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movementsarchive.org: Our new domain name

movementsarchive.org: Our new domain name

We have now moved the Archive to its own domain name, movementsarchive.org. We thank 35-33.com for their offer of a temporary subdomain for the past few months.

Please update your bookmarks to point to our new domain, movementsarchive.org.

Cyprus Movements Archive: A First Presentation

Cyprus Movements Archive: A First Presentation

The Movement's Archive is an attempt to make the history of the Cypriot radical movement throughout the island available, as it is recorded through its publications, with an emphasis on past decades; but without ignoring recent publications. Read more about our goals here.

On the 3rd of January we will present, at social space Kaymakκιν at 18:30, the work that has been done so far, how the archive works, and the ways you can help.

Whispered translation in English will be available.

Κυπριακό Κινηματικό Αρχείο: Μια Πρώτη Παρουσίαση

Το Κινηματικό Αρχείο είναι μια απόπειρα να γίνει προσβάσιμη η ιστορία του κυπριακού ριζοσπαστικού κινήματος σε ολόκληρο το νησί, όπως καταγράφεται μέσα από τις εκδόσεις του, με έμφαση στις προηγούμενες δεκαετίες χωρίς να αγνοούνται οι σύγχρονες δημοσιεύσεις. Διαβάστε περισσότερα για τους στόχους μας εδώ.

Στις 3 Γενάρη θα παρουσιάσουμε, στον κοινωνικό χώρο Kaymakκιν η ώρα 18:30, την δουλειά που έγινε μέχρι τώρα, τον τρόπο λειτουργίας του Αρχείου και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους μπορείτε να βοηθήσετε την προσπάθεια.

ΕΟΚΑ – ΤΜΤ: Πέρα από τους Ήρωες και τους Τρομοκράτες

By Χρίστος

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Δεκέβρη 2016: ΕΟΚΑ – ΤΜΤ: Πέρα από τους Ήρωες και τους Τρομοκράτες

Η Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων φιλοξενεί στο Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Δεκεμβρίου την Παρουσίαση: ΕΟΚΑ – ΤΜΤ: Πέρα από τους Ήρωες και τους Τρομοκράτες.

«Η οργάνωση ΤΜΤ είναι ο κακός δαίμονας για όλους τους κατοίκους της Κύπρου- Έλληνες και Τούρκους.» (Σπύρος Αθανασιάδης, Φάκελος ΤΜΤ) «Η τρομοκρατική οργάνωση της Ε.Ο.Κ.Α. σκοτώνει τους Έλληνες που δεν θέλουν την ένωση με την Ελλάδα, όπως και Βρετανούς και Τούρκους. Έτσι ξεκινούν οι δικοινοτικές συγκρούσεις στην Κύπρο.» (Serter, Vehbi Zeki, Ιστορία της Κύπρου, βιβλίο ιστορίας που διδασκόταν στα σχολεία της Τ/Κ κοινότητας ως το 2005.)

Δυο αναδυόμενοι εθνικισμοί, δυο μητέρες πατρίδες, δυο μεγάλες ιδέες, ένα νησί. Δυο οργανώσεις, δυο αφηγήσεις περί ηρώων, αυτοθυσίας, απελευθέρωσης – ή αλλιώς, περί τρομοκρατίας, δολοφονιών, καταπίεσης.

Μια παρουσίαση που εξετάζει τις οργανώσεις ΕΟΚΑ και ΤΜΤ στα χρόνια 1955-59 πέρα από τον κυρίαρχο εθνικιστικό λόγο, πέρα από τις κατεστημένες ιστορικές αφηγήσεις, πέρα από τους «Ήρωες» και τους «Τρομοκράτες».

Ηχογράφηση:

THE FIRST BI-COMMUNAL MOVEMENT FOR AN INDEPENDENT AND FEDERAL CYPRUS

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com
The first founding meeting of the “Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus” took place in Ledra Palace Hotel in Nicosia on 23 and 24 September 1989 with the participation of 25 T/Cs and 36 G/Cs. The participants discussed the ways of rapprochement and more contacts between the two communities in Cyprus. The joint press release of the meeting was published both in the T/C and G/C press and the meeting was flash news at the CyBC-TV.
            The Second Meeting of the Movement took place on 20-21 January 1990, where the participants approved the following basic views and principles, which were later published, in Greek, Turkish and English languages as a leaflet.


MOVEMENT FOR AN INDEPENDENT AND FEDERAL CYPRUS
Views and Basic Principles

1.We are concerned about our future
Every Cypriot citizen in our times is deeply concerned about the future of his country.

We have all lived through the tragic moments of our history – the armed and bloody conflicts, the forced displacement of people, the immeasurable human suffering, the partition of our country.
For years now we all have experienced the consequences of this violent separation – the uprooting, the uncertainty, the lack of contact and communication between Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot citizens.
The separate existence of the two communities and the separate organization of daily life leads them to consider the absence of each other as the norm. The new generation is raised with an image which presents the other community as the enemy – magnifying the crimes of the other side while minimizing the crimes of its own.

2. We acknowledge our share of common responsibilities
We believe that every Cypriot citizen fully comprehends that the root of our problem and suffering are quite complex. Undoubtedly, foreign interests and intervention share a substantial part of the blame.
We believe, however, that every sincere Cypriot also acknowledges a collective blame and responsibility. For it is the internal contradictions and weaknesses of our society that have made outside intervention possible.
The lack of common objectives, the antagonism between Turkish and Greek Cypriots – instead of a common, liberation struggle against colonial rule, undermined the prospect of a free and democratic common future.
The outcome of all this was a Constitution that was imposed on us and a “crippled” independence, where divisions, antagonism and suspicion among Greek and Turkish Cypriots were institutionalised. The final blow came from the persistence of separatist ideologies (Enosis and Partition) even after the establishment of the fragile Independence.

3. We must condemn both the violence and the separatist ideologies of the past.
All Cypriot citizens would agree that foreign meddling in our affairs should be put to an end and that we ourselves should be those to decide our own fate, our own future.
But this alone is not sufficient. In order to be able to proceed together towards a common future, with shared goals, we must begin by acknowledging and condemning whatever separated us in the past.
It is high time that each community acknowledges and irrevocably condemns the violence it used against the other in the past. For the ordinary citizen, the victim of violence whichever direction it came from, this violence was equally painful and caused the same grief.
It is high time each community recognized the consequences of its own separatist ideology and condemned it thereof. What is called for today is not an ideology that separates people, but one that can unite them together, that could form the basis of a common struggle.
This is the only way through which we can “cleanse” ourselves from our bloody and violent past – so that henceforth we may sincerely join forces together bringing about reconciliation and shaping a shared and peaceful future.

4. Federation – our common future
The continuation of separation and antagonism does not promote our own common interests, but only serves the enemies of the independence of Cyprus.
            The struggle for a common future, in a united country, is not a matter of sentimentalism or utopia – but a basic, imperative, historical and political need, a sheer matter of survival.
            In a common country the survival of Greek and Turkish Cypriots crucially depends on the survival of the Turkish Cypriots, and vice-versa.
            All Cypriot citizens have a right to live in a federated and united Cyprus, under conditions of freedom, democracy and security.
A federal solution is, under the present circumstances, the only guarantee for the independence of Cyprus. It should not be looked upon simply as a solution of necessity; it is at the same time our only hope for a just and peaceful common future.
            A federal solution has the potential of transcending our past history of violent conflict, which built the walls of separation between Greek and Turkish Cypriots.

The pursuit of a federal solution constitutes a common goal, a path towards a common future. A future, which will secure some measure of autonomy for each community, whilst also ensuring a unified character for the Cyprus Republic, preventing permanent separation and estrangement.
The future federation, for which we must strive, should be based on the principles of justice and viability. It should establish the right of every Cypriot to live in a democratic system, irrespective of race, ethnic identity, religion, sex or colour, under conditions of security and equal opportunities for development.
Federation is not a magic formula which will be introduced by outside forces, and which will automatically solve all of our problems. No one system or constitution can by itself secure our future. The most important is the good will of the people. Federation should be regarded as the expression of our collective determination for a joint struggle/effort by all Cypriots.

5. The mobilization of citizens is an imperative need
The dangers from the continuing impasse of the Cyprus problem are only too obvious. The reappearance of mistrust and chauvinism, as well as thoughtless pseudo-patriotism on either side, are the consequences of the present stalemate.
            Real and constructive patriotism nowadays means resistance to mistrust, fanaticism and chauvinism.
            Every Cypriot should stand against the reactionary forces in both communities which are attempting to undermine the effort for a common future – expressed, in our days, in the pursuit of a federal solution. It is only with the active participation of the people of Cyprus that independence, democracy and a common peaceful future can be achieved.
            The mobilization of ordinary citizens and the dialogue between Greek and Turkish Cypriots should become a conscious political choice and action, a matter to be undertaken independently – of and beyond any formal and official procedures.
            It is nowadays imperative to cross over from passive awaiting to active political participation in the struggle of shaping our common future.



  • November 29th 2016 at 08:33
  • ↗

Η πολιτικοποίηση του ποδοσφαίρου στην Κύπρο - η περίπτωση της Θύρας 9

By Θύρα 9

Η πολιτικοποίηση του ποδοσφαίρου στην Κύπρο: η περίπτωση της Θύρας 9

Μέλη της γραμματείας της ΘΥΡΑ 9 θα κάνουν παρουσίαση για τον τρόπο ίδρυσης της ομάδας μας και την ιδεολογική δράση της οργανωμένης μας κερκίδας. Στην συνέχεια θα υπάρξει ανοικτή συζήτηση.

Ηχογράφηση

Η ηθικοποίηση του ρόλου των διδασκάλων και των διδασκάλισσων στην αγγλοκρατία

By Κώστας Κωνσταντίνου

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Οκτώβρη 2016

Η ηθικοποίηση του ρόλου των διδασκάλων και των διδασκάλισσων ως μέσο προώθησης της εθνικιστικής ιδεολογίας την περίοδο της αγγλοκρατίας

ΠΑΡΑΣΚΕΥΗ 14/10/2016, ώρα 19:30 στον Κοινωνικό Χώρο Kaymakκιν στο Καϊμακλί: Ο διδακτορικός ερευνητής Κώστας Κωνσταντίνου παρουσιάζει το άρθρο του με τίτλο “Ο ηθικοκοινωνικός ρόλος του διδασκαλικού υποκειμένου ως τεχνολογία εκπολιτισμού και κοινωνικού ελέγχου στην Κύπρο, 1878-1937” που δημοσιεύεται στο 9ο τεύχος της Εντροπίας.

To άρθρο παρουσιάζει τις συγκυρίες κάτω από τις οποίες διατυπώθηκε και θεσμοθετήθηκε ο ηθικός ρόλος των Ελληνοκυπρίων διδασκάλων και των διδασκαλισσών, για την περίοδο 1878-1937. Ειδικότερα, συζητά πώς ο ρόλος αυτός χρησιμοποιήθηκε στον λόγο των διαφόρων πολιτικών και κοινωνικών ομάδων, στην προσπάθειά τους να πειθαρχήσουν και να εκπολιτίσουν τη λαϊκή τάξη επιδιώκοντας την ηγεμονική τους επικράτηση. Ιδιαίτερα παρατηρείται η σύνδεση του εθνικού με τον ηθικοκοινωνικό ρόλο του διδασκαλικού υποκειμένου.

Ηχογράφηση

Poster

Ιδεολογία, Κράτος και Οικονομία στην Τουρκία μετά το πραξικόπημα

By Νίκος Μούδουρος

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Σεπτέβρη 2016

Ιδεολογία, Κράτος και Οικονομία στην Τουρκία μετά το πραξικόπημα

Παρουσίαση – Συζήτηση με τον τουρκολόγο Νίκο Μούδουρο στον Κοινωνικό Χώρο Kaymakκιν (Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου Γ’ 127, Καϊμακλί)

«Ο δεύτερος απελευθερωτικός πόλεμος» Ιδεολογία, Κράτος και Οικονομία στην Τουρκία μετά το πραξικόπημα της 15ης Ιουλίου 2016

Η αποτυχημένη απόπειρα πραξικοπήματος στην Τουρκία την 15η Ιουλίου 2016 καταγράφεται ως ένα από τα σημαντικότερα γεγονότα των τελευταίων δεκαετιών στη χώρα. Είναι εξέλιξη ποικίλων διαστάσεων και συνεπειών. Ως τέτοια απαιτεί προηγουμένως την όσο το δυνατό καλύτερη κατανόηση των πρωταγωνιστών της κρίσης, του ιδεολογικού τους υπόβαθρου και των θέσεων τους. Η παρουσίαση στοχεύει σε μια σφαιρική ενδοσκόπηση της απόπειρας πραξικοπήματος, αλλά την ίδια στιγμή επιδιώκει να αναδείξει τις μετατοπίσεις που σημειώνονται μετά το πραξικόπημα στο ιδεολογικό περιβάλλον της χώρας. Ο στόχος «επανίδρυσης» του κράτους και ο οικονομικός μετασχηματισμός ως συστατικά μέρη της πλατφόρμας του ισλαμικού κινήματος της Τουρκίας, είναι επίσης ανάμεσα στα κύρια σημεία της παρουσίασης.

