Some friends on the other side of the Atlantic are trying to organize solidarity with the migrant caravans arriving in Tijuana. This is a callout for people around the world to come to the region and to help out or to support the project from afar. You will find the callout in different languages on the website of the initiative. Please share it widely among your networks, groups and organizations!
Callout for the Free Movement of People
From its watchtowers, U.S. Customs and Border Protection has been mapping the desert. Its surveillance sees drugs, smugglers, and cartels in every man, woman and child who approach the southern border. We do not wish to live in a world where security strangles freedom. In 2018, the American political imaginary was focused on the caravans. We fear 2019 will follow with new walls, deportations, detention centers, separations, ankle monitors, camps, and deaths. We do not wish to live in a camp. We desire a world without borders.
In the most recent caravan, about 7,000 people joined together to endure the perilous journey north to present themselves at the San Ysidro port-of-entry. Their motivations were similar to the 1.3 million who filed asylum claims in the EU in 2015, the hundreds of thousands of refugees who have lived in Calais alone, and the thousands who died in the Aegean and Mediterranean Seas. The members of this caravan primarily traveled from Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador. They have organized together, publicly and as a political force.
At the same time, thousands have made the journey on their own, hidden from sight and braving even greater risks. In the past, hundreds of thousands more have taken this same surreptitious and dangerous path, riding La Bestia and risking everything at the hands of gangs, human traffickers, and police.
This is neither the first nor the last caravan. This model of collective organizing has been in development in Central America for at least a decade. It has opened up a new political potential for Central American Migrants—-by creating a safe means of transit without collaboration with human traffickers. Doing so constitutes a refusal to cross the desert alone and in secret.
A number of us live on the US-Mexico border. We provide jugs of water, food, socks, and blankets, and offer shelter, warm meals, and needed medical attention. We resist militarization of the borderlands. We also mitigate its effects: by working in detention facilities to help the incarcerated recover their belongings from the border patrol, by training ourselves in the legal processes necessary to stop raids and deportations, and by searching the desert for those who have disappeared. The government criminalized these efforts.
In Tijuana, we organize around the needs and desires of the caravanerxs to facilitate their autonomy from state structures, for example through assisting with the defense of the migrants’ warehouse and occupied camp, running supplies across the border when supplies can’t be sourced locally, and fundraising and building kitchen and tech infrastructure with and for the migrants’ use. In an effort to raise awareness of these issues, we have published articles, wheatpasted posters, and put together a website, commotion.world.
Fascism in the US has advanced to the stage where the government separates migrant families and imprisons them in camps. In response, we occupied Immigration Control Enforcement field offices and immigrant detention centers across the country. Now, as fascism progresses and imprisons the people who try to help the people in the camps, we realize we need help. With its terrifying sovereign power to assign rights and deprive dignity, the US government has defined the migrants from Central America as a class of invaders. The nations at work in San Ysidro and Tijuana are attempting to transform the 2,000-mile border into a permanent impasse for certain people, certain classes. There has been a proliferation of places of internment, which are maintained by drones, GPS, infrared scans, and a variety of products from the booming border technology industry. How long before there is no refuge?
We’re reaching out to you, our comrades in Europe—those of you who have been mobilizing in support of migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers, who have been agitating for the free movement of bodies and the habitation of the world, and who have been waging war against the enemies of those people whose livelihoods and conditions of survival have been destroyed, shipwrecked, turned to rubble.
We write this letter to formally invite you to participate in our struggle: to join us here in Tijuana. You have already participated in a border struggle with similarities to our own for many years. We would benefit from your experiences building an infrastructure of resistance and rebellion to the border regime, and we hope to collaborate on long-term perspectives.
If you cannot come, please support us from afar. Contributions will be used to help meet basic needs, such as renting large houses, warehouses, or other collective living spaces for those who travel in the caravans and who travel to Mexico to help; buying food, medical supplies, and communication devices to facilitate the migrants’ autonomous control over their media and messaging; purchasing bus or train tickets for caravanerxs to move back and forth across Mexico to circulate knowledge and techniques between the caravans; and paying unavoidable bail and other legal fees.
Please write to us at firstname.lastname@example.org if you have anything to share.
We’re looking forward to learning from and with you.
“In truth, the problem is not migrants, refugees or asylum seekers. The [problem is the] border. Everything starts from it and everything brings us back to it.”
– Achille Mbembe, “Le Grand Debarras”
“The precariousness of migrant groups means they would always need to develop new ways of organising in order to survive. The loss of old ties and certainties encourages new ways of thinking and acting.”
– A No Borders manifesto
A context of accelerated exploitation, oppression and disorientation
In March 2018, the Beyond Europe platform met in Nicosia, Cyprus to reappraise the potential of anti-authoritarian struggle against global capitalism. At the present time, capital is tightening its repressive grip in order to continue destroying our communities, our human and other rights, and the earth itself. This was a rare opportunity for the members to meet face-to-face and have extremely constructive discussions. While exchanging thoughts and experiences, we became aware of the speed at which damage is being done globally, the confusion surrounding facts, events and motives, and the numbing effect that this constant turbulence seems to have for coordinated resistance. But while this increasingly intense storm has led to widespread disorientation and a debilitating sense of our collective incapacity to control the situation, we realise that reversing this is of the utmost urgency.
Following this meeting, we captured our vivid impressions of chaos, confusion and the inability to act in two statements (We won’t accept anything less and Let’s make this century wild (will be published in March 2019) which both aimed to highlight the pressing need for new approaches, strategies and direction. Almost a year after the meeting in Nicosia, repression has further intensified on multiple levels, again reaffirming the need to step up our own efforts, acting strategically and taking concrete actions. Indeed, there seems to be plenty of energy for new ideas and practices. An organisational turn to organising communities around housing struggles has slowly been gaining ground. New concepts and tactics are being explored in anti-fascist struggle with women and feminists crucially reconfiguring the terms of the game across the globe over the past year. Finally, more recently, the Gilets Jaunes who appear as a hub for every conceivable anti-capitalist demand, occupy the streets of France with impressive assertiveness and have become a major challenge for the French police and establishment. How does Beyond Europe come into this picture?
Beyond Europe’s position
Beyond Europe reiterates the need to scale up the fight, and develop new methods, tools and frameworks for anti-authoritarian politics.
Beyond Europe stresses that the present moment is ripe for this radical reconsideration of anti-authoritarian forces in the fight against global capitalism, as its desperate attempts to continue ruling the planet resort to increasingly oppressive means.
