κοπελλουθκια του;
Ενω αμα ο Αναστασιαδης εν εδηλωνε τα περιουσιακα των παιθκιων του;
Το ευαισθητο κυκλωμα, ηβρεν το λογιστικα αψογο...
Ενα τουλαχιστον εντιμο σχολιο στην Καθημερινη:
"Και ο νυν Προεδρος εδωσε μια κατασταση περιουσιας, που πινει νερο, πολυ νερο, και που θα πρεπει μετα τα κουρεματα και τα ξυρισματα να ξαναδοθει. Φυσικα αυτος ο Προεδρος, ο κ. Αναστασιαδης, αμα πει να κανει οτι και ο Χριστοφιας με τα περιουσιακα των παιδιων του, λογικα θα μας φυγει το καφασι με τα εκετομμυρια να σφυρουν πανω απο τα κεφαλια μας.  Καλο θα ηταν να ξεραμε τι ειχατε και τι σας κουρεψαν. Αν πονεσατε οσο οι υπολοιποι η τελος παντων αν σε στενεουν τα λουρια ομως κι εμας η ψαχνεστε ακομα για κανενα οικοπεδακι."
Περαστικα...:)

Εν θα πω για το πως η αριστερη προεδρια, του Χριστοφια εσιει φτιαξει το πλαισιο
για να μπορεσει η κοινωνια να συνεχισει..
Αμα τους πεις κατι τουτοι εν αξιοι στην εμπαθεια της ανασφαλειας να τα καμουν μανταρα οπως τον Μαρτη που ειχαν ετοιμη συμφωνια τζαι εγελασαν τους σε μια νυχτα..

Να μεινω μονο στο συγκριτικο..
Τον περασμενο Αυγουστο οι δυο φυλλαδες, ο πολιτης τζαι ο φιλελευθερος, σε αγαστη συνεργασια παλε εξαπολυσαν μια επιθεση εναντια στην κινεζικη επενδυση στον αεροδορμιο Λαρνακας - τζαι εμμεσα στο ανοιγμα της κυβερνησης Χριστοφια στην Κινα. Ο στοχος ηταν  βεβαια παντα ο Χριστοφιας, αλλα εστιασαν στον Ιερωνυμιδη τζαι το οτι η γυναικα του εισιεν επαγγελματικη σχεση με τον κινεζο επενδυτη..
Ατε να αποδειξεις οτι δεν εισαι ελεφαντας..
Τελικα η ιστορια με την επενδυση εναυαγησεν τοτε..
 Ο Ιερωνυμιδης απαλλακτηκε μετεκλογικα..
Οι φυλλαδες αλλαξαν θεμα..
Τζαι τωρα η μονη επαρχια που κινειται εν η Παφος, οπου συνεχιζουν να ερκουνται κινεζοι μετα το ανοιγμα που εκαμεν ο Ιερωνυμιδης την εποχη του Χριστοφια..
Την ωρα που αλλοι στην μικροπρεπεια τους επολεμουσαν την κινεζικη επενδυση,
οι καλαμαραες με τον Σαμαρα εβουρουσαν να προλαβουν..

Τζαι μια τελευταια απορια - αν για την γυναικα του Ιερωνυμιδη υπηρχαν τοσες υπονοιες που οδηγουσαν σε ναυαγιο μια στρατηγικη συμμαχια με μια χωρα οπως η Κινα,
γιατι εν εφαρμοζεται το ιδιο κριτηριο στο "λαικισμο του κερατα" υπουργο;
Ο Χασικος με το πιο χαζο επιχειρημα του πλανητη λαλει μας οτι ο ιδιος εν ασχολειται με τις επιχειρησεις της οικογενειας κλπ..
Η κυρια Χασικου;
Ιντα θεση επηρεν τοτε η εφημεριδα του απεναντι στην κυρια Ιερωνυμιδου..
Δαμαι εκαρφωσεν τον "φιλικη' εφημεριδα - ο Πολιτης..
Η κ. Ιερωνυμιδου στο κατω κατω εκαμνε κατι για να φερει επενδυσεις..
εν επιανε νοικια που τον Δημοσιο,
ουτε εκαμνε νομους που εξυπηρετουν οικογενειακα συμφεροντα..
Ο Χατζηστυλιανου εσιει αποψη..
οξα οτι λαλει το "σκονακι";