Η παρουσίαση και συζήτηση θα γίνει στα Ελληνικά με δυνατότητα ψιθυριστής μετάφρασης στα Αγγλικά.

Ηχογράφηση

Πορεία Κυριακή 18/9 ώρα 18:30 πλ.ελευθερίας Λευκωσία. Ο Παύλος ζει τσακίστε τους ναζί

By antifalem

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ΔΕΝ ΞΕΧΝΩ ΤΟΝ ΦΑΣΙΣΜΟ!

Καμία ανοχή στους νεοναζί ΕΛΑΜ – ΧΡΥΣΗ ΑΥΓΗ!

Την νύχτα 17 προς 18 του Σεπτέμβρη 2013, τάγμα εφόδου της νεοναζιστικής οργάνωσης Χρυσή Αυγή δολοφονεί τον αντιφασίστα μουσικό Παύλο Φύσσα, στην Αθήνα. Αυτό συνέβηκε μόλις λίγους μήνες μετά την εκλογή τους για πρώτη φορά στη Ελληνική Βουλή, το 2012.

Η διεθνής κατακραυγή για τη δολοφονία και η ορμή του αντιφασιστικού κινήματος στην Ελλάδα οδήγησαν όλη την ηγεσία της Χρυσής Αυγής – ανάμεσα τους και την κοινοβουλευτική ομάδα – στα δικαστήρια όχι μόνο για τη δολοφονία αλλά και για σύσταση και λειτουργία εγκληματικής οργάνωσης. Η δίκη ακόμα συνεχίζεται.

Αυτή είναι η μητρική οργάνωση του ΕΛΑΜ – της Χρυσής Αυγής της Κύπρου. Δεν το λέμε εμείς – το λένε οι ίδιοι!

Για αυτό, από μόνο του το γεγονός της εισόδου του ΕΛΑΜ στη Βουλή είναι μια πολύ ανησυχητική και επικίνδυνη εξέλιξη που δεν σηκώνει καμιά υποτίμηση. Μα το πιο ανησυχητικό είναι η ασυλία που απολαμβάνει το ΕΛΑΜ από τα ΜΜΕ, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του ΡΙΚ, και το πολιτικό κατεστημένο.

Τα κρούσματα βίας απέναντι στους Τουρκοκύπριους παρουσιάζουν αύξηση τον τελευταίο καιρό από μέλη του ΕΛΑΜ και άλλα φασιστικά στοιχεία που εκτρέφονται από τον ρατσισμό και τον εθνικισμό της κυπριακής δεξιάς.

Στις 15 του Νοέμβρη 2015 αυτοκίνητο με τουρκοκυπριακές πινακίδες δέχθηκε επίθεση από μαθητές, μέλη του ΕΛΑΜ, κατά τη διάρκεια της επετειακής τους πορείας. Στις 15 Μαΐου, στην Μακαρίου, κοντά στα γραφεία του ΕΛΑΜ και το κτήριο του ΑΠΟΕΛ, ομάδα 30 τραμπούκων επιτέθηκε σε Τουρκοκύπριο οδηγό. Στις 2 Αυγούστου, πάλι έξω από το ΑΠΟΕΛ, αυτοκίνητο Τουρκοκυπρίων όχι μόνο δέχτηκε επίθεση αλλά και κυνηγήθηκε στο δρόμο. Και αυτές είναι μόνο οι καταγραμμένες περιπτώσεις.

Πριν λίγες εβδομάδες, οι δύο βουλευτές του ΕΛΑΜ μαζί με τέσσερις βουλευτές του ΔΗΣΥ και με ένα της Αλληλεγγύης μαζί με «αγανακτισμένους» πατατοπαραγωγούς, στην περιοχή Αμμοχώστου, τραμπούκισαν και απείλησαν ελληνοκύπριο επιχειρηματία που συνεργάζεται με Τουρκοκύπριο πατατοπαραγωγό μέσα στα πλαίσια του Κανονισμού της Πράσινης Γραμμής.

Είναι φανερό ότι, αφού δεν μπορούν να επιβάλουν το κλείσιμο των οδοφραγμάτων, προσπαθούν να δημιουργήσουν κλίμα φόβου και τρομοκρατίας ανάμεσα στους Τουρκοκύπριους ώστε να μην τα διασχίζουν.

Δεν πρέπει να αφήσουμε τα νεοναζιστικά στοιχεία να δρουν ανενόχλητα!

Δεν μπορούμε να ανεχόμαστε αυτές τις επιθέσεις χωρίς καμιά αντίδραση!

Δεν πρέπει να τους αφήσουμε να επαναλάβουν τις συγκρούσεις του 63-67!

Αντιδρούμε τώρα!

Δεν πρέπει να επιτρέψουμε ξανά ο ΣΩΒΙΝΙΣΜΟΣ και η ΜΙΣΑΛΛΟΔΟΞΙΑ να επικρατήσουν στο νησί με αποτέλεσμα ένα νέο αιματοκύλισμα και την οριστική διχοτόμηση!

Καμία ανοχή στους νεοναζί ΕΛΑΜ – ΧΡΥΣΗ ΑΥΓΗ!

Νέα Διεθνιστική Αριστερά (ΝΕΔΑ)
Πρωτοβουλία Ενάντια στην Φασιστική Απειλή
Αντιφασιστικό Δίκτυο Λεμεσού
Εργατική Δημοκρατία
ΚSP – Σοσιαλιστικό Κόμμα Κύπρου
YKP – Κόμμα Νέα Κύπρος

THE DEVELOPMENT OF TURKISH CYPRIOT SECULARISM AND TURKISH CYPRIOT RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com


Ahmet Djavit An

The origins of today’s Moslem population on the island
After the conquest of the Cyprus in 1570-71, the Ottoman commander Lala Mustafa Pasha left a small garisson on the island.  The official Ottoman sources refer to a total of 3,779 soldiers, many of whom, later, brought also their families.[1] Some of them even married the widows or daughters of the fallen Latin notables; an example is the last Lusignan Cornaro Lady of Potamia Castle who married the cavalry soldier Ibrahim Menteshoglou; their family has survived to the present day with the families of Menteshoglou and Bodamializade.
A census, taken shortly after the conquest, revealed a taxable population of some 85,000 Greeks, Armenians and Maronites, as well as 20,000 Turkish settlers, mostly campaign veterans, who were given land by Mustapha.[2] According to the Ottoman Register Book of 1572, 905 villages were inhabitated and 76 villages were deserted.[3] Thus the Ottomans did not build new villages and inhabited the empty ones, which mostly kept their old names while a few were given new Turkish names. The Sultan, realizing that the island needed human resources for labour, issued a firman which was sent to the Kadıs (local judges) of six Anatolian provinces: Karaman, Ichel, Bozok, Alaiye (Alanya), Teke (Antalya) and Manavgat. One in every ten families living in those provinces was ordered to transfer to the island, which meant a total of 5,720 families; at the end, only 1,689 families settled in Cyprus.[4]

According to the Register Book of 1581, there were plans to transfer 12,000 families, but eventually only 8,000 families were transported. In the following years, other Turkish families from Konya, Kirsehir, Chorum, Samsun, Chankiri, Eskisehir, Ankara, Darende and Ushak settled in the towns,[5] which were surrounded by fortified walls or had castles (Nicosia, Famagusta, Limassol, Paphos and Kyrenia), and in the deserted Latin villages.

Later the Anatolian settlers, who were mainly Turkmen artisans and villagers, intermingled with the Greeks of the island and cooperated with them in every field of life. Although the two communities belonged to different religions and had dissimilar ethnic distinctive features, they lived harmoniously, influencing each other as they worked side by side in the rural and urban areas.[6] In the course of 300 years of coexistence, during the Ottoman domination, some Christian Greeks converted to Islam in order to avoid high taxation. In some other cases, some Anatolian Moslems converted to Christianity.[7] Analysing the situation, Ronald C. Jennings wrote:


In the decades following the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus many of the island’s Christians converted to Islam.Contemporary observers and modern scholars have attributed that conversion to official compulsion, but no contemporary local sources substantiate that view except a few travelers embarrassed at the circumstances (as Venetians or Christians) who had no way of guessing how the new converts really felt. Although the level of conversion cannot be measured precisely, there are several indicators of its extent. In 1593-1595 32% of the adult male Muslims whose names and fathers’ names were cited as legal agents (vekil) were converts, as were 28% of those names as witnesses to legal cases and 41% of those named as instrumental witnesses. More than a third of such Muslims appearing in court at that time were converts. What the highest proportion ever reached was or when it was reached can only be conjectured, but obviously the intensity was temporary.[8]


There was another category of Cypriots, called Linobambaki that they were Crypto-Christians. This community of Cypriots was living in villages like Louroudjina (originally Laurentia), Potamia, Monagria, Ayios Sozomenos and some villages of Tylliria that were formerly estates of the Latins, who converted en masse to Islam.[9] Theodoros Papadopoullos gave an example of conversions from Christianity into Islam between 1825 and 1832, when in 16 villages, the percentage of the previously Christian population changed into a Moslem religion. By 1960, nine of them (Marki, Givisilin, Melounda, Kouklia, Sinda, Prastio, Malunda, Kantou, Platanissos) were all Moslem, two villages (Skoulli, Monagri) were all Christian, and the remaining five villages (Denia, Flasou, Palekithro, Syngrasi, Moniatis) had one third of their village population as Moslems.[10]

            Paschalis M. Kitromilides pointed out that the names of Christian Saints borne by several Turkish villages, especially in the Paphos and the Karpasia regions, offer a convincing indication of Islamization. These are the following Turkish Cypriot villages: in Paphos district, Ayyanni (Agios Ioannis), Aynikola (Agios Nikolaos), Ayyorgi (Agios georgios); in Limassol district, Aytuma (Agios Thomas); in Nicosia district, Aybifan (Agios Epiphanios); in Famagusta district, Ayharida (Agios Chariton); in Karpassia; Hirsofu (Agios Iakovos), Ayandroniko (Agios Andronikos), Ayistar (Agios Efstathios), Aysimyo (Agios Symeon).[11] Kitromilides notably wrote:


It should be made clear in this connection that this sort of evidence is not cited here in order to question the Turkish Cypriots’ Turkishness – which as is the case with modern national identity generally, has to do more with the states of consciousness and less with the ‘purity’ of ethnic origins.[12]

The Moslem identity of the Turkish Cypriots
After the conquest of Cyprus in 1571, the traditional Ottoman settlement system brought a new ethnological and cultural element to the island. The Anatolian Moslems had a different religion, language and culture than the island’s Christian population. The Latin Catholic Church did not oppress the Orthodox Christians anymore, and the Latins (Lusignans and Venetians) were allowed to stay in Cyprus if they would choose the religion of the conqueror, Islam, or the religion of the local Cypriot Orthodox people.[13] According to the Ottoman millet system, there were two millets in Cyprus. One was the Moslem millet and the other was the (Christian) Rum[14] millet. The Orthodox Christian Church and its Archbishop was responsible from the Christian population and later he was given the right to collect the taxes for the Ottoman governor. 

The Moslem community was mainly Sunni-Islam following the Hanefi sect. There were a Muftü for religious affairs, a Chief Kadı appointed from Istanbul for judicial matters, and a Mulla as the deputy of the Ottoman Governor.  From 1571 up to 1839, when a legal reform (Tanzimat) was proclaimed, the Moslem sacred Sheri Law was applied for the Moslem population; the Sheri Laws derived mainly from verses of the Koran and from traditions of Prophet Mohammed. Sometimes the Orthodox Christians themselves applied to the Sheri Courts in order to solve their disagreements with the Moslems in Cyprus. The Anatolian settlers believed in Islam, but they were not all following strictly the Sunni sect; some followed other sufi orders. For example, the tanners in Nicosia had their own lodge, called “Ahi Revan Dede”, a kind of “lonca” (professional syndicate). 