Beyond Europe proposes that we leave behind reactive forms of resistance and transition as quickly as possible to a different level which enables us to act pro-actively. Firefighting constantly on multiple fronts (which also proliferate exponentially) has become untenable. We have reached a stage in which we have to try to stop the emergence of new fires. And although firefighting against authoritarian attacks of all kinds will not end any time soon, our long-term aim should now be to find ways to stop conditions of oppression from becoming tougher, explore how to stop instances of oppression before they materialise rather than just confront them once they are in full swing.
Beyond Europe 2.0 programme
What tools, concepts and new techniques of organising do we need in order to be in a position to perform anti-authoritarian politics pro-actively?
The first step is to implement internal organisational changes, so that the anti-hierarchical principles of anti-authoritarianism apply more consistently to Beyond Europe itself. For more information about what is the anti-authoritarian, see Positions, Proposals, Framework of Antiauthoritarian Movement produced by Anti-Authoritarian Movement | Αντιεξουσιαστική Κίνηση (AK).
Beyond Europe remains an anti-authoritarian platform against capitalism. But rather than this being an alliance of national networks and organisations – which raises the expectations that entire countries are represented – individual city groups can now participate autonomously in the work of the platform. This means that we no longer must canvas the views of a whole organisation to move forward. Local city groups, rather than national networks or a few individuals, are now sovereign. Cities interested in common issues can join forces together without needing approval by “national” organisations. Beyond Europe is now properly defined as a platform among many, rather than the “international” wing of our respective organisations, which amounted to maintaining an unnecessary informal hierarchy and was enhancing engagement with internationalism. But this does not mean that it has any less reason to exist. Quite the opposite. We expect to produce more content, inspire more people to participate, and become more democratic in the process.
Building on transnational strengths
A new programme of work has been agreed which includes a comprehensive upgrade and sharing of best practice and skill in the following areas: media, outreach strategy, technology, security and an organisational structure driven by city-led initiatives as mentioned above. In broad terms, working groups have been formed with a decent geographic spread on the following areas: feminism; eco-social struggles; antifascism and the far right; labour digitalisation, technology and the future; housing, community and neighbourhood organising.
These groups will build on our transnational strengths in a variety of areas, including the women’s strike, reproductive rights, and trans rights; action against extractive industries and for sustainable de-growth strategies; attending and building for summit actions on European migration regimes and far right party conferences; action against local fascist groups; establishing a strike watchdog; drafting ten theses on technology; collaborating with the struggles of Amazon warehouse workers and workers in logistics; establishing and maintaining social centres, anti-eviction campaigns, tenants’ unions and opposing gentrification.
Anti-authoritarian information provider
We have also established a collaborative editorial group with the task of becoming the ‘beacon’ of anti-authoritarian struggles for Europe. The idea is not to be the ‘hegemonic’ anti-authoritarian media outlet within Europe, but to establish ourselves as the preferred source of information about anti-authoritarian struggles happening in Europe for the rest of the world. This link is desperately needed for building an anti-authoritarian internationalism that is simultaneously against globalisation and against nationalism. A user-friendly media strategy is being worked on to turn this into a reality in some years’ time.
The second step is to plan activities with an understanding of the skills, expertise and strengths of the current membership while aiming at expanding it by reaching out to other groups and initiatives interested in converging forces for the purposes of a strong anti-authoritarian movement in Europe (and beyond) which will overthrow global capitalism.
Current active members
… the German-speaking antinational and antifascist federation ums Ganze, with local groups across Germany and Austria. Ums Ganze hosts annual congresses attracting hundreds of militants, accompanying BE to the Hamburg G20 and bringing back riots to the streets of Germany on occasion of the inauguration of the European Central Bank in Frankfurt. The building of an antifascist network called “Nationalism is no alternative” is a serious asset in the fight against the rise of the far right in Europe. In the next years ums Ganze will focus on (pro-)feminist interventions and the revival of social struggles.
… the anarchist/antiauthoritarian collective Syspirosi Atakton, is organised in Nicosia acting in both sides of the division line. For SA the struggle against nationalism is a daily struggle for survival as Cyprus is one of the most militarised areas on the planet, while trying to circulate the ideas of self-organisation, self-legislation and solidarity. Efforts also take under consideration the environmental crisis and gender social aspects.
… the Greek antiauthoritarian movement Alpha Kappa, who are responsible for much of the anti-authoritarian influence in Beyond Europe. With local groups in Athens, Thessaloniki, Komotini, Ioannina, Larissa and Piraeus – AK have hosted several of the defining moments of Beyond Europe: a camp against a gold mine in the Chalkidiki peninsula rooted in local communities; the No Border Camp in 2016; and a camp against the construction of a damn in Piraeus. AK have a fascinating political history coloured by resistance against dictatorship, severe repression against communism spanning several generations, fierce disagreements with other local anarchist groups, fearless street battles against fascists and the police, and the eviction of social centres. All this in a country where there are sizeable Stalinist and Fascist parties with electoral success, resurgent nationalism, and a left party in power.
… the UK-wide anti-capitalist organisation Plan C with similar interests in anti-authoritarian politics, focusing on feminist anti-fascism, the socialisation of strike, radical municipalism, and Rojava solidarity, and following direct democracy principles of organisation and decision making for city-led activities, which expand into UK wide projects when appropriate.
… the recently formed group from Prague Kolektiv 115. K115 brings non-dogmatic leftist politics and new forms of language and culture of protest into cold post eastern block region. Consisting of working groups focusing on topics such as the right to the city, feminism and antifascism, the group seeks progressive answers to massive reactionary wave rolling through Visegrád Four (V4) countries
The promising potential for expansion of the current Beyond Europe membership relates to a strong belief (shared across the European radical left) that capitalism is a system which must be fought, criticised and abolished systematically if we are to win. For this reason, the existence of a platform such as Beyond Europe adds coherence and a sense of purpose for anti-authoritarian politics where there is confusion and disorientation, additionally aggravated by the distraction of media propaganda.
Beyond Europe calls all organisations, groups and initiatives, who believe that anti-authoritarian politics leads to the end of global capitalism, to join us so that we can learn from each other and use our collective power and counter-power to trigger the necessary dynamic ruptures that will allow us to move to the next level.
On December 18th 2018 the first trial, which deals with the events in Elbchaussee Street during the G20 summit in the early morning of July 7th 2017, began in Hamburg. Accused are four comrades from Frankfurt metropolitan region and a comrade from France. Most of them are only accused of being present in this action, but the Public Prosecutor’s Office wants to blame them for all the events and expects high prison sentences. It is about the right to demonstrate in general. On January 10th 2019, the public was expelled from the trial at the request of the prosecutor. We therefore spoke with an activist of the solidarity alliance “United We Stand Frankfurt / Offenbach”.