Εν τζαι τα πρωτοσελιδα ταξικα..
Αλλα για να παραφρασουμεν τον Μακιαβελι,
η "μνημη της ελευθεριας",
της ιστορικης ελπιδας δηλαδη,
των δικαιωματων στο δημοσιο πλουτο για την συγκυρια μας,
 η της αντιστασης,
ενεν ευκολο να τα ξεριζωσει καποιος αμα τα ζησει  καπως μια κοινωνια..
Εν τζαι τουτο το φαντασμα που προσπαθουν να εξορκισουν μερικοι..
Αλλα ισως να εν καταδικασμενοι να παιξουν σε ενα γηπεδο
που εσιει δυναμικες που εν καταλαβουν ακομα..
Μπορει να ηταν πιο χρησιμο να εδοκιμαζαν να μαθουν πρωτα...

Απο οτι θωρω στον δημοσιο λογο επιστρεφουμε με γληορο ρυθμο στην δεκαετια του 90 αν οϊ στην δεκαετια του 80 η τζαι του 60..
καλα σε σχεση με το ρουσφετι σιουρα παμε για την δεκαετια του 60...Η δεκαετια του 80 ηταν πιο αθωα, ενω του 90 ηταν τελια περιπαιξιμο αφου ειχαμεν ζησει τζαι λλιην ειλικρινεια την περιοδο Βασιλειου..Σε τουτον μοιαζει με το σημερα..
Ατε τωρα..ο Ντανουνερ τζαι ο Νταουνερ...
Να το θκιωξετε ρε λεβεντες - ατε βαλτε τα ΜΜΕ σας να του καμουν επιθεση, τζαι νικηστε μονοι σας - οπως παντα στον υπνο σας....ως τζαι ο Βενιζελος του Φιλελευθερου, παιζει το οτι ταυτιζεται με την επιστολη [λεμε τωρα] του Αναστασιαδη στον Μπαν Κι Μουν, τζαι ονειρευκεται απομακρυνση..
wow...
Το ψεμα που επιστεψεν τον εαυτο του;
Τουλαχιστον ο Μιχαηλιδης κρατα καποια λογικα προσχηματα τελευταια..

Κωμικο συμπτωμα ψευτοπαλληκαρισμου : Να φωναζεις οτι επρεπε να ερτει πιο γληορα η τροικα τζαι οσοι σε ενοχλουν να "εν οργανα της τροικας"
 Ο καημενος ο Βενιζελος..Αγωνιστηκε να ερτει η τροικα τζαι υστερα εισιεν προβλημα με το μνημονιο - κατι μου θυμιζει τουτο το σεναριο κωμικης υπεκφυγης -  καθε φορα που εκολλουσαν οι διαπραγματευσεις, εφταιεν η τοτε κυβερνηση..
Ακαταχνωτα...
Εν εισιεν Νταουνερ τοτε;
Εν οπως τον Ν. Παπαδοπουλο.. Α ρε Τασσο...που να εφανταζεσου ποθεν θα επροδωνεσουν τελικα..
Λοιπον ο Νικολακης λαλει οτι εν θελει τον Δημητριαδη γιατι εν οργανο της Τροικα..[μεν γελατε - ειπεν το]..
Μαλιστα..λογικα θα επεριμενες οτι τουτος που το λαλει θα ηταν εναντιον του Μνημονιου.
Αλλα στην γλυκεια μας χωρα η λογικη εσιει αποστασεις που την συνεπεια - ιδιαιτερα στην εποχη της κωμωδιας οπως η σημερινη..
Ο Ν. Παπαδοπουλος ταυτοχρονα υποστηριζει οτι επρεπε να μπουμε σε μνημονιο που το 2011...
τζαι αφου επιεζεν τζαι επιεζεν οταν ηρτεν η τροικα το Ιουλιο του 2013,
ο ιδιος ειπεν οτι "ηρτεν να μας βοηθησει"..
Εν ιντα ζορι τραβας ρε λεβεντη τωρα;..
Πιαστο μαστιγιο τζαι τραβα στην κρεβατοκαμαρη μονο σου..
Η τροικα ηταν οτι ηθελες [εν γινεται μνημονιο χωρις τροικα]
οποτε ποιο εν το προβλημα σου τωρα με την τροικα τζαι τον Δημητριαδη;
Εν το κλασικο συνδρμο των αστων μας - ενομιζαν οτι καμνωντας επιθεση στον Χριστοφια τζαι την αριστερα ηταν να ερτουν οι ευρωπαιοι να τους πουν,
"μπραβο μανα μου..τι καλα παιδια.."
Τζαι οι ευρωπαιοι ειπαν τους οτι τελικα οσοι εκατηγορουσαν τες τραπεζες ειχαν δικαιο...
Ου γριστος...
Αν παθετε τα ιδια τζαι στο κυπριακο;..:)
Παρενθεση - γιατι εν πυρ και μανια ο Ν. Παπαδοπουλος με τον Δημητριαδη;
Γιατι ειπεν τους στην βουλη οτι πρεπει να το δηλωνουν  αμα εχουν συγκρουση συμφεροντων.
Πολλα καλα του εκαμεν.