Right after the Ottoman occupation of Cyprus in 1570, various Vakfs[15] were created for the assistance of the Moslem community in their religious, social and cultural needs. Since the Ottoman conquerer of Cyprus, Lala Mustafa Pasha, was a devotee of the Mevlevi order, a Tekke[16] was built in Nicosia, near the Kyrenia gate, soon after the conquest; the Mevlevi Tekke functioned until the beginning of the 1950’s. Another Tekke of the Jelveti order was built in Famagusta, which had a library founded by Kutup Osman Efendi, the Grand Şeyh of this order. Aziziye Tekke, within the municipality market of Nicosia, founded in the name of the Müftü of the Ottoman Army that conquered Nicosia in 1570, was following the Rifai order. C. F. Beckingham wrote in 1955:


The dervish orders, which still have secret adherents in Turkey, were not strong in Cyprus. At present there is one Mevlevi tekke in Nicosia. […] Most Cypriot Muslims would prefer to close the tekke and use its income for the repair of mosques, the payment of hocas and religious education. It is felt that the Mevlevi ritual has lost all religious significance and has become, as one Muslim said, ‘a floor-show for tourists’.[17] (The text continues with a new paragraph here)

Formerly other dervish orders had a few adherents. There were Qadiris in Nicosia at the time of British occupation and there was once a small Bektaşi community in Larnaca; these have now disappeared. In Turkey many of the dervish orders were, or became, xenophobe. Their comparative absence from Cyprus, doubtlessly, helped the spread of modern ideas. The general character of Cypriot Islam is liberal and tolerant, and in this the Mufti reflects the attitude of the community. The social changes associated with Ataturk’s revolution were introduced into Cyprus without encountering the opposition of mullas, as they did in some parts of Turkey. (17) [Is this your text or Beckingham’s text? Quoted from Beckingham, same article, word by word]
When the British occupation began in 1878, the administration of Evkaf (Moslem pious organization) was entrusted to two delegates; a British, and a Moslem Turk who was appointed by the “Sublime Porte” (Ottoman Empire). The annexation of Cyprus (1914) and the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) brought a change in the status of the island; when the post of the Turkish delegate vacated in 1925, after the death of Musa İrfan Bey, the appointment was made by the British authorities (Colonial Office), which was subsequently confirmed by a British Order-in-Council in 1928.[18] The Moslem members of the Legislative Council, led by Hacı Hafiz Ziyai Efendi, protested to the British colonial government and claimed that the Caliph should appoint the director of Evkaf, and that the Cyprus Kadı should be considered as the head of Evkaf.

Vedjhi Efendi, who was the Kadı of Cyprus, supported this thesis. Already in 1902, the governor of Cyprus informed the Kadı by telegram that the management of the Evkaf would be carried out by the Kadı of Cyprus; advocate Fadıl Korkut wrote that he was among the congregation when this telegram was openly read in the Agia Sophia Mosque in Nicosia. Vedjhi Efendi was not able to take the necessary steps to implement the transfer of administration to Evkaf, since he got a mental disease; eventually Hacı Hafız Ziyai Efendi withdrew from the Legislative Council and become the Müftü of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriot delegate of Evkaf, Musa İrfan Bey, who was appointed in 1903, started to behave as the leader of the Moslem community by using his authority at the Evkaf. He also adopted a policy of allocating the Moslem memberships of the Legislative Council to the candidates of the Evkaf. He gave 10,000 pounds credit to the candidates from the Evkaf Treasure, but later there were difficulties to get the Evkaf money back.

When Numan Efendi was appointed to the post of Kadı of Cyprus in 1907, he demanded again to get the administration of Evkaf to his office. It was in this year, when Dr. Hafız Djemal Bey (Lokman Hekim) settled in his own country and started to publish a newspaper and more than 20 booklets for the enlightenment of the Turkish Cypriot community. He also opened his Cyprus Industrial School in Nicosia, where young boys were taught various handworks and they used to sell their products in the Friday Market. In the evening classes, people were taught foreign languages. But the reactionary circles fought against him until he left the island for good in 1909.  

A National Council (Meclis-i Milli) convened under the leadership of Müftü Ziyai Efendi on 10 December 1918 in order to raise the demands of the Turkish Cypriots in the Paris Conference, where the Greek Cypriots would participate. We read from its resolution that Müftü Ziyai Efendi was elected as the head of the millet (reis-i millet), defining the Müftü for the first time as the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community. But the British local government did not allow him to go abroad.
When the “Organization of Islam Community” (Cemaat-ı İslamiye Teşkilatı) was established in 1924, as the first political association of the Turkish Cypriots, it demanded that the administration of the Evkaf should be handed over to a commission to be elected among the community. There was no positive outcome and when Münir Bey was appointed as the Turkish delegate of Evkaf in 1925, after the death of İrfan Bey, the government had two delegates, instead of one. Evkaf should have been handed over to its real owner, the Turkish Cypriot community, but the Lausanne Agreement had already abolished the Cyprus Convention, which provided for the British Administration to appoint one of the Evkaf delegates.[19]

            In 1928, the Evkaf Department was established by a decree issued by the colonial government, which gave special privileges to the director of the department. After the Lausanne Agreement, the Evkaf properties in the Balkan countries and Palestine were to be administered by a commission and this was not done in Cyprus and therefore there was no say anymore on the administration of the Evkaf properties by the Turkish Cypriot community. On the other hand, the Greek Orthodox Church continued to administer the Church properties in Cyprus.

Starting from 1923, when the Republic of Turkey was declared, there was no Califdom and no Minister for Religious Affairs anymore in modern Turkey. The British Colonial Government abolished the post of Müftü, starting from 19 November 1928, and this was an important event, since the Moslem population had this institution since 1571. Instead of Müftü, the post of Fetva Emini was created under the Evkaf Department and Hürremzade Hakkı Efendi was appointed there. He was supporting the Kemalists and also made a meeting together with the teacher for replacing the Arabic alphabet with the Latin at the schools. Now the authority of the Evkaf director was reinforced and Münir Bey was regarded as the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community and was invited as such to the Royal Garden party in London in 1928.
The Sheri Courts were in a deplorable state, functioning in Cyprus as if the island was still in Ottoman 19th Century. In 1927, the Cyprus Courts of Justice Order-in-Council limited the jurisdiction of the Sheri Courts to strictly Moslem religious matters and provided for appeals from them to the Supreme Court. This was done in conformity with the view of a report prepared by three leading Turkish Cypriots, Münir Bey, M. Raif and M. Shevket. Cingizzade Mehmet Rifat wrote a series of open letters to the British Governor of Cyprus, between 10 December 1932 and 11 March 1933, in his newspaper Masum Millet for the modernization of the Sheri Courts, and the Inheritance Law, similar to the reforms made in Turkey since 1926, as well as the matters of Müftü and Evkaf. 

            In 1930, Münir Bey lost his seat at the Legislative Council to the Kemalist leader Necati Bey, who voted later in April 1931 against the Customs Tax Law together with the Greek Cypriot members. In May 1931, Necati Bey convened a National Congress, where a new Müftü was elected for the Turkish Cypriots, but this was not recognized officially by the colonial government. When the British appointed in 1951 Yakup Celal Menzilcioğlu, aged 72, as temporary Müftü from Turkey, his preaching was strongly criticized by the Kemalists of the Turkish Cypriot community; uncoincidentally, after six months the anti-Kemalist Menzilcioglu resigned and left Cyprus. Necati Özkan supported again another candidate from Turkey, Mahmut Kamil Toker, for the post of Müftü against the candidate of the National Party of Dr.Küçük, Dana Efendi. But Toker was forced to withdraw his candidacy before coming to the island and the only candidate from Paphos, Dana Efendi was elected on 30 December 1953 as the new Müftü of Cypriot Muslims.    


Religious Education
Eleven “Sibyan” schools were opened between 1571 and 1600 for the elementary education. In 1632 “Büyük Medrese” and in 1640 “Küçük Medrese” were founded for the young people, who wanted to acquire religious and legal knowledge. These schools were started by rich philanthropic Turkish Cypriots, who made vakıf for the financing of these institutions, therefore the schools were under the administration of the Evkaf. From the Vakf Registers, we can see that some of these philanthropics belong to religious orders that they appointed their own care-takers for these vakıf properties for financing their activities.[20]

The first modern secondary school (Rüştiye) was opened in 1862 and in 1897 the first modern gymnasium (İdadi) followed. In 1922, it was called “Sultani”, but after the foundation of Turkey, the name was changed into “Cyprus Turkish Lycee”. The British colonial government appointed in 1937 an English headmaster to the Lycee, Mr. Wood, who changed the name all of a sudden into “Cyprus Islam Lycee”. The Turkish Cypriot community could use the original name only in 1950, when a Turkish Cypriot Headmaster was appointed to the Lycee. In 1932 a Moslem Theological School was established by Münir Bey in order to replace the Büyük Medrese, which was demolished. Advocate Mehmet Rifat (Con Rifat), who was one of the supporters of the Kemalist populist movement, criticized in his newspaper Masum Millet [Innocent Nation] the establishment of a Theological School in Cyprus.

In the first year, there were only two students and three teachers. From 1932 until 1949, in 16 years, only 8 imams graduated from this school. To be exact, in addition, two persons, one coming from Solia and the other from Tilliria also took a short course. If we bear in mind that there were about 300 mosques over the island, the qualified imams were not over two dozens. Many mosques were without imams and prayers were officiated there only at great intervals, twice a year by qualified persons. This Moslem Theological School in Nicosia was closed in 1949.[21]

            The Interim Report on Turkish Cypriot Affairs was prepared in 1949 by exclusively Turkish Cypriot members, who collected data on all relevant subjects (Evkaf, Müftü, Family Laws, Sherie Couts, Schools) from official and non-official quarters, and five public meetings were held in all towns of the island other than Kyrenia. The Turkish Cypriot press gave also considerable prominence to its deliberations. Therefore, these recommendations had gained general approval and represented a fair reflection of the desires and opinions of the Turkish Cypriot community. Thus the Turkish Family Courts Law and Marriage and Divorce Law came into force in 1951 and later amended in 1954.[22] There were reactions by Şeyh Nazım Hoca, who published a leaflet “Family Law is contrary to the Sheria”, but he was attacked by Dr. Küçük in Halkın Sesi, on 25 May 1950. Another political opponent of Dr.Küçük, Necati Özkan, wrote a series of articles in his own newspaper İstiklal (28 May-11 June 1950). The Turkish Religious Head (Müftü) Law was enacted in 1953. It provided an indirect election, that the Turkish Cypriot community elected in 1954 Dana Efendi as the Müftü for the first time after 27 years. The transfer of the Management of Evkaf properties was made officially on 14 April 1956. The administration of the Turkish Cypriot schools was handed over to the Turkish Cypriot community on 9 June 1959. 


The traditional Turkish Cypriot mosques
After the conquest of the island in 1571, the Ottomans were impressed with the Latin cathedrals in Nicosia and Famagusta and they converted them into mosques by adding minarets and other Islamic elements. Besides these and other conversions, mosques were built by the Turks in various periods in Ottoman style. Those of architectural interest are Arabahmet, Sarayönü and Turunçlu in Nicosia, Seyit Mehmet Ağa and Hala Sultan in Larnaca, Haydar Paşazade Mehmet Bey in Lapithos, Cafer Paşa in Kyrenia and Camii Cedid in Limassol. The mosques in the villages have tiled roofs, carried by one or two rows of high arches, giving the interior a spacious atmosphere.[23] Most of the mosques in rural areas did not have minaret, because they were modest buildings for the villagers built by Evkaf. Some writers insist that they represent the Alevite sect in Cyprus; but they have nothing to do with the “Cemevi”, where the Alevites perform their rituals.