“Dear Caro, in Hamburg the Elbchaussee trial is taking place against five young men from Germany and France. Why is the trial so important?”
“At the moment there are two main questions in court: Was that even a demonstration? And depending on it: Was it accusable to be present there? The trial has parallels with other G20 trials like the “Rondenbarg trial”, which was suspended in early 2018 with no verdict announced. The big question of the Elbchaussee trial is therefore whether the Public Prosecutor’s Office will prevail over the so-far legal opinion and equating demonstrations with arranged fights of football hooligans. This would be an enormous erosion of the right to demonstrate with far-reaching consequences.”
“These are the general political consequences. What does the trial mean for the defendants? What are the exact accusations in that case?”
“Only one of the five is accused of a direct involvement in “Sachbeschädigung” (property damage: denomination of a criminal offence in German law; §303 StGB). The other four will only be charged with the alleged participation in the demonstration through the Elbchaussee and shall be convicted for “besonders schwerer Landfriedensbruch” (roughly translated as especially serious breach of public peace; §125a StGB). The Public Prosecutor’s Office and the court want to reach a sentence of at least five years imprisonment – of course without parole. The five shall be convicted of basically everything that happened this morning, shall be convicted because the police could not identify other alleged “criminals” despite huge effort. The pressure on the defendants is further increased by the fact that they are also threatened with civil lawsuits in the event of a conviction. They could face claims of millions of Euros for compensation. The Public Prosecutor’s Office is listing everything in detail from a broken mirror to traumatized car owners. The reading of this took alone more than an hour at the opening of the trial.”
“These five are the very entire result of the police special investigation commission “Black Block”, despite publicity investigation and all that? How do they identified these five?”
“Yes, the police had hoped for completely different results from these. One of the five charges is based on a backpack with an ID card, which was found near the Elbchaussee. The other four sees the prosecutor as a co-operative group that was acting together in the city during the G20 protests. On this morning they should have been recorded by a CCTV camera in a Metro station close to the Elbchaussee. In this particular demonstration of mostly masked activists, the prosecutor believes to be able to recognize them despite their disguise. All in all, the charge is only based on circumstantial evidence.”
“During the raids last summer in the Frankfurt area, one of the involved police officers involved said that they knew that the accused were “minnows”. Though, two have been in custody since then. Why?”
“Responsible for this is mainly the Oberlandesgericht (“Higher Regional Court”, court of last instance below federal level) which has already incarcerated a young Italian for alleged “harmful inclinations” in his character for months. The court having jurisdiction (Landgericht, “Regional Court”) has indeed released the two defendants due to the absence of danger of flight in November. Immediately afterwards, the Public Prosecutor’s Office raged against this decision and reached their re-imprisonment only hours after they have been released. The Oberlandesgericht decided that the two must remain in custody because of the expected high punishment. A third comrade has been in Hamburg since October. Since he is a French citizen, it is very easy for the judiciary to justify the need for detention.”
“The trial was opened on December 18th 2018. What happened that day?”
“First of all, it has to be said that many comrades were there to accompany the opening. More than 120 people – and not only from Hamburg – have attended a rally in front of the court to make clear that this trial is not only about the five accused comrades, but this is about us all and of course we do not leave the five alone. But the bourgeois media was also present with journalists and numerous cameras. Everyone is aware that no small issue is being negotiated there. In the court session itself – as usually in the beginning of big trials – not much happened. The absolute highlight was the welcome and farewell of the accused with applause and noise. The expectation for this moment has motivated them all the time, as they have repeatedly assured us in letters. In the court room, they have shown a lot of self-confidence and reliance. We had hoped that this could continue…”
“… but the public was excluded from the trial soon. How did that happen?”
“On the third day of the trial, the Public Prosecutor’s Office has filed an application for exclusion of the public for the duration of the hearing of evidence. The hearing of evidence is actually everything between the opening and closing declarations. They cynically justified their request with the benefit of the defendants: they would be put under pressure by the massive public interest and an active audience. It is obvious that it is all about suppressing expressions of solidarity. Also the public attention that the trial gets is thereby weakened. We must not tolerate that. This is clearly a strategic move, just like the prosecutor’s motion for recusal against the judges, because they considered the pre-trial detention as baseless. That the Public Prosecutor’s Office is that obviously politically motivated forcing a lawsuit against the court is a new dimension for us.”
“What else can we do now to support the defendants and the solidarity work?”
“You can do a lot in order that their strategy does not work out: Write letters to the prisoners! Accompany the trial by informing yourself and others, but also accompany it physically – the trial dates can be found on the internet – because showing that we do not leave them alone is now even more important. We cannot allow this secret trial to quite simply create precedents. Let us all rather realize how important it is to act politically against the repression and persecution that so many comrades are affected by. Thus, the same slogan as always applies: The struggle goes on!”
Please send letters to the defendants to:
Rote Hilfe – Ortsgruppe Frankfurt am Main
c/o Café ExZess
60487 Frankfurt – Germany
Be aware that the cops are surveilling the correspondence of prisoners. If possible write in German (but they also understand English, French, Turkish and Kurdish), because letters in other languages are usually delivered with a massive delay.
Yesterday 15/1/2019, Cypriot Conscientious Objector Halil Karapaşaoğlu has been arrested and taken to prison to serve a 20 day sentence for refusing to pay a fine for not attending reservist service call ups.
This is happening just days after a draft amendment law to recognise conscientious objection has been submitted to parliament. The Initiative for Conscientious Objection in Cyprus calls on the international community to show their solidarity and react to Halil’s imprisonment.
The number of troops and military bases that exist in Cyprus are disproportional to its size, but at the same time indicative of its strategic importance in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. The (Greek Cypriot) “National Guard”, the “Turkish Cypriot Security Force”, the “Hellenic Force in Cyprus”, the “Turkish Force in Cyprus”, the British troops and the UN’s multinational force, have transformed the island into a huge barrack, making it one of the most militarized regions of the whole planet. In addition, many other (mostly NATO-aligned) armies are granted use rights and facilities for training, logistics support, or raiding purposes especially against Middle Eastern and North African targets.
On one hand, military agreements between the Cypriot government and some of the neighbouring countries (such as for example with Israel and Greece) escalates the situation in Cyprus and the wider region. Additionally, the intention of the government of the Republic of Cyprus to extract hydrocarbons, be it natural gas or oil, without solving the Cyprus problem first, creates a new explosive situation, which automatically leads to a new arms race. Whilst the public debt and the national deficit increases, wages and pensions are being cut, and public spending, as well as the social welfare and environmental protection services are reduced, military expenditure increases, through the purchasing of warships worth millions of euros, as well as through spending of tens of millions of euros for the maintenance of old weapons. The increasing militarization of the police and the use of the anti-terrorist special forces to suppress strikes, bi-communal actions and hunt immigrants is also alarming.