Συνειρμοι για τον Σετεβρη του 2011 τζαι οσα τα ΜΜΕ μας λογοκρινουν
Εννοειται οτι η "ερευνητικη" που εδιορισεν ο Ιωνας, παει προς την κατευθυνση της βασικης υποψιας - να προσπαθει να μετακινησει την εμφαση μακρυα που τες τραπεζες. Να εσιεις τον Σαρρη που οδηγησεν την Λαικη στην κρατικη στηριξη, τζαι να τον χαιδευκεις με ερωτησεις, αποφευγωντας να μαθεις οτιδηποτε για την Λαικη...
Τζαι το ιδιο συνδρομο με τον Ν. Παπαδοπουλο: Ο Σαρρης ειπεν μας οτι τον Μαρτιο οι ευρωπαιοι ηταν αδιστακτοι, τζαι υστερα ειπεν μας οτι εχασαμεν "χρυσες ευκαιριες" το 2011 να φερουμεν την τροικα. Τι στο καλο - βρεσιει τζαι βλαστουν ψωναρες αντι μανιταρκα. Δηλαδη το 2012 εγιναν κακοι τζαι το 2011 θα ηταν καλοι; Λογικη συνεπεια μηδεν. Η μαλλον εθελεν να πει - το 2011 εσυμφερεν της Λαικης να τραβησετε παραπανω σκορσο.
Τζαι η επιτροπη του συμπεθερου εν εκαταλαβεν τιποτε που την αντιφαση - τζαι οι εφημεριδες που επιχορηγουν οι τραπεζες αναπαραγαν την κωμωδια.

Για οποιον θελει να θωρει το πλαισιο,ας κοιταζει την Θειοπουλου στον Φιλελευθερο - σημερα εσιει συνεντευξη με τον δικηγορο του Ριμπολοβλεφ - του ρωσου μεγαλομετοχου της τραπεζας Κυπρου...Εισηγηθηκε να δωσει βαλει  800 εκατομυρια το Σετεβρη του 2011..τζαι τα τζακια εν εδεχτηκαν...
Τζαι εξυπνησαν τον Μαρτη..:)
Ενδιαφερον ημερομηνια..Σετεβρης 2011..εξεκινησεν τζαι ο Ελα της Λαικης, εκαμεν τζαι το show ο δικηγορος της Τραπεζας Κυπρου...ο Πολυς..που εκλαιετουν τον Μαρτη επισης..
Ενδιαφερουσες πρεκτασεις...

Οποιος θκιεβαζει ακομα Πολιτη, περαστικα..
Αμα μαθουμε λλια για τα οικονομικα του θα εν τζαι τζηνη η κωμωδια πιο καθαρη..

Δηλαδη εσιει κοσμο που εν εκαταλαβεν ακομα οτι οταν ηταν η τροικα δακατω ο Αβερωφ εβουραν ποπισω της τζαι εκαμνε οτι εμπορεν να για να εισηγειται πιο σκληρα μετρα;
Τζαι υστερα εκαμαν τον ρεζιλι..
Αλλα τα ΜΜΕ μας αψογα..Ουτε λεξη για τον Αβερωφ..
Μια πινελια καθωσπρεπισμου με αρκετη δοση υπακουης σιωπης...
Οπως τζαι τωρα με τον Νταουνερ..τζαι τον Δρουσιωτη..
Δηλαδη να πιστεψουμε οτι ο Νταουνερ εκαμε το εγγραφο τζαι εν το εξερε ο φιλος του στο προεδρικο;
Μα καλα γιατι εν τζιαμαι ο Δρουσιωτης ; Μονο για κιτρινη δημοσιογραφια;
Εν κρατει ακρη στον κυβενρητη με τον Νταουνερ κλπ..;;
Τσ Τς...