The Islamization of the northern part of the island
There has been a religious movement among the Turkish Cypriot community, which was mainly represented by Şeyh Nazım Hoca, a Turkish Cypriot follower of the Nakshibendi order, which was active especially between the years 1945 and 1949 and later in 1954. Those activities were well documented by one of his followers, Hüseyin Mehmet Ateşin, in his book Dr. Fazıl Küçük and Şeyh Nazım Kıbrısi, (İstanbul, 1997). The book reflected the ideological struggle between Dr. Fazıl Küçük, (who was supporting Kemalism and modern Turkey in Cyprus in his activities for winning the leadership of his community) and Nazım Hoca, (who was an anti-Kemalist.) The same writer wrote also the history of the Islamic Movement among the Turkish Cypriots in Kıbrıs’ta İslami Kimlik Davası [The case of Islamic Identity in Cyprus] (İstanbul 1996).[24]

Islamization activities of the occupied parts of the island started right after the invasion and the occupation in 1974. Churches were transformed into mosques in the main towns and villages. Religious propaganda went parallel with the increasing activities of the religious parties in Turkey. When Müftü Dana Efendi retired on 1 September 1971, his deputy, Dr. Rifat Mustafa was appointed as Müftü. The Turkish Cypriot Islam Association was founded already in 1971 with a publication of a fortnightly newspaper Her şeyde ve her yerde milli ve dini NİZAM [National and religious ORDER in everything and at everywhere], on 5 February 1971, which ceased its publication with issue 38 on 19 July 1974. Right wing and religiously oriented columnists from Tercüman newspaper, Ahmet Kabaklı and Ergun Göze, were invited to Cyprus in February 1974; it was a kind of revival of the Şeyh Nazım movement.
A second religious association “Cyprus Turkish Islam Cultural Association” was re-activated after 1974. One of its activities was a conference organized in Kyrenia in June 1977. The chairman of the Association accused the Turkish Cypriots as being “Gavur” (infidel to Islam): “Unless Islam disseminates now or in the future in Cyprus, they shall stay as Gavur as they are today”.[25] The insult provoked Dr. Fazıl Küçük to reply in a series of articles in his daily Halkın Sesi for five days, under the title “Tongues with spikes”. On 12 July 1977 he wrote:


They have given permission to those members from the Koran courses that are spreading across the island and they are practicing as imams and preachers. The administration should be more sensitive in their duties. […] We are embarrassed from the words of those, who came from mountain or forest villages. They don’t know how to walk properly on the street, with their wide trousers. They are chewing the sentence ‘You are bastards of the British, gavurs, without any religion’ and they passed the limits of tolerance. We don’t know what will happen and what will be the result, when there will be no tolerance for these curses. […] Our arms are open for the Ataturkist imams and preachers and we can share our bread with them. These associations have become hearths of disaster. These Islam associations should be closed without any further delay. Although everyone is free to open an association according to the constitution, but the government has the right to close them, when they engage in dangerous activities. […] There is no authority today, who will force them to withdraw their long tongues back into their mouth, who says ‘We shall make you, the gavur Turks, Moslem’.[26]

He further wrote that he had received a letter about the activities of Süleymanist missioners, who were employed by the Müftü Mustafa Rifat that they were teaching Arabic to the youth in Famagusta and giving conferences without getting permission in the villages, where they accused the Turkish Cypriots of not being religious enough. Halkın Sesi reported one year later, on 11 August 1978, that Koran courses were organized in a mosque in Famagusta and the children were told not to watch TV, because it was a sin; small boys were not allowed to wear short trousers and they could not learn by heart to sing the prayers properly at the minarets.


The growth of mosques and Islam in occupied Cyprus
There were approximately 300 mosques in Cyprus before 1974. Many of them in the rural areas did not have minarets and between 1968 and 1974 minarets were built to some mosques like the ones at Krini, Fota and Agridi. At the end of 1991, there were 141 mosques in the occupied areas, but 58 of them did not have imams for performing the religious prayers. Βy 1999 the Department for Religious Affairs – with a personnel of 13 – employed 135 imams in all the mosques (only 5 of them were graduates of a Theological Faculty), plus 56 imams were appointed from Turkey. According to the official numbers, there were 199 mosques in the ‘TRNC’ at the end of 2012, excluding those in construction; in these mosques, 255 imam and muezzin were employed. Furthermore, there were another 103 imams, who were paid by the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia. Thus the total number of imams – including the three imams working in the southern part of the island – is 361 of whom only ten are are permanently employed while the rest are on a contact basis.[27] In 2014, there were 260 imams, who were paid from the budget of the Prime Ministry of the TRNC, but only 13 of them were on permanent staff- list. Another 120 imams received their salaries from the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia.[28]

Nine mosques were built between 1974 and 2002 in various towns and villages in the occupied areas with the finances of the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia. One of them is the big mosque, built in Anatolian style in Kyrenia in 1999 and it was named after Nurettin Ersin Pasha, the Turkish commander of the 1974 invasion forces. It was followed, in 2003, by another big mosque that was built in Famagusta and was named after Fazıl Polat Pasha, the Turkish commander who occupied Famagusta in 1974. In the summer of 2005, there were a total of 173 mosques and a budget of 3.5 million TL was allocated in order to build 12 new mosques. During the AKP government, starting with the year 2002, out of 39 newly built mosques, 37 were in occupied Greek Cypriot villages; they were all reduced-size copies of the big mosque built in Kyrenia, either with one or two minarets.[29]

The Turkish Cypriots perceive these Islamization activities with concern. For example the Trade Union of Turkish Cypriot Teachers (KTÖS) issued a statement and criticized the ongoing Koran courses and new schools for religious education:

There are 192 mosques in the TRNC, whereas there are 160 schools, 21 health centres and 17 hospitals. Each university wants to build a mosque and these plans increased the controversies. […] They say that they got permission from the Ministry of Education, but there are Koran courses ongoing in the mosques, without permission and controls. If the government does not have the power to control these places, they should resign.[30]


The Trade Union of the Turkish Cypriots Secondary School Teachers (KTOEÖS) protested for a teacher that was appointed from Turkey, at the Polatpaşa Lycee, because the pupils did not like the way he was teaching the lesson of “Religious Culture and Ethics”.[31] The parents’ association of the same school made a demonstration and criticized the Ministry of Education that there was no inspection how the teachers for religion perform their duties.[32] The chairman of KTOS, Semen Saygun, remarked that there were 2,000 pupils, who were participating at the Koran courses during summer season in 2012 while in 2015 the number increased to 5,000. She said that it was not pedagogically appropriate for the immature children to have these courses instead of playing games, resting or spending time with their own families.[33]


Turkish Cypriot reaction

The majority of the Turkish Cypriots does not like that that religious belief is mixed with politics in a show off and are against using religion for political purposes.  Therefore they do not approve mass propaganda for Islam, done by the various religious associations, mainly set up by Anatolian settlers and students. There have always been religious people among the Turkish Cypriot community, but they were in minority and not so fanatic. Some religious Turkish Cypriots formed in cooperation with Turkish settlers some political parties, which were based on religious programs, but they did not have any success: “Reform and Welfare Party” (1979), “Our party” (1998). When the followers of Şeyh Nazım convened on 22 December 1996 in Nicosia at a meeting under the name “Great Islam Congress”, Şeyh Nazım defined the Turkish Cypriot as “a different kind of human, who is clever and has many demonic ideas. There is a need to have someone, who can imprison the demon in a bottle. Those imams, who are sent from Turkey, do not know the Turkish Cypriots. I can convince millions, but in the last 60 years, I got tired of trying to convince this millet (of Turkish Cypriots)!”[34]

            Since the population of the Anatolian settlers is more than the local Turkish Cypriots in the occupied areas at the moment, religious events and activities are organized mainly for them by various associations and organizations that are financed by the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia or some reactionary Arabic countries, and enjoy the support of the ‘TRNC’ government. Last year the Evkaf distributed 5,000 packages of food, sent by the General Directorate of the Vakıfs in Turkey. During the Ramadan month, when the Moslems do not eat or drink anything during the daytime, 100,000 persons had the chance to have dinner on 14 meeting-points in various towns and villages, under the organization of the “Red Crescent Association of Northern Cyprus” with the support of the Turkish Embassy Aid Department in Nicosia. Since 2005, it has been a traditional event. Similar dinners were given also by the Evkaf Department, the Turkish Cypriot Islam Association and Universal Love and Brotherhood Association (ESKAD).[35]
            At the moment there are 600 students at the two theological faculties, one at the Near East University (YDU) and the other one at the University of Social Sciences [Sosyal Bilimler Üniversitesi], while another 800 pupils attend the Theological Colleges. Almost all of the students and teenage pupils are from Turkey who came to the occupied areas with scholarships while a small number are the children of the Anatolian settlers; the teachers are all coming from Turkey. The newly established Hala Sultan Theological College is part of the big complex with a boarding house, a large mosque, conference rooms and shops that will cost 80 million dollars. The Hala Sultan Mosque with its four tall minarets – a small replica of the Selimiye Mosque in Edirne – will be ready by 2017 at a total cost of 30 million dollars. Another large mosque with six minarets is being constructed at the Near East University and is expected to be completed by 2017.

            It is interesting to note that an Anatolian settler, professor Talip Atalay – also an unsuccessful AKP candidate at the 2015 general elections – who settled with his family in occupied Famagusta in 1975, when he was 7 years old, was appointed by Ankara, in 2010, as the Muftü of Cyprus. His employment as the Director of the Religious Affairs, was accompanied by the purchase of two Mercedes and three BMW cars for his Department, which caused criticism by the Trade Union “Hizmet-Sen” in the Turkish Cypriot press.[36] Talip Atalay, a professor of theology, represents the Turkish Cypriot community in its relations with the Cyprus Greek Orthodox Church and he is welcomed by the authorities of the Republic of Cyprus, although he is not a local Turkish Cypriot. The Anatolian settlers can visit now the Hala Sultan Tekke during Moslem Holidays. Since 2014, four such visits were organized with the participation of more than one thousand visitors in each time, comprising mainly of the Turkish citizens![37]

(Published in “EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN POLICY NOTE • No. 8 • 10 July 2016, Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs, University of Nicosia)






Dr Ahmet Djavit An, MD, is a historical researcher, activist and author of 24 books about the Turkish Cypriot political, religious, communal and social affairs. Among his books about the history of the Turkish Cypriots and the Cyprus Problem are: Kıbrıs’ta Fırtınalı Yıllar (1942-1962) [The stormy years in Cyprus (1942-1962)], (Nicosia: Galeri Kultur, 1996); Kıbrıs Türk Liderliğinin Oluşması: Dinsel Toplumdan Ulusal Topluma Geçiş Süreci (1900-1942) [The formation of the Turkish Cypriot leadership: the process of making a national community out of a religious community (1900-1942)], (Nicosia: Galeri Kultur, 1997); Kıbrıslılık Bilincinin Geliştirilmesi [Notes on the development of Cypriot awareness], (Nicosia: Galeri Kultur, 1998); Kıbrıs Nereye Gidiyor? [Quo Vadis Cyprus], (Istanbul: Everest, 2002); Küçük Adada Büyük Oyunlar: Kıbrıs’ta Ayrılıkçılık, Federal Çözüm ve AB Üyeliği [Big games on a small island: separatism, federal solution and EU membership of Cyprus], (Istanbul: NK Publishing, 2004); Kıbrıs Türk Toplumunun Geri Kalmışlığı (1896-1962) [The under-development of the Turkish Cypriot community (1892-1962)], (Nicosia: Shadi Publishing, 2006)

[1] Cengiz Orhonlu, The Ottoman Turks Settle in Cyprus (1570-1580), in Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi (14-19 Nisan 1969) Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri, Ankara 1971, p.100
[2] Ibid, p.97
[3] According to the 1572 census 76 villages in the Mesaoria and Mazotos regions were empty: Cengiz Orhonlu, Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri, p.93. Quoting B. Sagredo in des Mas Latrie, Histoire De L’Ile de Chypre, III, Paris 1855, p. 542, Halil İnalcık wrote that “in 1562 there were 246 villages belonging to the State and were described as ‘Real’ while those belonging to the mobility and the Church numbered 567”: Halil İnalcık, Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri, p. 64.
[4] Cengiz Orhonlu, ibid, p.94
[5] Ibid, p.100
[6] Ahmet Djavit An, “Origins of Turkish Cypriots”, Cyprus Today, Vol. XLVI, No. 2, April-June 2008, pp.13-21.
[7] Letter of Mehmet Ziyai Efendi to Sublime Porte (“Bab-ı Ali” in İstanbul) dated 22 February 1910, quoted by Mustafa Haşim Altan, Kıbrıs’ta Rumlaştırma Hareketleri [Movements for Greek convertions in Cyprus), 2nd edn (Kyrenia: Milli Arşiv, 2000), pp. 9-10; also M. Nabi, “Nüfus Sayımı-2”, Hürsöz newspaper, 15 June 1947.
[8] Author’s emphasis; Ronald C. Jennings, Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640, New York University Studies in Near Eastern Civilization XVIII (New York: New York University Press, 1992), p. 137.
[9] Alkan Chaglar, Toplum Postası newspaper, London, 5 August 1981.