The ethnic conflict and the geographical division of the island have become the perfect excuse for the rulers to maintain the same peculiar and extended state of exception. This regime tries to expand its power and extend its dominance to every part of our lives. It is sufficient, simply by invoking it, to suspend labor, social, political and environmental rights, but also to suppress class struggles and mobilizations of all insubordinate pieces of the society (such as from the lower classes, as well as those marginalised). During this state of emergency, it is not only our rights that are being violated and our freedom(s) neglected, but even the provisions of “constitutional legitimacy” and the principles of the “rule of law” of the so-called “liberal democracy” are lifted.
One of the easiest ways to ensure nationalism and ethnic conflict is to maintain the army forces, both in the south and in the north parts of the island. The (Greek Cypriot) “National Guard” and the “Turkish Cypriot Security Force” respectively, consisted of local teenagers, who right after hishschool at the age of 18, become obligded to serve the army. Despite the nationalist frenzy, following the opening of checkpoints in 2003 which made free movement between the two sides of the island possible, several common initiatives were formed, aiming to counter the preachers of hate, demand the demilitarisation of the island and the recognition of the right to conscientious objection, and ultimately the reunification of the island through a federal model. Reunification of the island is the change which will allow societal struggles to move out of the shadow of nationalism and militarism, and take the main stage again.
Consientious objection has become an important way through which both, greek as well as turkish speaking Cypriots are expressing their refusal to become part of the militarised insanity on the island. Though in the Republic of Cyprus, consiensous objection has been legally acknowledged since 1992, it is still illegal in the northern part of the island. T/c have been campaigning for many years, demanding ammendments in the law. Their demand is simple: to have the right to refuse to become soldiers and refuse to fight against their g/c friends. Instead, their refusal has led to T/C consientious objectors being sent to jail in a number of occasions.
The most recent one of these cases is that of the t/c conscientious objector Halil Karapaşaoğlu, whom on the 3rd of January 2019, the military court in the northern part of the island, found guilty on 4 cases where he refused to fulfill his reserve and was thus given the sentence to either pay a fine of 2000 TL within 10 days or go to prison on the 14th of January for 20 days. Halil refused to pay the fine as he beieves that paying the fine is like accepting his refusal to serve the army is illegal. With his imprisonment Halil wants to highlight that consientious objection is a right whilst attempting to get as much support as possible towards this cause: for consiencious objection to be legally accepted.
We believe that every person must have the freedom to develop their own autonomy and offer to society without being forced by those in power by imposing the “duty” to serve h@ country. Military service – whether it is conscript or reserve – is not “sacred”. The army by nature turns against human life, and as a mechanism “teaches” the servant to be subjected completely and without objections to any authority. Conscientious objection is not a liberal civil right, but a libertarian act of political disobedience and anti-militarism.
We declare our solidarity with conscientious objector Halil Karapaşaoğlu.
No soldiers never and nowhere,
We will not give our lives for the bosses!
Beyond Europe, 15th January 2018
Dear friends, we can imagine that you are also following the events in France in the last days. We publish here a spontaneous report of comrades* from France which includes a small review and current evaluation. In the next days the movement of the “Gilets Jaunes” seems to go on. As probably in many parts of the autonomous left, discussions are also taking place in our circles. Some of us are curious about what is to come, others sceptical about the political composition of the movement, and all of us together acknowledge the ambivalence of the situation. This movement clearly represents another stage in the crisis of classical politics and the neoliberal system. In the next days we will try to follow the events and publish some further translations from France.
[About the Gilets Jaunes movement]
Short report and call from France (4th December)
It is quite important that the non french speaking comrades understand a bit what’s going in France these last weeks. Here is an attempt to explain partially what is happening in the Gilets Jaunes (GJ) movement. This “presentation” is for sure incomplete, it’s a complex situation, different in many places, and it is just impossible to know everything which is happening.
Feel free to share this text to people you know (and please apologise us for our broken English).
The beginning of the movement: Facebook and economical blockades
This movement started to mobilise against a new tax on fuel that was supposed to be enforced on 1st January. It picked the Gilet Jaune (yellow safety jacket) as its symbol. Besides the meeting and organisation that took place during the blockades, the movement is organised mostly on Facebook. The first day of action was on 17th November. There were 2.000 blockades all over France, a lot on the paying entrances of the motorways, at the entrances of some commercial centres, and in some refineries and ports. A lot of the people who take part in this movement are blocking and demonstrating for the first time in their life, this movement might be a lot of things but for sure not the “usual” French social movement.
During the week, a lot of GJ are working, so there are less blockades, but some places are permanently occupied and sometimes partially blocked since 3 weeks; mostly some round-abouts (it even happened that some people built up huts and say they will spend Christmas and New Year’s Eve there), but also some ports.
The 24th November, there was the first demo of the movement, organised only in Paris. A lot of people came from all over France, and the Champ Elysees, the most famous and posh boulevard of the country which leads to the government palace, was full of barricades and people were rioting for nearly 10 hours. It was the same situation in all the surrounding streets.
Despite there were millions and millions of euros of damaged after the 1st December riots in Paris and everywhere in France (we’ll speak later about it), the main cost of the movement is due to all the blockades and all the shops which closed last Saturday because of the riots. Considering that most of the shops are making 15%-25% of their year profit in the 4 Saturdays before Christmas, the cost of the movement is already counted in billions. And it is far from being over.
About the 1st December, the demonstrations all over France and the support of the people
On 1st December, demonstrations were organised not only in Paris but in dozens of cities. Actually, we cannot really call it “demonstrations”, there are no authorisations, no official way, no official organisors, it is rather some calls on Facebook to take the streets or to go to some state institutions (the “préfectures” or the city halls mostly).
Despite that 65.000 cops were mobilised (who are basically nearly all the cops the French state can mobilise), the situation was totally out of control for the whole day in many places: Paris, Toulouse, Marseille, Dijon, Bordeaux, Le Pouzin, Tours, Le Puy En Velay. Those places have seen the biggest riots since at least 1968, many demonstrations, hard fights with the cops, burning barricades, sometimes looting. In many other cities, there were also clashes in smaller scale. Even some “prefets” (the regional chief of police who are legally not allowed to make that kind of statement) have contacted some journalists and declared that the situation is some kind of uprising, or even “a pre-revolutionnary moment”, and that the government doesn’t understand the situation at all.