Τα συνδρομα του προεδρικου τζαι οι συνεπειες των πρακτικων της δεξιας στο κυπριακο:  
για τις γκαφες παντα φταιει καποιος αλλος, αλλα αμα γινει σοβαρη η κατασταση, εν να αναλαβει κανενας τις ευθυνες;
Εν να μου πειτε γιατι ειμαι ειρωνικος αφου εν σοβαρα τα πραματα..
Μα ιντα που εν σοβαρο;
Το ινταλως χειριζουνται το κυπριακο;
Οτι σε 2 μερες ακουσαμεν 3 εκδοχες; - εν ηξερα, ακουσα οτι ηταν να γινει, τελικα ειχαμεν το που τες 30 αλοπως αλλα..α ναι εγω το εζητησα..
Μια ζωη πανικος τζαι τα ιδια συνδρομα - πρωτα αποκρυψη, υστερα προσπαθεια να φταιξει καποιος αλλος, τζαι υστερα "μα εγω εν τζαι..."
Οξα εσιει σοβαροτητα ο αλλος που επουλαν βιβλια, ταχα μου, γιατι ηταν εναντια στον γιωρκατζισμο, τζαι τελικα ο αθρωπος εισιεν απλα φαντασιωση μια καρεκλουα στο προεδρικο;
Οξα να αθθυμουστε το whining;..εγω τζαι το κυπριακο..

Οσο για το που θα το παει [η που εν να τον παρουν] ο περιγυρος του κυβερνητη [ ο ιδιος εν εκαταλαβα ακομα ποσο καταλαβει τζαι ποσο απλα τον χρησιμοποιουν] λλια πραματα περιμενω..
Η λυση ηταν εφικτη..
Τωρα μπορει να καμουν οτι καμνει συνηθως η ελληνοκυπριακη δεξια -
 πρωτα θα φωναξει
υστερα θα δεχτει σιηροτερα απο οσα θα αποκυρηξει
τζαι στο τελος θα οδηγησει στα σιηροτερα - που δαμαι που εφτασαμεν μπορει να εν τζαι η ηγεμονια του τουρκικου κρατους πανω στην κυπρο..
Φαντασου να δικαιωσουν τζαι τον Τασσο μονοι τους...
Διοτι υπαρχει προηγουμενο..Ενω ο υπολοιπος πλανητης εκαμνε αντι-αποικιακα κινηματα,
η δεξια ηθελε ενωση με τα οπλα την δεκαετια του 50..
ολοταχως στο παρελθον..
Ετσι τζαι τωρα..ο κοσμος αλλασει..
η Ευρωπη γινεται ο "αρρωστος" του παγκοσμιου συστηματος
οι μη δυτικοι αναδυονται
τζαι τα δικα μας κωθωνια νομιζουν οτι ζουν τον τζαιρο του ψυχρου πολεμου τζαι θελουν να μπουν στο Νατο...
Οποτε..το 55 η Τουρκια εκαταφερεν να αποκτησει προσβαση στην Κυπρο με την Τριμερη..
το 1960..εγραφτηκε σαν εγγυητης μεσα στο συνταγμα..
το 1964 εβομβαρδισεν την Κυπρο - τοτε που η εθνικοφροσυνη μας ενομιζεν οτι καμνει οτι θελει..
τζαι τελικα το 74 εδωκεν την ευκαιρια στην Τουρκια να παρκαρει στην βορεια κυπρο..