[10] Cyprus Today, July-December 1967 and January-March 1968.
[11] Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “From coexistence to confrontation: the dynamics of ethnic conflict in Cyprus”, in Cyprus Reviewed, ed. by Michalis Attalides (Nicosia: New Cyprus Association, 1977), pp 35-70 (37).
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ahmet An, ‘Changes in the ethnic and cultural structure of Cyprus after 1571’, in Kıbrıs Türk Kültürü Üzerine Yazılar [Articles on the Turkish Cypriot Culture]; (Nicosia: Ateş Matbaacılık, 1999), p.15.
[14] [“Rum” is related to Eastern Roman Empire and all the Greek speaking Orthodox Christians, who were living in Anatolia, were called as “Rum” in Turkish language. The Greek Cypriots used to be citizens of the Eastern Roman Empire, therefore they were called also as “Rum”, i.e. “Kıbrıslı Rumlar” (Rums of Cyprus).  For example, those Rums, who were living in the Black Sea region, were called as “Trabzonlu Rumlar” (“Rums of Trebizun”= Pontians). On the other hand, “Yunan” means (Ionian in Arabic) and it is used for a citizen of the state of “Yunanistan” (Land of Ionians= Greece) after 1829. Therefore the Greeks, living outside the boundaries of Greece, are called “Rum” as the ex-citizens of Eastern Roman Empire, not being the citizens of Greece.  Could you please explain in this footnote why the Christians in Cyprus were called Rum and not Υunan]
[15] Evkaf is a religious institution in Islam. The legal definition of Vakf (Evkaf is the plural of Vakf) is the tying up of the property for the sake of God and to earn the Divine Mercy, with ultimate imposition of interdiction on its transfer to persons contrary to the conditions of dedication. The term is equivalent of “dedication”.
[16] A Tekke (convent) is a place where Dervishes belonging to a cult used to stay and carry out their prayers and religious ceremonies. 

[17]  C. F. Beckingham, “Islam in Cyprus”, The Islamic Quarterly, vol. II, no. 2, July 1955, p. 140.
[18] M. Kemal Dizdar, “Cyprus Evkaf”, in Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi, 14-19 Nisan 1969 Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri (Papers of the Turkish delegation to the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies) Ankara: 1971, p. 211.  

[19] Advocate Fadıl N. Korkut, 31 Mart 1947 tarihinde Kıbrısta Mevcut Türk Kurumları Namına Ekselâns Valiye Takdim Edilen Arizada Hükûmetten Talep Edilen Haklarımızdan 2ncisi EVKAF, Hür Söz Basımevi, (Lefkoşa), (Evkaf, The second of our rights, being demanded from the government in an application given to his Excellency the Governor in the name of the existing Turkish institutions in Cyprus on 31 March 1947, Hür Söz Printing House (Nicosia).

[20] Ali Süha, ‘Turkish Education in Cyprus’, in Papers of the Turkish delegation to the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies (Ankara: 1971), pp. 235-237.
[21] 1949 Interim Report of the Committee on Turkish Affairs [in Turkish], Nicosia 1950, p.70.

[22] Ahmet An, A Short Overview on the Past of the Turkish Law Institutions in Cyprus, Articles on Turkish Cypriot Culture, Nicosia, 1999, p.89.

[23] Hakkı M. Atun, “The Influence of Ottoman Architecture in Cyprus”, in Papers of the Turkish Delegation to the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies (Ankara: 1971), pp. 262-263.

[24] Ahmet An, “The role of religion in Turkish Cypriot community” (in Turkish), Kıbrıslı Turkun Sesi dergisi, 27 September 1996, http://can-kibrisim.blogspot.com.cy/2014/01/kibris-turk-toplumunda-dinin-yeri.html; Ahmet An, “Religion and society in the 2000’s” (in Turkish), Kıbrıslı Turkun Sesi dergisi, December 1997, http://can-kibrisim.blogspot.com.cy/2014 /01/2000li-yillarda-din-ve-toplum.html.
[25] Halkın Sesi, 11 June 1977.
[26] Dr Fazil Küçük, “Dikenli diller” [Tongues with spikes], Halkın Sesi, 12 July 1977, p. 1

[27] Havadis, 6 December 2012.

[28] Afrika, 18 August 2014.
[29] Mete Hatay, “‘Direniş’ Minarelerinden ‘Vesayet’ Minarelerine”, Afrika, 17 October 2014, p. 19.
[30] KTÖS Press release, Kıbrıslı, 5 August 2012.
[31] Yenidüzen, 29 December 2015.
[32] Kıbrıs, 16 February 2016.
[33] Kıbrıs, 11 July 2015. 

[34] Quoted by Ahmet An, Kıbrıs Türk Toplumunda Dinin Yeri [Place of Religion in Turkish Cypriot Society] Kıbrıslı magazine, 27 September 1996, no.14.
[35]  Kıbrıs, 18 June 2015.
[36] Afrika, 5 March 2014, p. 3.
[37] Kıbrıs, 11 December 2015.

  • July 23rd 2016 at 23:53
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THE CURRENT POLITICAL CRISIS IN TURKEY

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

 The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi=AKP) has been in power in Turkey in the last 14 years and it has already made big steps forwards in order to legitimize the establishment of an Islamic State in Turkey. The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1924 by Kemal Ataturk and until 1990’s, Kemalism has been the state ideology of modern Turkey.  

The AKP originated from the religious movement, started by the National Order Party (MNP) of Necmettin Erbakan, who broke apart from the traditional right wing Justice Party (AP) in 1970 and started a separate political party in order to represent independently the political Islamism in Turkey. Erbakan’s political movement continued under various parties, which succeeded each other after the proscription of the previous one: National Order Party (1970-1981), National Salvation Party (1983-1998), Welfare Party (1983-1998), Virtue Party (1997-2001), Prosperity Party (2001-today). Those, who did not want to join the Prosperity Party, established the AKP on 14 August 2001 and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was the chairperson between 2003 and 2014.  The AKP won 34.28% of the votes in the general elections in 2002, 46.58% in 2007 and 49.83% in 2011. In June 2015, the AKP won 40.89% of the votes under its new chairperson Ahmet Davutoğlu, who could increase the percentage in November 2015 up to 49.50%. Davutoğlu was previously the Foreign Minister in Erdoğan’s cabinet and he initiated the so-called “Zero-problem with the neighbours” policy, which proved later to be an enemy maker policy for Turkey.    

The Islamic religious communities have been very active since 1973 in Turkey and the most influential one of them was Fethullah Gülen’s movement. Gülen supported Erdoğan’s AKP, starting from the general elections of 1994 until 2009. During the power of the AKP, the state apparatus was not anymore supporting the Kemalist principles of the founder of the Republic of Turkey. It was already under the influence of a Turkish-Islam synthesis, which could be defined as a kind of fascism with Turkish flavour. It is not only anti-communist and anti-democratic, but also anti-humanist and anti-enlightenment. The ideology of the AKP is oppressive and against the classic liberalism in the sense of political rights and freedoms.

After the military regime of 1980, the Turkish state establishment did not disturb the so-called “moderate” religious movement of Gülen, organized as companies, associations and foundations. The security bureaucracy of the Turkish State, like the Ministry of National Education and the Directorate of Religious Affairs were already indocrinated with the Turkish-Islam synthesis, as well as the Intelligence Services (MIT), the police and the army. It is not possible to find Kemalist persons anymore, working in the Ministries of National Education or Internal Affairs or among the Security Bureaucracy.  

Starting with the military ultimatum on 28 February 1997, the political Islam in Turkey took a neo-liberal course, which brought Turkey to participate in the Great Near East Project of the USA, to start relations with the EU, to implement the programme of the IMF and to privatize the big state enterprizes. The big monopolies of Turkey have accumulated a lot of capital during the power of the AKP and they bought almost all of the state properties and benefited from extraordinary subsidies.

According to a survey, done by the Ministry of Family and Social Policies, published at the beginning of 2013, Turkey is one of the countries at the top of the list with inequal division of national income. The division of national income is unjust and inequal. 95% of the households live below the poverty line (3.200 TL) and 60% live below the limit of hunger (1.200-1.000 TL). Out of 19.7 million families, the richest 100 were getting 30% of the national income with their wealth of 216 billion dollars. The income of the richest 10% of the population in Turkey is 12.6 times more than the 10% of the poorest population. According to the numbers from 2015, Turkey is the fifth OECD country after Mexico, Chile, USA and Israel and the first in Europe.

According to the study of Research Institute on Turkey, which was based on the Global Wealth Report of the Credit Suisse, the richest 1% of the population in Turkey, used to get 39.4% in 2002, but they got 54.3% in 2014. The remaining 99% got in 2002 60.6% of the total wealth, reduced to 45.7% in 2014.  Erdoğan’s family, alone, has accumulated in the last 10 year a wealth of 128 billion dollars, which makes 16% of the national income.

The Gülen Movement had 88 foundations, 20 associations, 128 private schools, 218 companies and approximately 500 boarding houses in Turkey. It was also well organized in the mass media with 17 newspapers and magazines, several TV and radio stations. The Gülen imperium, which is supposed to have the support of the CIA, has in 92 countries, approximately 500 elementary and secondary schools and 6 universities, plus many education and language centres. The movement educate more than 100.000 persons worldwide. The schools, which operate in the foreign countries, are all private and enroll the children of the middle and the upper classes.

In November 2013, Erdoğan decided to break his cooperation with the Gülen Movement and and get the whole power in his own hand in Turkey. Therefore he started by preparing a bill for the closure of the preparatory classes for the universities. This was a big challenge for his long-time collaborator, the Gülen Movement, which was recruiting young members to the movement through these preparatory classes for the universities. The “Zaman” daily newspaper of the Gülen Movement reacted strongly against this decision of the AKP government by saying that this was not done even during the Kemalist military regimes in Turkey. This was a big economic and political blow to the Gülen community, because 60% of all the preparatory classes (4.000 of them registered, 2.000 - 5.000 unregistered) belonged to Gülen Movement and 80% of the publishing materials for the preparatory classes.   

Gülen Movement reacted on 17 December 2013 by making some operations, where 80 persons were detained and  among them was an Iranian businessman, Rıza Sarraf, who sold the Iranian petrol during the years of embargo and gave the money back to his partner in Iran in gold.  The mass media was given some recorded telephone conversations about the corruption of four cabinet ministers, who were bribed by Sarraf. This ended up with their resignation on 24 December, because the sons of  Zafer Çağlayan, Muammer Güler, Erdoğan Bayraktar were involved. During the police operations, 4.5 million dollars were found, hidden in shoe-boxes in the house of the director of Halk Bank and a money-counting machine was found at the bedroom of Minister Güler’s son! Erdoğan Bayraktar told to the press that what he had done was according to the orders of Premier Minister Erdoğan! But he negated this statement later.  On 25 December 2013, a second operation for the arrest of 30 suspected persons for money laundering could not be realized, because the security forces did not implement the order of the state attorney. From that day on, the AKP started to restructure the legal system in Turkey with its own supporters. 

Later, the events on 17 and 25 December 2013 were seen as a civil coup d’Etat of Erdoğan, whereas the accused ministers should have been before court, in order to have a clarification, if they did something against the law or not, but the AKP stopped the legal procedure!

In January 2014, the MIT officers did not allow the state attorney to search lorries carrying guns and ammunition for the ISIL. The Minister for Internal Affairs stated on a TV programme that during 35 days, after the incident on 17 December, 5,000 policemen and many state attorneys were appointed to other posts. On 25 February 2014, another voice-recording was popular on the social media and Youtube which was recorded on 17 December 2013. The PM Erdoğan was informing his son, Bilal, about the police operation at the homes of the sons of some ministers and he told his son to get rid of the money, hidden at their own home. Bilal Erdoğan has been accused of involvement in illegal oil smuggling in Syria  and Iraq.

After the corruption scandals were made public, Erdoğan decided to abolish the court decisions on Ergenekon case and the similar ones, which made a big blow on the strength and authority of the Turkish Army. Now the Army was a reliable partner of Erdoğan, who wanted to avoid his cornered position.