We can point 2 really surprising aspects of this movement:
– According to the pools (we know, we usually don’t give a shit about these craps, but here it has an importance), more than 70% of the French people are supporting the movement. Even the hard clashes of the 1st December haven’t changed this rate of support. This is significant considering how the media speaks about the movement – sometimes it can be really funny to watch the news or to listen to the radio these days – and also about the way the government assesses the situation – Macron had to walk back for the first time, but it seems he did it too late and his concessions weren’t enough (we’ll speak about it later).
– One of the main problem of the government is that the people who are demonstrating and rioting feel they are legitimate to do it and are claiming what is theirs. A lot of them say they cannot take the way they are living, working full time and still being poor anymore. They think that it’s their right to protest, that it’s written in the constitution, and that there is no question whether a demo is authorized or not. So when the cops shoot tear gas and rubber bullets to them (like they use to do), the people get really mad, some shout at the cops that they pay their salary and that the cops should be ashamed of doing what they do, some are fighting them back hard – right now, a lot of images of cops violence (which went wild) are massively shared on the GJ Facebook accounts. Even if there are are some organised leftists and fascists groups in the riots, it seems that most of the rioters are “simple” citizens who are getting “radicalised” in a really short time.
About the fascists
As we mentioned it, there are some fascists present in this movement, at least in some places. In Paris, some organised groups, coming in most parts from other regions of France, have been present. On the 1st December, several groups gathered (we don’t know how many of them, might be around 200 people) and stayed for the morning around the Place de l’Etoile, taking part in the clashes with the cops and doing their nationalist bullshit (song, commemoration) around the historical monument Arc de Triomphe (we don’t know where they were in the afternoon). There were some fights with some antifascist groups. In some cities, the fascists don’t seem to be part of the movement, and in a few other cities, they seem to structure the movement. As for the ” traditional leftists”, they are really a minority in this movement. Nevertheless in many places the protesters are clearly against racism and fascism. But it is a important to prevent the fascists from consolidating or taking an important position in the movement. On that matter, any militant antifascist help is welcome.
Another thing is the disturbing use of the national flag and anthem which can / could scared us. Quite some people are having some small flags, and the anthem is sometimes sung by the protesters. For sure some GJ see it as a patriotic / nationalist symbol (the extreme rightwing party Rassemblement National (ex-Front National) has over 20% in the polls France), but there is also all that stuff about the French revolution which related to that. After all the anthem is a call to rise up against “tyranny”. More basically a lot of people used the flag for the French victory in the football world cup. For it is a symbol of a massive national event / party. We have seen some huge bold guys with the flag, that we were suspecting to be nationalist, shouting slogans like “black, white, red, yellow, we don’t care, we are all together”; we have met some young guys with huge flags who had close political ideas to us. We see also the revolution of 1789 and the decapitation of the king is quite present in the ideas, the talks, the slogans (the main slogan you hear is “Macron démission”). We don’t want to paint a picture that is one-sided and that everything is great. There is a nationalist part in the movement, in Lyon it seems the 1th December demo (rather small, +-300 GJ with no riots) was coordinated by the fascist groups (quite active in the city for long time) and the same is true for some blockades in that area, where protesters clearly claim to vote for the extreme right. But there is also something totally opposite in the movement, in St Nazaire, the port has been occupied for a long time, the GJ have opened a collective place where they share a daily life (la “maison du peuple”) and have really clear anti-racist positions. We have the impression that a lot of people have the urge to talk and they are doing it. By occupying places for 2-3 weeks, a lot of people have some kind of first political experience. We don’t know where all that will lead to and fore sure it is not a comfortable “left militant event”, but we think the potentialities of this movement – who will certainly stop or change at some point (soon?) – it’s worth getting into it.
About the government reaction, the claims and the representation of the GJ
Today (Tuesday 4th December), the government announced that they will postpone the application of the tax on fuel (which was the starting point of the movement), that they will freeze the price of gas and electricity, and another small reform, all that for 6 months. The interior minister also asked the GJ not to demonstrate in Paris on the 8th to spare the merchants.
It seems or it is even quite sure that the announcement of the government won’t calm the GJ. For some days, a list of 44 claims (supposedly written from lot of discussions with GJ) is circulating on the social medias, including a tax on the richest, the rise of the minimal wage, and many other reforms that Macron won’t ever accept – but we have no idea if this list is really representing something for a lot in GJ stand for. More interesting, a growing part of the GJ seems stopped being interested in a negotiation dynamic. Tonight the front page on the site of “Le Monde” (one of the few big newspaper) quotes the blockers in Charleville-Mezieres. They say “We have to get rid of these politicians who are just working for themselves”.
Another big problem for the government (after the legitimacy of the protesters) is that they are no official representatives of the movement. The government tried to invite some GJ who became famous because their videos have been seen millions of time but they refused to come. Some of them because they wanted that the government make a step first, and all of them because they received a lot of threats by other GJ who refused that they represent them. Even though the government is now really looking for some “responsible” representatives of the movement, it seems quite unlikely that they will find some.
Since the 1st December on other fronts
On Monday 3rd, 11 fuel refineries of Total were blocked. It seems most of them were unblocked on Tuesday.
On Monday 3rd, nearly 200 secondary schools were partially or totally blocked all over France – while none was blocked on the Friday 30th. There were wild demonstrations gathering up to several thousands of high school students, some of then ended up in clashes with cops. At least one hundred high schools were still disrupted Tuesday. The high school students have their own demands, linked to the reform of the baccalaureate or access to higher education, but also showed their solidarity with the GJ. More blockades are expected in the next days.
In two universities in Paris (Censier and Tolbiac) the students voted on Tuesday to block the university and to refuse the increase of the school fees for foreign students, mentioning the GJ movement.
The CGT and FO unions of drivers announced that they will go on strike from Monday 10th, as did the FNSEA, the (right wing) union of farmers.
The situation in Paris for the 8th December
In Paris, many big cultural public events have been canceled, as well as the football match of Paris St Germain (because the organisors didn’t want to take a risk or on demand of the government who need all the cops in the streets). Some organisors of the march for climate, planned since a long time, refused the demand of the government and said they will demonstrate, that there should be a connection between social and climate justices.