Θελετε να αλλαξετε πραματα που τες συγκλισεις...go ahead..
η κωμωδια..
Δηλαδη θα αποσυρετε την φαση με τους 50,000 εποικους, για να νομιμοποιηθουν παραπανω;
Ε ατε..:)
Παντως αν αποσυρθει η ενιαια, εστω τζαι σταθμισμενη, ψηφος, εγω θα εχω σοβαρο λογο να σκεφτω τι θα καμω..
Εν εκαταλαβα... μονο οι απορριπτικοι να το παιζουν καπως..
Εχω τζαι εγω κοτσηνες γραμμες...επιτελους εχουμεν ενα βημα περα που τον διαχωρισμο με την ενιαια ψηφοφορια..
Αν η κωμωδια του εποχης αποφασισει να υποχωρησει, τοτε να δουμε αν εσιει να προτεινει κατι καλλλιτερο - για να μεν υπαρχει απολυτος διαχωρισμος..Διοτι ειπαμεν - το θεμα ενι [ η ηταν] να κλεισουν καπως τα βορεια συνορα..
Αν καποιοι θα παραχωρησουν τζαι την βορεια στην Τουρκια  για να αποκτησει τουρκικη πλειοψηφια σε 10 χρονια
τζαι την νοτια στο ΝΑΤΟ για να την επιτηρει η Αγκυρα,
τοτε να δουμεν την εθνικοφροσυνη να χορευκει αγκαλιασμενη με τους γκριζους λυκους
πριν το νεο 63 η 74..
Διοτι τα ιδια δεδομενα παραγουν αναλογες συνεπειες...
Επηεν ο Ερτογαν στις ΗΠΑ, τζαι τα ΜΜΕ "μας"  ελαλουσαν οτι ηταν σημαντικο το κυπριακο -  ο Ερτογαν το εβαλε.
Πισω στες λαφαζανιες των πρωτοσελιδων της δεκαετιας του 60.
Ο Ερτογαν θα παει στην Γαζα για να συνεχισει το ανοιγμα στου Αραβες τζαι το ισλαμ.
Οι "δικοι μας" μεινισκουν μονοι τους τζαι κανενας εν ασχολειται καν...
Δεδομενοι οπως ηταν τζαι στις αρχες του Μαρτη.
Α ναι τωρα εβαλαν τους πανω οι εγγλεζοι να υποστηριζουν τον εξοπλιασμο των ισλαμιστων στην Συρια. Τζαι αν δεν νικησει ο Ασσαντι ειπαν σας οτι εν καλλιτερα;
Γυρευκεις λογικη στην συμπαν της αχαπαροσυνης...
Οτι τους πουν..

Η νεα εποχη του ρουσφεθκιου τυλιγμενη σε υποσχεσεις - "δεσμευομαι" οτι δεν θα υπαρχει διαπλοκη
Φυσικα θα αντεξουμεν..
Μαλλον θα μας γλυτωσει η γεωγραφια...
αλλα χωρις χιουμορ μεχρι να απαλλαγουμε που τουτους εν μπορει να γινει..
Διοτι θελει τζαι τη διαλεκτικη του χιουμορ το ζητημα..
Εκατεληξα οτι εν καλα να την καμουμεν που το ευρω...αλλα ταυτοχρονα η ιδεα να κυβερνουν
οι Χασικοι, οι Ιωναες τζαι οι Στυλιανιδηες, οπως τα καπετανατα την δεκαετια του 60,
εν αρκετα πειστικο επιχειρημα,
οτι πρεπει να εχουμε οπωσδηποτε τζαι αλλους εμπλεκομενους στην Κυπρο..
Θελουμεν ΟΗΕ..:)
Εν γινεται να αγορασουν διαφοροι μερικα κυπριακα ΜΜΕ;
Τουλαχιστον να εσιει καποιο ανταγωνισμο..
Ποση πληξη να αντεξει το πλασμα με ιδιο φκιολι σε 4 που τα 4 τηλεοπτικα καναλια;..
Εκαταλαβεν κανενας, εν τω μεταξυ, τι σημαντικο εκαμεν ο Κενεβεζος πατερας τζαι εσιει την πιο
ρουσφετολογικα τιμωμενη οικογενεια στην ανατολικη μεσογειο;
Σημερα τρεχουν σαλια που το πρωτοσελιδο της Αληθειας - ο Χασικος λαλει οτι εν να διορισει νεα συμβουλια στους ημικρατικους ο Αναστασιαδης [ατε τωρα να δουμε αν θα το παιξει τζαι αντι-συνταγματικα]..οποτε χαρουες για τα ρουσφεθκια..
Ηδη ο Χασικος πρεπει να εν παγκοσμιο νουμερο - ιδιοκτητης ΜΜΕ υπουργος για τα ΜΜΕ..
Ετα κατετανατα..ο γιος του ξενοδοχου υπουργος οικονομικων, ταχα μου, για να επιχορηγα τους δικους του..
ο Χασικος να κανονισει την πουγκα του - τωρα γραφει η Χαραυγη εν να καταργησουν την πλατφορμα του ΡΙΚ για να ευκολυνουν τα ιδιωτικα καναλια...
Τζαι τουτο ενεν καθολου διαπλοκη..Οϊ σιορ..
Μα εν τυχαια που 4 καναλια ηταν προσκοποι στην προεκλογικη;...