The AKP was able to collect 44% of the votes in the local elections on 30 March 2014 and Erdoğan declared war on the Gülen Movement, which he defined as a “parallel state within the Turkish state.” On 12 June 2015, 37 judges and attorneys were expelled from their professions.  

Erdoğan started also a revenge attack on the Kurdish cities and people in South-Eastern provinces, where his party could not win, but the Democratic Party of the Peoples (HDP) was very successful. Erdoğan broke the alliance with the Kurdish movement, which costed 40.000 lives in 35 years and 6.000 people were killed only in 8 months time!

According to a report, prepared by the TU for Education Labourers (Eğitim-Sen), when the AKP came to power in 2002, the number of students attending 450  Imam Hatip schools were 71,100.  In the school year 2014-2015, the number of the Imam Hatip Schools was 1,017 with an increase of  90% to almost 750,000 children, aged between 10 and 18, or 9% of all students. (Hürriyet, 13 June 2015) Government officials, many of them former Imam Hatip pupils themselves, have since argued that the schools’ revival responds to demand by Muslim families, who felt discriminated against after 1997.

The Turkish Directorate for Religious Affairs, which employs 120.000 personnel, in a total of 84,684 mosques (emlakwebtv.com, 18 June 2015), had a budget of  more than 3 billion Euros (6.5 billion TL) for 2016 and the whole amount, spent on religious activities between 2006 and 2015 makes a total of approx. 12 billion Euros. (haber.sol.org.tr, 27 January 2016) In the summer of 2015, more than 3 million children (4-6 year-olds included) went to Koran courses, organized in 60.000 mosques. More than 1 million visited other places than mosques for Koran education. 929 persons and many other associations and foundations organized 16.958 Koran courses in 2013-14. (Birgün newspaper, 31 March 2016)

In Turkey, there are 107,000 doctors and 1,250 hospitals, whereas there are 122,000 imams and almost 85,000 mosques. Every year only 9,000 doctors graduate, whereas there is a need of 105,000 doctors more. On the other hand, there are 122,000 imams and every year 60,000 imams graduate and they are in surplus. (Yılmaz Özdil, Sözcü newspaper, 8 January 2015)

The AKP is very happy with the majority of the media, including some 32 newspapers and 22 television channels, using them in order  to dominate the news coverage and attack on opposition parties. 

Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu was forced to announce on 5 May 2016 that he was resigning as head of the ruling AKP and giving up the premiership. President Erdogan continued to concentrate the whole power of the state in his own hands and obedience to him within the AKP was openly praised as a virtue and required as a duty.

On the other hand, the country faced now serious challenges on the security and economic fronts. Turkey failed to protect the city of Kilis on the border with Syria, where ISIS attacks with missiles that took lives of 21 people, including eight Syrian refugees, and wounded scores of others. Many buildings have been devastated. One columnist wrote that Kilis is a clear testimony to Turkey’s powerlessness in its ambition to be recognized as a regional power.

Erdogan and his party AKP are among the major actors in the ordeal that Syria has been going through since 2011, alongside with Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Erdoğan strives to assume the leadership of the Sunni masses of the Middle East and return to Turkey the glory of its Ottoman past. This is one of the reasons why the AKP government supported ISIL until very recently and continue to support other Islamist groups fighting against the Assad regime in Syria, where he flamed the hatred of war between the Sunni and the Alevi. The Alevites are a minority denomination in Islam and they are closer to the Shia than the Sunni. The AKP does not have good relationship with the Alevites in Turkey. Another problem for the AKP government is the formation of the Kurdish cantons on the Syrian border. The USA asked Turkey to cleanse the line Cerablus-Azez from the ISIL, but Erdoğan does not want that the Syrian Kurds would put these areas under their control. Russia and Syria prefer the Kurdish authority rather than the ISIL.

The relationship between Turkey and Russia have deteriorated significantly since 24 November 2015, when a Turkish fighter jet shot down a Russian warplane in Syria. Russia declared economic sanctions against Turkey and the trade between the two countries contracted 25% in 2015. Since the beginning of 2016, Russia has put restrictions on the supplies of vegetables, fruits and other goods from Turkey and these restrictions included also a ban on hiring of Turkish citizens. It is estimated that the embargo could cost the Turkish economy more than 3 billion dollars.         

Erdoğan does not act as an independent President, but continue to govern the AKP as its leader, getting involved in goverment affairs and breaching the Constitution, which is punishable with life-long imprisonment. He should have cut his relationship with his AKP on the day he was elected as President. On the contrary, he succeeded the resignation of the Premier Minister, who won the elections with 23 million votes. Erdogan intervened also the internal party affairs of the oppositional National Movement Party (MHP) in order to secure the continuation of the party’s support for his power. 

The new chairperson of the AKP, Binali Yıldırım, who would be the Prime Minister of Turkey, is a well-known close friend of Erdoğan and one of the founders of the AKP in 2001. He was appointed to the Ministry of Transport in 2002 and served the longest term in the history of Turkey at that post. During his term of office, a lot of corruption allegations were published in the media and many state enterprizes were sold cheaply under the guise of privatization. Yıldırım’s family owns 17 companies, 28 cargo-ships and 2 super-yachts, but others allege that the real number of ships are higher than this. Now that Erdoğan has a puppet Prime Minister, he would try to get rid of the MP’s of the Democratic Party of the Peoples (HDP) in the Turkish Grand National Assembly by removing their immunity, nut not those from his own party, AKP. The Republican People’s Party (CHP) has lost its Kemalist ideology on one hand and takes a nationalist position in the Kurdish question like the MHP. Erdoğan is now a monarch!  

 

(Published in IN DEPTH bimonthly electronic newsletter • Volume 13 Issue 3 • June 2016
© 2016 Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs • University of Nicosia)




  • July 17th 2016 at 22:02
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Αντιφασιστική – Αντιρατσιστική εκδήλωση Σάββατο 16/7 στην Λεμεσό

By antifalem

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Η Συνέλευση για την δημιουργία Αντιφασιστικού Αντιρατσιστικού Μετώπου (στην οποία συμμετέχει και το Αντιφασιστικό  Δίκτυο Λεμεσού μαζί με άλλες ομάδες, συλλογικότητες και άτομα) διοργανώνει Αντιφασιστική και Αντιρατσιστική εκδήλωση με συζήτηση και συναυλίες στο Θεατράκι του Μόλου στην Λεμεσό (Επίχωση) το Σάββατο στις 16 Ιουλίου και ώρα 19:00.

 

Πρόγραμμα Εκδήλωσης:

 

Συζήτηση: Το παρελθόν και το παρόν του Φασισμού στην Κύπρο και πως απαντάμε.

Ομιλητές: Αλέξης Αλέκου, Γιώργος Χαραλάμπους

 

Συναυλία: Αρχή Δια Του Ρεμπέτικου, Μπερτέδες, Julio Κομπολόι, Στέλιος Πελλάρας

 

Tο κείμενο της Συνέλευσης:

Σε μια περίοδο που η διεθνής οικονομική κρίση φαίνεται να μην έχει τελειωμό, παρά μόνο να βαθαίνει όλο και περισσότερο, η ακροδεξιά και οι φασίστες δυναμώνουν σε όλη την Ευρώπη αλλά και σε άλλες χώρες μέσα από την αναγωγή του ρατσισμού και του εθνικισμού σε επίσημη πολιτική των κυβερνήσεων όπως την είδαμε να εκδηλώνεται και στην περίπτωση των προσφύγων που ζητούν καταφύγιο στην Ευρώπη.

Στην Κύπρο, ο φασιστικός λόγος έχει διαχυθεί σε πολλά επίπεδα της δημόσιας ζωής και η φασιστική συμμορία του ΕΛΑΜ είναι πια μέσα στη βουλή, πράγμα που τους δίνει τη δυνατότητα να λειτουργούν και με βούλα του «δημοκρατικού» κόμματος. Εκείνοι οι οποίοι χτυπούν Τουρκοκυπρίους και ακτιβιστές, που είναι αδελφό κόμμα με τους ναζί δολοφόνους της Χρυσής Αυγής, εκείνοι που ονειρεύονται αναγέννηση της ΕΟΚΑ Β’, οι νοσταλγοί του Άουσβιτς, δεν έχουν καμία θέση σε καμία δημοκρατική κοινωνία.

Το κράτος στηρίχτηκε από τη δημιουργία του στον επιθετικό εθνικισμό και στην μισαλλοδοξία απέναντι στους Τουρκοκύπριους, κάτι που αποτέλεσε και αποτελεί ακόμα ένα παράγοντα που άνοιξε το δρόμο για το δυνάμωνα των φασιστών. Σε ένα κράτος όπου οι φασιστικές ιδέες εκφράζονται μέσα από ρατσιστικές, σεξιστικές και ομοφοβικές δηλώσεις και συμπεριφορές στελεχών και άλλων κομμάτων, σε ένα κράτος που έχει βασιστεί από τη δημιουργία του στον εθνικισμό και τη μισαλλοδοξία, που όχι απλώς επιτρέπει και ενθαρρύνει τη διάχυση φασιστικών ιδεών αλλά σκορπά το ίδιο τις ιδέες του μίσους σε όλα τα επίπεδα: Με την ενίσχυση του στρατού και του μιλιταρισμού, με ένα εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα που διδάσκει τα παιδιά μας ότι «ο εχθρός παραμονεύει», μέσω των σχέσεών του με την εκκλησία, της οποίας ο ηγέτης δηλώνει ότι χάρηκε που μπήκαν οι φασίστες στη βουλή χωρίς να αντιμετωπίζει συνέπειες για αυτό. Με την ηρωοποίηση και συγκάλυψη φασιστών τύπου Γρίβα.

Όλα αυτά τα ζητήματα, μας φέρνουν αντιμέτωπους με μια ιστορική αναγκαιότητα: Να χτίσουμε ένα μαχητικό αντιφασιστικό μέτωπο, που θα είναι ικανό να αντιπαρατεθεί στο ρατσισμό, να μην επιτρέψει στους φασίστες να επιβάλουν ένα κλίμα φόβου και τρομοκρατίας μέσα στην κοινωνία και να τους στείλει στη θέση τους, δηλαδή στους υπονόμους της ιστορίας.

Οι ομάδες, συλλογικότητες και άτομα που απαρτίζουν αυτή τη συνέλευση, αποφασίσαμε να δουλέψουμε προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση και σαν πρώτο σταθμό διοργανώνουμε μια εκδήλωση στις 16 Ιουλίου, με στόχο να θεσμοθετηθεί ένα ετήσιο αντιρατσιστικό φεστιβάλ, αρχής γενομένης από το ερχόμενο φθινόπωρο.

Η επιλογή της συγκεκριμένης μέρας δεν είναι τυχαία. Φιλοδοξούμε να αποτελέσει μια πρώτη πολιτική απάντηση στους φασίστες αλλά και στις εθνικιστικές και ρατσιστικές εκδηλώσεις της επίσημης πολιτείας με αφορμή τις επετείους της εισβολής και του πραξικοπήματος. Μια εκδήλωση όπου θα συζητήσουμε όχι μόνο την ιστορία, προβάλλοντας έναν διαφορετικό τρόπο μνήμης αυτής της περιόδου. και την σημερινή άνοδο του φασισμού (και του ΕΛΑΜ στην Κύπρο) αλλά και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους μπορούμε να την ανατρέψουμε.

Καλούμε όλους/ες όσοι θέλουν να παλέψουν ενάντια στο φασισμό, το ρατσισμό και τη μισαλλοδοξία, στην εκδήλωση στις 16/7, στο θεατράκι του μόλου Λεμεσού.

Γλώσσες και Διάλεκτοι Α - Συζήτηση για την κατάσταση στην Κύπρο

By Ιάκωβος Χατζηπιερής

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Ιούνη 2016

Παρουσίαση του Κοινού Ελληνοκυπριακού-Τουρκοκυπριακού Λεξικού και συζήτηση για την γλωσσική κατάσταση στην Κύπρο

ΠΑΡΑΣΚΕΥΗ – 10 ΙΟΥΝΗ 2016 στις 19:30 στον Κοινωνικό Χώρο Kaymakκιν, Αρχ. Μακαρίου 127 Καϊμακλί (Info & Χάρτης: kaymakkin.org & fb.com/kaymakkin)

Με τους Ιάκωβο Χατζηπιερή (ένας από τους συγγραφείς του Κοινού Λεξικού) και Φοίβο Παναγιωτίδη (Γλωσσολόγος, Πανεπιστήμιο Κύπρου)

Αργότερα τον Ιούνη: Το Μέρος Β θα καταπιαστεί με τις έμφυλες διαλέκτους και την ελληνική γκέι αργκό

Ηχογράφηση

Poster

Για την επίθεση που δεχτήκαμε από νεοναζί

By antifalem

Την περασμένη Κυριακή 08/05/2016 διοργανώσαμε αντιφασιστική πορεία με αφορμή την επέτειο της αντιφασιστική νίκης των λαών κατά του ναζισμού, αλλά και ενάντια στην αυξημένη και αποθρασυμένη παρουσία φασιστών-νεοναζί στην Λεμεσό, ιδιαίτερα τώρα ενόψει βουλευτικών εκλογών.