On the 1st December demo, there were 4.500 cops in Paris, a lot of them were in static position, defending the Champ Elysees (all side streets were blocked with huge metal fences and cops) and the state institutions (the assembly, the senate, etc). The ones in the streets used 10.000 grenades in one day (they used 5.000 on 24th November, which was the previous historical record) and they totally lost the control of the situation: dozens of (burning) barricades, smashed shops and burnt cars (the firemen were called for 200 fires). For the people who know Paris, the area of those clashes was going from Place de l’Etoile to St Lazare and Hotel de Ville, which is just a 5km long area and it lasted for 8 hours. During the morning were some “normal” clashes with the cops but the most the day was going on, the most people were there, and the hardest it became (in terms of dimension of the area and burning places).
The interior minister said that they will mobilise more cops for the 8th December but it is unclear where they will find them. He also said they will use another tactic to face the “extreme mobility” of the protesters which probably means that the cops won’t be so static and that the Champ Elysees might be more accessible. So probably there will be bigger units moving in the city. So we don’t really know what to expect on this day, but it would be really surprising that after 2 Saturday of massive riots, they would suddenly take control of the city back completely.
What the fuck are you waiting to come to take part in the revolution?
(and don’t forget your gilet jaune!!)
Overview and comment about the demonstrations and actions of the last months in Germany
14th April Berlin: 25k at a demonstration against gentrification and the “insane housing situation”. On 20th October the next one with a similar topic and similar size is scheduled for Frankfurt
10th May Munich: 40k at a demonstration against a new authoritarian police law in Bavaria
21st May Berlin: Occupation of 9 houses in Berlin. During the year as many occupations as not for a long time in other cities, some more successful, some less
Since the beginning of June in Leipzig: Strike against the closure of the steel-foundry “Neue Halberg-Guss” where 1500 jobs could be vanished. Solidarity strike at another facility of this company in Saarbrücken. See below why this is listed here
During July nationwide: tens of thousands at decentral demonstrations, rallies, actions etc. against the criminalization of the sea rescue in the Mediterranean
7th July Düsseldorf: 20k at a demonstration against a new authoritarian police law in North-Rhine-Westphalia. On 8th September the next one is scheduled for Hannover, Lower Saxony. There are also plans for Saxony but without a date yet
11th July Munich: 8k at an antifascist demonstration in Munich at the end of the NSU trial. Several thousand at decentral demonstrations in more than 30 cities
22nd July Munich: 50k at a demonstration against the “politics of hatred and fear” and especially against Bavaria´s ruling party, CSU
If you look at this list, you might get the impression that new social movements are about to start in Germany, but – as always – things aren´t that clear if take a closer look. Almost exactly three years have been passed since shit-lord Schäuble blackmailed the Greek government after the referendum on the austerity measures. One consequence in Germany was that the – indeed not super-powerful but nevertheless existing – anti-austerity movement collapsed from one day to another. A few months later the “summer of migration” emerged, where a huge wave of solidarity and politization of the people could be experienced. Since then the development we had predicted since the beginning of the crisis, became more and more evident: state of exception is the new normality, fascism is on the rise, under the justification of economic competitiveness and security an authoritarian transformation of society can be noticed.
The answer of the anticapitalist scene? None. Or to be put it less drastically: partly successful attempts to tackle specific consequences, but nothing radical. “Radical” in the sense to tackle the causes of this situation in a particular praxis. While daily attacks on refugees are happening, the AfD gained 13% in the last federal elections and all parties are moving to the right including factions in the left party, we (not “we” as a specific group or network, but “we” as a huge majority of anticapitalists) focused on more or less symbolic events with the aim to gain attention and agitate people (big exception G20 summit). But in fact the opposite happened: we weren´t able to repel the attacks of police, state and press. Our mobilizations became always less successful. If something failed, activists left behind exhausted and frustrated because the next big thing was approaching. We were only thinking in our own logic and forgot the necessity to strengthen our structures and in our daily businesses we lost the duty to develop and promote a vision of better and solidairy future, a specific cause why people should get active, what we can offer to them/to us.
Now a situation emerged where several mass demonstrations took place on specific, but more or less leftist topics, where we were not standing there alone anymore. Such big demonstrations in such a frequency haven´t happened for years. Of course this is positive. Of course this raises hope. Of course this could be a new start of social struggles. But: These protests are very diverse, from Christian groups, to different parties, unions, NGOs and whatever. Furthermore we would consider not all of them as our allies and it´s also not that easy to make anticapitalist positions visible in this constellation. We must not do the mistakes of the past and project something in these emerging movements which they most likely cannot fulfill. Our duty should rather be to explain why it´s not about Bavarian hillbillies who accidentally came in power or not about a single law but why it´s worth struggling for something else.
Two examples in this context, one positive and one negative: After the summer of migration many people got active in solidarity structures for refugees. These people still exist and they are still doing important things, but they are almost invisible in the public discourse. After Italy and Malta started to criminalize the sea rescue in the Med, a wave of solidarity actions is taking place under the slogan “Seebrücke” (sea bridge), where it´s not only about the NGOs who are directly affected but also about this antiracist groups and structures which are active in Germany under increasingly harsh conditions. But on the other hand in Leipzig a strike in a steel-foundry is going on for more than six weeks now. They resist against the announced closure of the factory with a temporary unlimited strike, the workers blocked the factory for example, had some minor confrontations with the police, a solidarity strike at another facility of this company in Saarbrücken is going on. In the routine of German labor struggles this is quite militant compared to how unions usually act. This could be a great chance to show concrete solidarity with already struggling people and fight together with them and explain through this why organization is important, but there is literally no response from antiauthoritarian leftists.
Hard times are approaching. There is no hint that the authoritarian formation will end soon. Police laws are getting passed and the AfD is getting more successful. Next year there will be two very critical elections in the states of Brandenburg and Saxony. In Brandenburg the AfD could win (last polls: SPD 23%, CDU 23%, left party 17 %, AfD 22%) but will most likely not come into power. In contrast to Saxony (polls: CDU 32%, left party 19%, SPD 9%, AfD 24%). The regional branch of the CDU is far-right compared to other states and it would be not a big surprise if they form a coalition with the AfD, although they are denying such plans officially, but it could be possible that they can´t build a government without them.
So the next time will show if this mass demonstrations and actions are only punctual events or if they could be enhanced to a mode of acting against this societal constellation. Until then, regards from the streets of the heart of the beast.
The demonstration against the summit oft he European leaders will start on the 20th of September at 2pm in front of the main station in Salzburg. From 11am there will be an announced rally and a public exhibition about the issues of migration and escape will be organized. At 11.30am a public hearing will take place, where activists from Sub-Sahara- Africa will speak about deportations and the exterritorialisation of the European border regime to northern Africa. At 2pm the the program of the demonstration will start with different speeches and music. With this demonstration we want to show, what we think about the deadly migration politics of the EU. We want take a clear stand for a better future for everybody, regardless of their origin or their place of birth. The European rulers won’t be able to discuss undisturbed, about their plans to destroy and end thousands of human lifes. We want a future, that allows everybody to live without fear, by organizing production along our needs and beyond concurrence.