Η επιτροπη του συμπεθερου
Θελω να γραψω τζαι για την υποτιθεμενη επιτροπη για την ερευνα για τις τραπεζες τζαι την κριση.. λ.χ. για το ινταλως θκιεβαζουν ενα εγγραφο τζαι μια συμφωνια..
Ο αλλος εθκιεβαζεν τι θεωρειται πρακτικη στην Ευρωπη τζαι ενομιζεν οτι ηταν συμφωνια του Νιοβρη..
Πιιι...
Καλα τοσο δυσκολο ενι να καταλαβει καποιος οτι στην Ευρωπη εχουν κανονες για τι θα γινει με τις τραπεζες αμα εν παν καλα;
Εσιει τζαι σημερα - κειμενα στις εφημεριδες για το οτι αυξανεται η πιεση για τις προβληματικες τραπεζες..
Δηλαδη μερικοι θεωρουν οτι οι δυο ενοχες τραπεζες μας επρεπε να σωθουν πασι θυσια;
Γιατι;
Εσιετε μετοχες οξα καταθεσεις πανω που 100,000;

Κυριοι της επιτροπης που εδιορισεν ο Ιωνας: αμα εν καταλαβετε κατι
εν τζαι εν αναγκη να φαινεται τοσο εντονα οτι μερικοι εστω που εσας θελουν να εξυπηρετησουν
οσους τους εδιορισαν...

Κυριε Πικη [που ελαλουσαν καλα λογια για εσενα]
ιντα γκαφες εν τουτες;..
Ακου αν εζητησεν δανειο η Ομονοια..
Καλα γιατι εν ερωτησες τζαι αν επιασεν μη-εξυπηρετουμενο δανειο, ας πουμε η Ανορθωση;
Ενοχλει σε η Ομονοια;
Οξα επαιζες το να αφησεις να αιωρειται κατι;
Γκαφα κ. Πικη..
Big Time..
Θκιεβαζεις μονο μιαν "εφημεριδα" [οπως μας ειπεν τζαι ο Καλλης για το πως εδιαμορφωσεν αποψη]
οξα ετσι λαλουν οι "εμπειρογνωμονες";
Κυριε Πικη το φκιολι με τον Ομονοια εκαμεν το θεμα ο κ. Καρυδας ο οποιος κατηγορειται που την τραπεζα Κυπρου οτι ηταν αμεσα εμπλομενος στην παρατυπη [χωρις εγκριση] αγορα των 2 δις σε ελληνικα ομολογα το 2009 -10..
Αναπαραγεις τα τουτα;
Εν ηξερεις,  οξα;
Τζαι καλα εν ερωτησες τον Κ. Σαρρη για την διαπλοκη  με την συμμετοχη του σε ΔΣ εταιρειων,
η για τα δανεια της Λαικης; Τζαι τουτα ηταν στις εφημεριδες τοτε...
Μαλιστα το θεμα της συγκρουσης συμφεροντων με την συμμετοχη του σε Συμβουλια εταιρειων,
εθεσε το τζαι η Κεντρικη Τραπεζα...πριν τον Δημητριαδη..
Να τα ερωταν ο κ. Κραμβης τουτα για να καλυψει τα σκανδαλα της τραπεζας Κυπρου, ατε..
Εσυ ιντα ζορι τραβας;

Ατε να περιμενω αλλο λλιον πριν καταληξουμεν..
Αλλα, τελος παντων, ενας ξενος δικαστης θα εβοηθαν επισης..
Η εστω που αλλη κοινοτητα - η μακρυα που τα τζακια της Λευκωσιας..