Κατά την διάρκεια της προσυγκέντρωσης μας, στην πλατεία Διοικητηρίου και προτού καταφθάσει ο κύριος όγκος των συντρόφων και αλληλέγγυων, δεχτήκαμε οργανωμένη και προσχεδιασμένη επίθεση από 30 περίπου μέλη νεοναζιστικών κομμάτων και οργανώσεων του ευρύτερου ακροδεξιού χώρου, εφοδιασμένων με κράνη, σιδερολοστούς, πτυσσόμενα γκλοπ και αλυσίδες.

Είναι χαρακτηριστικό ότι παρόλο που αρκετά από αυτά τα άτομα προέρχονται από διαφορετικά κόμματα και οργανώσεις, έδρασαν από κοινού και συντονισμένα εναντίον μας, κι αυτό αποδεικνύει ότι λειτουργούν σαν συγκοινωνούντα δοχεία.

Παρά τον αιφνιδιασμό και την αρχική υποχώρηση μας από την επίθεση του τάγματος εφόδου των φασιστών, καταφέραμε να ανακόψουμε στη συνέχεια την προσπάθεια τους να μας κτυπήσουν και να μας διαλύσουν, αλλά και με την άφιξη περισσοτέρων συντρόφων/φισσων μας στο χώρο, να ανασυνταχθούμε και να κυνηγήσουμε τους φασίστες, αναγκάζοντας τους εν τέλει σε φυγή.

Παρά την θρασύδειλη επίθεση που δεχτήκαμε από τα παρακρατικά μαντρόσκυλα του συστήματος, καταφέραμε να οργανωθούμε και πραγματοποιήσαμε την προγραμματισμένη μας πορεία με συμμετοχή 80 ατόμων, εισπράττοντας παράλληλα θετικά σχόλια από απλό κόσμο και περαστικούς.

Αξιοσημείωτη η στάση της αστυνομίας, αφού συγκάλυψαν εντελώς τη φασιστική επίθεση εναντίον μας, αφήνοντας απόλυτα ελεύθερο το πεδίο σ αυτούς να έρθουν να μας κτυπήσουν εντελώς ανενόχλητοι.

Όμως όταν ανασυγκροτηθήκαμε, έκαναν έντονη την εμφάνιση τους, περικυκλώνοντας ασφυκτικά την πορεία. Μάλιστα ένας αστυνομικός φωτογράφιζε και βιντεογραφούσε σε ολόκληρη την διαδρομή της πορείας.

Ήταν τόσο απροκάλυπτη η στάση τους που εμφανίστηκαν ακόμα και δημοσιεύματα σε συστημικά ΜΜΕ, που έκαναν λόγο για αδιαφορία της αστυνομίας, ενώ είχαν πληροφορίες για οργανωμένο κτύπημα ενάντια στην αντιφασιστική πορεία.

Τονίζουμε ότι η επίθεση που δεχτήκαμε, όχι μόνο δεν μας τρομοκρατεί, αλλά μας πεισμώνει ακόμη περισσότερο να συνεχίσουμε τον αγώνα μας. Η αποφασιστικότητα μας και η δυναμική που είχε η πορεία ήταν η καλύτερη απάντηση, με ενισχυμένη την αλληλεγγύη και συμμετοχή στο αντιφασιστικό κίνημα.

Θα αντισταθούμε και δεν θα ανεχτούμε τη στοχοποίηση, χτυπήματα και απειλές κατά συντρόφων μας. Καλούμε όλους τους αντιφασίστες/τριες, αλλά και τον κάθε ανυπότακτο άνθρωπο, να συσπειρωθούν και να ενωθούν μαζί μας, για να συνεχίσουμε όλες και όλοι μαζί πιο μαζικά και δυναμικά τον αγώνα ενάντια στον φασισμό και το σύστημα που τον εκτρέφει.

ΟΥΤΕ ΛΕΜΕΣΟ ΟΥΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΥΘΕΝΑ ΤΣΑΚΙΣΤΕ ΤΟΥΣ ΦΑΣΙΣΤΕΣ ΣΕ ΚΑΘΕ ΓΕΙΤΟΝΙΑ

ΑΝΤΙΦΑΣΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ ΛΕΜΕΣΟΥ

Πορεία Κυριακή 8/5 ώρα 19:00 πλ.διοικητηρίου

By antifalem

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ΑΝΤΙΦΑΣΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΠΟΡΕΙΑ ΚΥΡΙΑΚΗ 8/5 ΩΡΑ 19:00 ΠΛΑΤΕΙΑ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΤΗΡΙΟΥ

Στις 9 Μαΐου 1945, με την συνθηκολόγηση της ναζιστικής Γερμανίας, ήρθε το τέλος του πιο αιματηρού πολέμου στην ιστορία της ανθρωπότητας, του Β” Παγκοσμίου, που στοίχισε τη ζωή σε 80 εκατομμύρια ανθρώπους. Σήμερα, δυστυχώς, η φρίκη του ολοκληρωτικού πολέμου και του φασισμού – ναζισμού δεν είναι μια εικόνα από το μακρινό παρελθόν, αλλά η σκληρή πραγματικότητα που ζούμε γύρω μας, με άλλη μορφή και μέσα.

Η καπιταλιστική κρίση, όχι μόνο δεν καταλαγιάζει, αλλά βαθαίνει, κι αυτό κάνει τα κράτη και το κεφάλαιο να δρουν ακόμα πιο επιθετικά απέναντι στους εργαζόμενους και τα φτωχά λαϊκά στρώματα, επιχειρώντας να επιβάλουν ένα σύγχρονο κοινωνικό και εργασιακό μεσαίωνα. Αυτή η κρίση παράλληλα, οξύνει τις πολεμικές συγκρούσεις και τους ιμπεριαλιστικούς ανταγωνισμούς, με την Συρία δίπλα μας και την Μέση Ανατολή να είναι στο επίκεντρο των αντιπαραθέσεων, κάτι που ασφαλώς δεν μας αφήνει ανεπηρέαστους.

Μέσα σ αυτές τις συνθήκες υπάρχει άνοδος της ακροδεξιάς και των νεοναζιστικών κομμάτων και οργανώσεων, κι αυτό δεν είναι καθόλου τυχαίο. Στις κρίσιμες στιγμές οι φασιστικές συμμορίες και τα κόμματα είναι τα πιο χρήσιμα δεκανίκια του συστήματος. Στηρίζουν την εργοδοσία και τα αφεντικά ώστε να καταστείλουν τις όποιες εργατικές αντιστάσεις, αφού απ αυτούς χρηματοδοτούνται. Μην ξεχνάμε ότι τον ίδιο ακριβώς ρόλο έπαιξαν στην Κύπρο, όταν πρωτοεμφανίστηκαν στην εποχή των πιο άγριων απεργιών, το 1948.

Παράλληλα προωθούν το ρατσιστικό μίσος και την στοχοποίηση προσφύγων και μεταναστών ώστε να βοηθήσουν τους καπιταλιστές να ρίξουν τα μεροκάματα συνολικά για όλους τους εργαζόμενους, αλλά και για να μην υπάρχει ενότητα και αλληλεγγύη στη εργατική τάξη.  Γιατί είναι ευκολότερο να σπάσεις το κεφάλι του διπλανού σου για να πάρεις τη θέση του, παρά να ανατρέψεις την εξουσία του κεφαλαίου.

Επιβάλλουν έτσι τον κοινωνικό κανιβαλισμό, το αίσθημα της απελπισίας και την καταφυγή στην εξόντωση του ‘’άλλου’’. Ο  ‘άλλος’’ στην αρχή είναι ο μετανάστης, ο αλλόθρησκος, ο ‘’παρεκκλίνων’’ σεξουαλικά ή ηθικά. Μετά είναι ο δημόσιος υπάλληλος. Έπειτα ο συνδικαλιστής και ο αριστερός ή αναρχικός που στηρίζει τους ‘’άλλους’’. Και μετά είναι ο οποιοσδήποτε, ο ίδιος μας ο εαυτός.

Στο ζοφερό πολιτικό τοπίο και την προεκλογική περίοδο που διανύουμε στην Κύπρο, επιχειρούν να εμφανιστούν ως κάτι το διαφορετικό, το καθαρό, το ελπιδοφόρο απέναντι στις κυρίαρχες πολιτικές δυνάμεις και τα καθεστωτικά κόμματα. Κανένας δεν πρέπει να ξεγελιέται από τον λαϊκισμό και την προσπάθεια του ελαμ και άλλων  να παρουσιάσει ένα φιλολαϊκό πρόσωπο με κινήσεις “φιλανθρωπίας”. Που κι αυτές φυσικά είναι μόνο για Έλληνες. Τα ίδια έκανε και η Κου Κουξ Κλαν και ο Χίτλερ για να αποκτήσει την κοινωνική αποδοχή και να ανέλθει στην εξουσία. Βλέπουμε και την μητρική τους οργάνωση, την χρυσή αυγή τι κάνει στην ελληνική βουλή. Στήριξη στην ασυδοσία του τραπεζικού κεφαλαίου, υπεράσπιση των φοροαπαλλαγών των εφοπλιστών και των ιδιωτικοποιήσεων. Τα ίδια που προωθεί και η κυπριακή κυβέρνηση!

Ο κόσμος ας μην έχει αυταπάτες στις εκλογές για κανένα κόμμα, παλιό ή καινούργιο, ή δήθεν ανεξαρτήτους. Παρά τις όποιες επιμέρους διαφορές τους όλοι υπηρετούν με ευλάβεια το πολιτικοοικονομικό σύστημα και την άρχουσα τάξη.

Η ελπίδα δεν βρίσκεται στις κάλπες άλλα στους ανυποχώρητους κι ακηδεμόνευτους αγώνες των εργαζομένων και της νεολαίας για την κοινωνική ανατροπή. Κανένας πολιτικός σωτήρας δεν μπορεί να  αναλάβει» για μας, μόνο με αυτοοργάνωση και αλληλεγγύη μπορούμε να σώσουμε τις ζωές μας.

Αυτά προσπαθήσαμε να προτάξουμε με την μέχρι τώρα δράση μας, με κινητοποιήσεις και παρεμβάσεις αλλά και διαφορές εκδηλώσεις.

Ενδεικτικά συμμετείχαμε σε κινητοποιήσεις εναντία στις  εκποιήσεις σπιτιών, στον δρόμο αλλά και με συγκεντρώσεις αλληλεγγύης σε κατοίκους που κινδύνευαν άμεσα με έξωση. Σε εργατικούς αγώνες, στην πρωτομαγιά μαζί με τους Κούρδους συντρόφους προωθώντας  έμπρακτα την διεθνιστική αλληλεγγύη και ενότητα. Προβάλαμε την μάχη που δίνουν οι ίδιοι όχι μόνο για αυτοδιάθεση αλλά και για μια άλλη κοινωνία, με την αυτοοργάνωση των κοινοτήτων στη Ροζάβα, όπως και το αντίστοιχο παράδειγμα των Ζαπατίστας στα βουνά του Μεξικού. Πραγματοποιήσαμε εκδήλωση για την γυναικεία χειραφέτηση, με ιστορική αναδρομή στους αγώνες των γυναικών στην Κύπρο, την Ελλάδα και διεθνώς. Ακόμα για το προσφυγικό και για την ιστορία, τους αγώνες και την προοπτική του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο.