Most likely there will be controls by the police, especially at the border. Keep this in mind, when you plan your travels and calculate with some spare time. On our homepage you’ll find information about the legal situation and there will be an active legal aid structure as well. Also there will be organized rides with bus or train from some cities and regions. We will collect all this information on our homepage as well.Take something orange with you, for example a shirt, a hat, a scarf or else. The colour orange stands for the thousands of life vests and boats an became a symbol for the catastrophe, that happens on the Mediterranean sea. But the meaning of this colour gained another meaning during the last weaks because oft he different mobilizations of the #seebrücke (safe passage) movement. Now it stands as well for the demand and the hope, that at the end human lifes are more important than crazy phantasies of natonalistic isolation. That a humans fortune is not decided by criterias of exploitation. That people unite on the streets to demand an end of war, poverty and death. In cruel times like these it stands for a movement, which fights for a better future for all.
On the 20th of September the European leaders want to meet in Salzburg to discuss the issues of migration, asylum and internal security. The discussion is going to be led by the Austrian government. The meaning of this we’ve seen during the last months. Since we wrote our first call to the demonstration in Salzburg, a lot of things changed and most of them to the worse. At high speed more and more authoritarian suggestions find their way on the negotiation table of the European rulers. Nationalists, just as Salvini, Kurz and Seehofer started a competition over the question, who is able to make the most inhuman politics. Official politics demand things in a way that shameless, one couldn’t imagine some time ago. Sea rescue gets criminalized again, rescue actions get stopped. The consequence: More people than ever drowned in the Mediterranean see this year. But because “it’s just not working without ugly pictures” (Sebastian Kurz), this pictures shall be taken far away from public attention and shouldn’t spill the blood on European ground. Therefore one recruits authoritarian regimes like Turkey or Libyan militia, who are responsible for massive violations of human rights as the bouncers in front of the European doorstep. This structures get financed by the European Union. Beside the Mediterranean Sea the dessert of northern Africa becomes one of the biggest graveyards due to the transfer of Europes outer borders. People just get dropped in the middle of the dessert, but all this is ok with the migration regime, the only thing that counts is, that no more people come to Europe. But people don’t escape without a reason. It’s not the sea rescue, which animates people to leave their homes. It’s war, poverty, the lack of perspectives and the hope for a better life, that makes them to take such a risk. The global relations of production and distribution of recourses are an important cause of this things. Europa and the global North have to be seen as reasons for escape.
There is protest against this inhuman forms of politics. In Germany thousands of people gathered on the streets under the label of #seebrücke. Also in Italy, Greece and Spain there are voices against the widespread deaths, that are happening in front of their eyes.
But a big part of society is not shocked by the things that happen, but on the contrary whish for an even more brutal drive. “Liberal” press discusses the pros and contras of saving human lifes. People should be locked away, the further away the better. One is inventing new words for not being forced to clearly say, what one is planning. Anchor centres, return, secondary migration: The meaning of all this words is nothing else, than the installation of camps and forced deportation of people, whose only „crime“ is escape.
Refugees get staged as a threat, even as enemies which have to be defeated. Soldiers should be sent to the European border. These “enemies” from the outside get used as an legitimization for the militarization of internal politics. The competences of the police get extended and surveillance increased. Thee police law in Germany is an example of the authoritarian shift within internal politics.
Whether the beating presidential adviser in France, the police-horse minister in Austria or Salvini, who wants to count and register Roma people to get rid of them as soon as possible:
We confront this nationalistic madness, which intends to „defend“ the shrinking zones of capitalistic wealth at all costs against so called strangers with the perspective of transnational solidarity. Because when they speak about security, they mean the conservation of the current social conditions. The same conditions, that mean insecurity through cuts of social rights and fear through omnipresent concurrence for most of the people.
Within this social brutalization we want to build a visible and powerful counter pole. We invite all of you to come to Salzburg. When the European leaders want to decide over thousands of lifes, we will resist with words and action. We demand no less, than a good life for everybody, a better future for all. We demand safe ports for those, who want to escape miserable conditions. We demand a #seebrücke (safe passage) to stop the death on the Mediterranean Sea. Because fugitives are part of our global class and we will defend their rights along with ours until we manage to overcome all these wrong conditions, that capitalism is producing, together!
Our magnificent comrades from Plan C in UK are organizing once more one of the most interesting autonomous festivals. Check it out and be quick to get some last minute tickets.
On the 17-19 August deep in the rolling hills of Derbyshire (and the amazing Thornbridge Outdoors site) Plan C will host its infamous Fast Forward Festival yet again. Previously described by attendees as “F*cking perfect”, “So good I began to put into action our plans for proletarian freedom the day after the festival” and “Not too shabby to be honest” – this year’s Fast Forward will focus on the theme of Autonomy.
noun, plural au·ton·o·mies.
- independence or freedom, as of the will or one’s actions.
- the condition of being autonomous; self-government or the right of self-government.
- a self-governing community.
During the weekend we will learn, teach, and plot ideas for how to build autonomy against capital and the state. We will plan and scheme and forge concrete methods for building our own future. We will respond to the material stresses of poverty by expropriating supermarkets, running radical food-banks and fighting against Universal Credit. We will take control of our cities by liberating territories, building radical unions, and resisting evictions. We will de-legitimise work, fighting for the living wage and building social strikes. We will create our own infrastructure, running social centres and self-managing welfare, physical and mental healthcare, and alternative education. We will redistribute reproductive labour to strengthen everyone’s ability to fight, confronting gender oppression, transphobia in the feminist movement and beyond, and all sexual violence. We will intervene in the logistics of transnational capital, assaulting its many ecological manifestations, and providing practical, militant solidarity with our siblings’ struggles in the global south. We will do these things with joy, with victory assured.
All these examples are ideas of what building autonomy means in reality. Through interconnected discussions, readings, workshops, assemblies and parties; we invite you to develop concrete plans for building our material and political autonomy – now.
Some way from, but by no means not part of, the future is the festival itself. In deep Derbyshire we have a chance to escape from work and urban drudgery, spending time with friends and comrades, learning and educating and of course partying. We have no doubt that we will leave the company our friends and fellow travellers feeling rested, inspired and undoubtedly victorious.