Ιντα πανικο επαθαν με την Alvarez and Marshal;
Μαλιστα ...τζηνη ηταν ερευνα..Μονο τζαι μονο που παραμιλουν ακομα γιατι εγινε,
 εν τεκμηριο του ποσο σημαντικη ηταν..
Ιδου τζαι τα θετικα των ξενων..εστω τζαι των αμερικανων..:)

Η Λαικη τζαι η Τραπεζα Κυπρου πληρωνουν για τις δικες τους αμαρτιες
Τζαι επειδη εβαρηθηκα τα κλαψουρισματα γυρον,
τζαι ιδιαιτερα την ανοητη ατακα οτι μισσιμου
η Τραπεζα Κυπρου εν "εθνικο ζητημα"
θα το ξαναπω για να ειμαστεν ξεκαθαροι..
Η Λαικη εκλεισεν για τις αμαρτιες της..εν κριμα οι εργαζομενοι
αλλα, παιθκια, εταλαιπωρηθηκαμεν καμποσο σαν κοινωνια..
Πολλα καλα που εκλεισεν..
υγειαν τζαι παρακατω..
Οϊ πως η τραπεζα Κυπρου εφταιεν πιο λλιον..
Τζαι μπορει να εσιει δικαιο ο Κ. Παυλου οτι βασικα την Λαικη εφααν την οι μεγαλομετοχοι της τραπεζας Κυπρου για να γλυτωσουν οτι μπορουν...
Τζαι η Τραπεζα Κυπρου εν ζητημα των μετοχων της - αμα σωθουν τζαι τα ταμεια προνοιας, οπως σωθουν, εν προβλημα του ιδιωτικου τομεα...
Ακου εθνικο ζητημα η τραπεζα του Τριανταφυλιδηες τζαι του Πολυβιου..
Γυρευτειτε αλλου..

Γενικα το οτι  εχασαν οι πλουσιοι υστερα που την αντιδραση στο αποπειρα για καθολικο κουρεμα ενεν κακο..
Αντιθετα..
Γιατι το παιχνιδι των εμρηνειων παει τζαι ερκεται..
Γιατι το ζητημα ενι - ποιος πρεπει να πληρωνει για τις τραπεζες.
Τζαι εζησαμεν μια συγκρουση 3 χρονια...
τζαι τουτη εν τζαι τοπικη
τζαι ευρωπαικη..
Οποτε το οτι καποιοι θελουν να φορτωσουν στην κοινωνια την ζημια
υπηρχε [ειτε με την αποπειρα να φορτωθει το δημοσιο,
ειτε με την αποπειρα για καθολικο κουρμα]..
Οπως τζαι η αντισταση..

Το οτι το τοπικο κεφαλαιο εν εκαταλαβεν ιντα που εγινετουν στην ευρωπη
φαινεται τζαι στην επιτροπη του συμπεθερου που μαχουνται ακομα να καταλαβουν οτι
στην ευρωπη ενεν αυτονοητο οτι πρεπει να πληρωνει η κοινωνια την ζημια των τραπεζων..

Βεβαια οι συνεπειες του τζογου/καζινου των τραπεζων συνεχιζονται -
 τωρα εχουμεν τις συνεπειες - την υφεση που προκαλει η κριση του τζογου των τραπεζων σε μια οικονομια που εξαρτιετουν που τες τραπεζες..
Οποτε υπαρχει μια διαμαχη τζαι για το μελλον..

Τζαι φυσικα αν ειμαστεν νουσιμοι θα φυουμεν καποτε που το ευρω..
Οϊ μονο γιατι φαινεται ποσο εξαρτωμενοι ειμαστε χωρις νομισμα
αλλα γιατι μια χωρα με φυσικο αεριο
εν κουφο να εξαρταται για το νομισμα της που μια χωρα μιλια μακρυα..
Ως τζαι ο Πισσαριδης εκαταλαβεν οτι ηταν προβλημα η ενταξη στο ευρω;...
Αυτονομια αλλα με ανοικτους δρομους για πολλους..

Ατε αλλο θεμα..