An upcoming institution of the communist movement here in the UK, Fast Forward Festival is part of the beginning of the future. Without doubt a time and place you can look back on and say “I was there” somewhere culturally between Spike Island ’90 and Petrograd ’17. You don’t want to miss out.
Tickets sales are live now!
For information about how to get to the festival, go here
For details on what the ticket includes, please view here
On the 20th of September, EU-leaders will meet in Salzburg, Austria. There they will talk about “security” and the “fight against illegal migration”. Austria’s new racist government will be in charge of the meeting.
What does that mean? 1) They want more police controls, more surveillance, higher punishments, and stricter laws. That means: More rights for the state and the police; less rights for people. 2) They want to make it even more difficult for migrants to come to Europe. And they want to make it even more difficult to stay in Europe. That means: More border fences, more prisons, more deportations and violence; less rights and less freedom and safety for refugees.
We are against these policies. We are against racism and exploitation and for a better future for all. When the EU-leaders meet in Salzburg, we will protest together in the streets.
Our comrades from autonomous antifa vienna and …ums Ganze! are mobilizing to Salzburg: We will fight together for freedom and equal rights!
Information in different languages is available on: https://summit-salzburg.mobi/
A counter-summit is being planned for the 21st-23rd September in Vienna: https://summit-salzburg.mobi/en/counter-summit-21st-to-23rd-of-september-vienna/
In July 2018 the presidency of the EU Council will be passed over from Bulgaria to Austria.
In this context an informal summit on the issues of „internal security „and „control of illegal migration„ will take place in Salzburg on 20th of September. For the conservative and right-wing government of Austria this means a possibility to carry its own politics of national isolation and social control to an European level.
In Austria reactionary tendencies get stronger and stronger. Specifically in the means of isolationist policy and the rise of nationalist, right wing movements Austria has a leading role for a long time. Right wing and even neofascist parties and organisations are deeply anchored in public structures.
Not later than 2015 Austria started to be a driving factor within the process of aggressive actions against immigration. An example for that is the „closing of the Balkan route “, that Austria was significantly responsible for.
The consequences of this politics can be seen and felt beyond Europe: The barricading of the European borders is based on cooperation with fascistic regimes like Turkey or rackets in Libya, that are causing massive suffering and violence among the people.
Since September 2017 Austria is governed by right wing conservatives and right-wing extremists, who carry the nationalist agitation and the top- down class struggle even further.
Their profoundly reactionary program, which is a mixture of neoliberal disciplining, cuts of social services, authoritarian „Law and Order “, nationalist isolation and exclusion of non- citizens has a lot of supporters among Austrian (and European) society.
When the European leaders of governments and states discuss the future of the EU, what means the discussion about the authoritarian enforcement of competition by exclusion and disciplining, we as the European Left want to be visible and want to be interventionist.
We want neither a deadly „Fortress Europe“ nor their politics of „Internal Security“. The latter means nothing else, than the wide- ranging social control, surveillance and exclusion of those, who got superseded and marginalized. We want the good life for everybody beyond concurrence and nationalist isolation. We don’t want a false comparison of „liberal“ and authoritarian- nationalist perspectives. Actually, they are a perfect match within the capitalist emergency. And if one wants to choose one of them, in order to avoid the worse, one will get both. We don’t want to see the poor existing conditions and their reactionary brutalization as permanent barriers to our visions, but we want to invent the future. There is enough for everybody and nobody should be forced to work. In Salzburg we want to fight for a supportive society. A society, that can’t be planned by the rulers, but only against them. We invite you to come to Salzburg and accompany us part of that way. Together we want to make a clear statement against the far -right as well as the authoritarian management of the existing. With a revolutionary perspective we want to reach beyond the contradictions of society. When the leaders of the European governments meet in Salzburg, we will be there as the alliance of the many. All our different struggles have something in common:
A better future for all is possible beyond capitalism only!
On Tuesday the 18th of September, it will be the 5 year anniversary of the murder of Pavlos “ Killah P” Fyssas, a greek rapper, who was killed in his neighborhood, Keratsini, by the neo nazis, members of Golden Dawn.
This day has been dedicated to Pavlos’s memory and each year it serves as a national day of antifascist action leading up to a gathering and demonstration, starting from the point where Pavlos was murdered in Keratsini and ending up to a different point each year according to the antifascist movement’s needs and targets.
Coincidentally the fifth anniversary of Pavlos’s murders is in the same time frame with the last stages of the legal persecution of the neo nazi organization Golden Dawn. So from our perspective the need to make our presence even stronger in the wider Piraeus region is bigger than ever, in order to take down the last stronghold of the neo-Nazis in Greece. We cannnot leave the neighbourhoods in which Pavlos one lived to become breeding grounds for his fascist murderers.
Unfortunately, as of late, in a desperate attempt to gain ground, the local fascists, especially Golden Dawn are riding the nationalistic wave concerning the name of the Republic of Macedonia, have started once again to attack immigrants and refugees and to attack Free Social Spaces and squats. On the 21st of January, Libertatia Squat in Thessaloniki was burned to the ground, on the 25th of February Golden Dawn members attacked Favela ( a Free Social Space in Piraeus) injuring several people in the process while on the 24th of June the attacked the Social Space for Health (former PIKPA squat) in Petralona during the space’s assembly.
At the same time there is no denying that the nationalistic far right is rising all across Europe, both in terms of parliamentary power and power in the streets with attacks against minorities and the oppressed people. In Italy, Germany and in France nationalism and fascism leave a deep imprint with murderous attacks against locals and refugees/immigrants who resist.
We come across something that will keep appearing before us unless we stop it. So, we have to analyze this phenomenon and at the same time, create a framework with actions on every level, be it a political, a social or an activist one, as a unified antifascist movement in order to break fascism’s course.
For this reason we call upon all of the antifascist groups and collectives from around Europe and every single antifascist person to initiate an antifascist September in Greece.
This call of course will be issued to local groups and collectives as well in order for the antifascist front to grow as it should.
Capitalism, the state of exception, racism, sexism, nationalism, death politics and all the following of fascism are the things we must fight against and fascism is the one thing we must crush in the streets.
We hereby propose the following for an Antifascist September:
1. A European meeting on Sunday and Monday ( 16th and 17th of September) with inputs from Germany, France, Italy and groups from other countries as well. A meeting for an discussion between political groups and collectives with the prospect of further
networking and European action.
2. A demonstration from the spot where Pavlos Fyssas was murdered in Keratsini, Piraeus on the 18th of September
Not a single spot of public space will be left to the fascists
P.S. As time progresses new banners, calls and texts will be circulated
Social Antifascist Front
Family and Friends of Pavlos Fyssas