Εσιει κατι μερες που προσπαθω να τελειωσω ενα κειμενο για την νεα συγκυρια στην οποια μπαινουμε..Αλλα επειδη σημερα εν η τελετουργικη ψηφοφορια στην βουλη,νομιζω εσιει σημασια, στην ιστορικη ροη,
η καταγραφη μιας θεσης.
Διοτι παρα τις υστεριες των ΜΜΕ
[της τραπεζας Κυπρου η των ιδιωτικων συμφεροντων μερικων],
διαμορφωνονται στην καθημερινοτητα νεα ρευματα, νεες τασεις,
νεες πλειοψηφιες στην προοπτικη..
Οπως καταρρεουν εικονες τζαι φαντασιωσεις για "οικογενειες" κρατων, τζαι "ευρωπαιους φιλους"
 που εμφανιστηκαν απλα,
σαν νεωτερες εκδοχες, προηγουμενων σεναριων δουλοπρεπειας-
για τες "αγγλοελληνικες φιλιες" τζαι αλλα γνωστα, μεχρι το 1974...

Τελικα η εικονα της ευθυνης των τραπεζων, εν τζιαμαι,
παρα τες τοσες τζαι τοσες προσπαθειες να λογοκριθει -
οπως τζαι το διλημμα που εχαρακτηρισεν την προηγουμενη συγκρουση:
επρεπε να πληρωσει η κοινωνια την ζημια των τραπεζων;
Τζαι φυσικα τουτο εν ηταν μονο τοπικο ζητημα -
ηταν, τζαι ενι, παγκοσμιο
ακριβως γιατι οι τραπεζες ηταν η αιτια τζαι της παγκοσμιας κρισης,
αλλα τζαι το συμπτωμα των οριων της επεκτασης του χρηματιστικου κεφαλαιου,
τζαι της δυτικης ηγεμονιας..
Τζαι στην Κυπρο η Λαικη τζαι η Τραπεζα Κυπρου,
εγιναν το κομβικο κεντρο ενος κατεστημενου,
που οϊ μονο εβυθιζεν την χωρα στην κριση,
ενω τα ΜΜΕ, τζαι οι πολιτικοι τους εκπροσωποι, εκατηγορουσαν το δημοσιο τζαι οτι αλλο εβρισκαν μπροστα τους,
αλλα ηταν τζαι ενας μηχανισμος που απειλουσεν πκιον οσην δημοκρατια, ειχαμεν..
Τζαι τωρα αμα προσεξει καποιος, πλανιεται  παλε η πιεση για λογοκρισιες...
Μονοδρομους...

Τωρα,ομως, στο νεο πλαισιο,
η συζητηση, για εμας τους ιθαγενεις που ειμαστεν στο συνορο της Δυσης, της Ανατολης τζαι του Νοτου,
 αφορα τζαι την κυριαρχια της Πολιτειας
[που εισιει να καμει τζαι με τον φυσικο πλουτο, αλλα τζαι την δημοκρατικη αυτοκυβερνηση],
 τζαι την θεση μας στις γεωπολιτικες δυναμικες της περιοχης..
Τζαι τουτα εν Ιστορικα θεματα με την ευρυτερη εννοια..
Μερικοι φαινεται να θεωρουν οτι αμα παραδωθουν,
εν να τους εχουν σαν τοπικους εκπροσωπους μιας δυτικης αποικιοκρατιας..
Η ιδια ανοητη δουλοπρεπεια...
Που εν καταλαβει τι γινεται γυρον της,
οπως τζαι πριν δεκαετιες,
που επιμενει να συγχιζει το ιδιωτικο της συμφερον, με το δημοσιο...
Οπως παντα..
Αν δεν εκαταλαβαν ακομα τιποτε με το κουρεμα του Μαρτη - τζαι την εξελιξη του,
εν να ξαναμαθουν οδυνηρα στην πορεια..

Μπαινουμε σε νεα εποχη, τζαι καθε νεα εποχη,
εσιει τα προβληματα,
Για την δυναμικη που εκφραζουν οι εκδηλωσεις
εξω που την Βουλη,
νομιζω οτι η ιστορικη γραμμη,
τζαι της αντιστασης, τζαι της δικαιωσης,
παει πισω στον στιχο του Δωρου Λοιζου:
Τζαι οπως παλια,
τζαι νακκον πιο προσφατα,
μπορει να ειμαστεν μιτσης τοπος,
αλλα ...
καταφερνουμεν τα...
Αντεξαμεν ..τζαι αλλαξαμεν το πλαισιο...
Ετσι τζαι τωρα..
Παρα τα συννεφα...