Όλα αυτά ήταν φυσικό να ενοχλήσουν τους φασίστες, γνωστούς θρασύδειλους που έμαθαν να δρουν μόνο μέσα στο σκοτάδι. Έτσι στοχοποίησαν την συλλογικότητα μας και συντρόφους/φισες. Μάλιστα μόλις πριν λίγες μέρες προσπάθησαν με ύπουλο τρόπο να τρομοκρατήσουν και να κτυπήσουν συντρόφους όταν αποχωρούσαν μόνοι από εκδήλωση μας. Η προσπάθεια τους έπεσε στο κενό χάρη στη αποφασιστικότητα άλλων συντρόφων που με τη άμεση κινητοποίηση και παρουσία τους απέτρεψαν τα χειρότερα και τους ανάγκασαν να διαλυθούν χωρίς να συμβεί το παραμικρό.

Ας το βάλουν καλά στο μυαλό τους ότι όχι μόνο δεν τρομοκρατούμαστε, αλλά θα συνεχίσουμε ακόμα πιο δυναμικά τον αγώνα μας. Ο αντιφασιστικός και αντικαπιταλιστικός χώρος θα υπερασπιστεί με κάθε τρόπο τους αγωνιστές του, θα απαντήσει μαχητικά μέσα από μαζικές μορφές και διαδικασίες σε κάθε προσπάθεια τρομοκράτησης, που προέρχεται από την φασιστική και παρακρατική βία.

ΣΤΟΝ ΔΡΟΜΟ ΝΑ ΣΠΑΣΟΥΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΤΡΟΜΟ

ΑΝΤΙΦΑΣΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ ΛΕΜΕΣΟΥ

COEXISTENCE IN THE DISAPPEARED MIXED NEIGHBOURHOODS OF NICOSIA

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

During the mediaeval period, the Pedios river used to run in the middle of Nicosia. When the Venetians decided to build the walls surrounding the town in 1567, the river’s bed was diverted for strategic reasons outside the walls, following its present course through the Greater Nicosia. The old river-bed within the present city walls from Paphos Gate to Famagusta Gate was covered in 1882 by the British in order to serve as the city’s principal drainage system. This line follows today’s Paphos Street and the Ermu Street, which were both lively centres for trade. There were four bridges on this river-bed: First one was near the Paphos Gate, the second was at the place, where we call now Lokmadji Gate, the third was at the junction, where the Goldsmithstreet near the Municipality Bazaar crosses the Tricoupis Street and this was called Köprübaşı (Head of the Gate) and the fourth one was at Tahtagala Neighbourhood.   



At the time of the Ottoman conquest of Nicosia in 1570, the town was originally divided into 12 neighbourhoods and the 12 generals in command of the divisions of the Ottoman Army, which conquered the island, were posted to these neighbourhoods, so that the names were said to be derived from these 12 generals, like Arab Ahmet Paşa, İbrahim Paşa and Mahmut Paşa.



Later the old city Nicosia was divided into 24 neighbourhoods. Each neighbourhood was organized around a mosque or a church, where mainly the respective Moslem and Christian communities lived. It was natural to have a church near a mosque or mesdjit and the hodja’s call for the prayers could get mixed with the sound of the church bells. For example behind the Dükkanlarönü Djami on the Paphos Street, there were the Armenian and the Catholic Churches or the Ayios Loucas Church was near the Akkavuk Mesdjit. Near the Phaneromeni Church was the Araplar Mosque, which was used until 1951.  



In some neighbourhoods, the majority population were Turkish Cypriots and in the others the Greek Cypriots. In the Arab Ahmet and Karamanzade neighbourhoods, the Armenian Cypriots were the majority. Almost all of the Nicosians were living mixed, in other words the Mohammedans or the Turkish Cypriots and the Christians or the Greek Cypriots and the other ethnicities used to live as neighbours side by side.



In the census of 1946, the population of Nicosia was 34,485 and in this census report, the distribution of the population was given for the first time not as “Moslems” and “non-Moslems”, but according to their ethnic origins, such as Turks, Greeks, Armenians, Maronites etc.



In 1946, there were 10,330 Turkish Cypriots, 20,768 Greek Cypriots and 3,387 persons of ethnic origin living in Nicosia.



Population in Nicosia in 1946

Neighbourhood                      Christian         Moslem           Others            Total

1. Abdi Çavuş                         74                    799                  29                    902

2. Akkavuk                             107                  1094                1                      1202

3. Arab Ahmet                       576                  846                  1195                2617

4. Aya Sofya                          632                  1239                65                    1936

5. Ayii Omoloyitadhes           1678                9                      123                  1810

6. Ayios Andreas

    (Tophane)                           2224                152                  636                  3012

7. Ay.Antonios                        2045                   7                    38                    2090

8. Ay.Ioannis                          1375                  57                    4                      1436

9. Ay.Kassianos

      (Kafesli)                            1061                115                  1                      1177

10. Ay.Loucas                         263                  536                  7                      806

11. Ay.Savas                          1211                39                    16                    1266

12. Haydar Paşa                     45                    334                  6                      385

13. İbrahim Paşa                    650                  1539                145                  2334

14. Karamanzade                   124                  61                    412                  597

15. Chrysaliniotissa                865                  29                    7                      901

16. Korkut Efendi &


      İplik Pazarı                       116                  232                  208                  556

17. Mahmut Paşa                    61                    713                  101                  875

18. Nöbethane                        438                  19                    63                    520

19. Ömerge                             917                  249                  27                    1193

20. Phaneromeni                    1065                10                    13                    1088

21. Tahtakale                          902                  518                  13                    1433

22. Tabakhane                         701                  20                    36                    757

23. Tripiotis                            2982                27                    238                  3247

24. Yeni Cami                          656                  1686                3                      2345
Total:                                      20,768             10,330             3,387               34,485


Within the walls:                    24,967

Outside the walls:                    9,518 in quarters like Köşklüçiftlik (part of Arab Ahmet Neighb.), Yeni Kapı (New Gate-part of Yeni Djami N.) and Yeni Şehir (Neapolis-part of Ibrahim Pasha N.).


In the outskirts of  the old city Nicosia, there were 9 villages, where a total of 18,839 persons were living. These villages were Ayios Dhometios (Incirli), Eylenje, Hamit Mandraları, Büyük Kaymaklı, Küçük Kaymaklı (Omorphita), Ortaköy, Pallouriotissa, Strovolos and Trakhonas (Kızılbaş).

(Source: Report by D.A.Percival, Cyprus: Census of Population and Agriculture, 1946, Report and Tables, London 1949)

ARAP AHMET NEIGHBOURHOOD



Arab Ahmet neighbourhood was the most prestigious residential area of Nicosia, where the Turkish high-ranking officials and the Kadis and the Pashas had their homes. First of all it was near the old Ottoman Saray (previously Lusignan palace) and easy for the high-ranking officials to go to their work on foot. Secondly it was the coolest place in the evening during the summer. Because it could get the best of the evening breeze, coming from the west, from the direction of the Morphou Bay into the Mesoira plane.

When the Turks arrived, they confiscated the houses, the churches and the other properties of the Latins and settled mainly in the towns and in the empty Latin villages. The Greek Cypriots, the Armenians and the Maronites continued their living in their traditional quarters of the towns and the villages.



The Armenian Cypriots did not like the Latins and it was recorded that they opened the Paphos Gate and helped the Ottoman soldiers to enter into Nicosia during the siege of the town on 9th September 1570. Later the control of the Paphos Gate was given to the Armenians as a gift, together with the Benedictine Monastry, which was used by the Latins. With a special firman of the Ottoman Sultan, the Armenians could use for their religious services both the Monastry and the Church near the Paphos Gate.



Many other Armenians, who escaped from the massacre in Anatolia, settled in the Arab Ahmet neighbourhood and lived there until the inter-communal troubles of 1963, when they were forced by the TMT, the Turkish Cypriot fascist organization, to leave to the south of the Green Line.



Since most of the Armenians, who came from Anatolia could speak the Turkish language, they preferred to live side by side with the Turkish Cypriots, using the same language. The Armenians were known as tradesmen and they were famous especially in the fields of jewelry, tailory, photography and carpet-selling.



During the Ottoman period, the Lusignan Palace in Sarayonu Square was taken over by the Turkish governor of the island and until the British demolished it in 1905, one could see its last remains. The British built there in 1901 the present Law Courts. The only remains of this Lusignan Palace is a unique carved window in Gothic style, common to cathedrals in the 15th century, which is kept now in the Lapidary Museum near Ayia Sophia Mosque.



Until the inter-communal troubles started in 1956, there were a lot of law offices around the Nicosia Sarayonu Law Courts, belonging to the famous Greek Cypriot lawyers like John Clerides, the father of Glafkos Clerides. The Nicosia main police station was also near Sarayonu Square during the British rule.



TOPHANE NEIGHBOURHOOD



Tophane was another prestigious neighbourhood, where Turkish, Greek and Armenian Cypriots used to coexist together with the Latins. Tophane means literally in Turkish the cannon’s house or the store for artillery ammunition. The mediaeval building near the Paphos Gate, Casteliotissa, was originally a part of the second Royal Palace of the Lusignans and it was used as a munitions-store by the Ottomans. Tophane gave the name of the nearby neighbourhood.



The Turkish Cypriot writer Hizber Hikmetagalar describes in his book “Heighbourhoods and Memories from old Nicosia” some Turkish and Armenian families from the Tophane neighbourhood, where Turkish Cypriots, Greek Cypriots, Armenians and Latins were living side by side until 1950’s.



In September 1945, the Ottoman name of the Tophane neighbourhood was changed into Ayios Andreas. The nearby small neighbourhoods of Tabakhane and Nöbethane were abolished and attached to the Ayios Andreas neighbourhood, which after this had two muhtars, a Turkish Cypriot and a Greek Cypriot.


The Turkish Cypriot daily newspaper Yankı wrote that a new church was to be built further to that neighbourhood near the Pedios river and Ayios Andreas would be the name of this church. Yankı was complaining on 17 September 1945 that there were Turkish Cypriot villages in Paphos district with the names of the Christian saints, like Ayios Nicholas, Ayios Yannis and that these names were never tried to be changed by the Turkish Cypriots. The daily Halkın Sesi reported on 16 October 1945 that all the three Turkish Cypriot members of the Nicosia Municipality Council gave a protest letter about this alteration to the Nicosia Commissioner on 15 October 1945, to be handed over to the British Governor.



The columnist Yavuz wrote in Halkın Sesi on 19 Ekim 1945 that the name of the Alemdar (Bairaktar) Street, used for 370 years, had been changed previously into Tricoupis Street. Hasan Fahri Uzman wrote on the same issue in Yankı newspaper on 29 October 1945 that the name of a historical Turkish neighbourhood was changed with the stroke of a pencil and that the British still use the Tophane as a store for armaments, which gave the name to the neighbourhood.



Ouzunian was the only Armenian street name in the Tophane neighbourhood. When Dikran Ouzunian bought the garden of a Turkish Cypriot, named Hadji Sofu, he parcelled the garden. The new street passing through the plot was given after his name. Nearby was the Tophane Mesdjidi.



No Turkish Cypriot was living in this neighbourhood after 1960 and the last Turkish name of the Tophane Mesdjidi Street, which was mainly resided by the Turkish Cypriots, was changed into Granikou Street after 1963.



Nöbethane was the headquarters of the Ottoman soldiers, patrolling the town. Until he died in 1956, Hodja Salih Efendi used to open the Nöbethane Mesdjit at the corner of the Pygmalion (previously Çizmeci) Street and the Paleon Patron Germanou (previously Usta Kadi) Streets. Artemis Street was previously called Nöbethane Street. Several shops were built in the garden of the mesdjit, hiding the main building behind them.



Tabakhane (the tannery) Mesdjit was on the Pericleus Street (previously Kalkancı Street), where Musa Nami Efendi used to live. He was a Turkish Cypriot village judge and one of the founders of the Nicosia Turkish Bank. His son Şevket Nami was also a village judge, later a tradesman on the Ledra Street as the general distributor of many trademarks for Cyprus like Quink, Parker, His Master’s Voice, Singer and Hilmann. Musa Efendi’s other son, Reşit Nomer was a judge in Istanbul. His daughter Nezire Hanım lived in their family house in the Pericleous Street until she died in 1960, as the last Turkish Cypriot, living in this neighbourhood.



Famous Turkish Cypriot tanners, who used to work at the tannery and live nearby within the walled city at the Tabakhane Neighbourhood, were Hallumazade Tabak Hacı Salih Ağa, Tabak Hacı Mehmet Bektaş Efendi, Debbağ Fellah Efendi, Tabak Emin Efendi (Grandfather of Kemal Rustem) and Tabak Mulla İsmail Ağa. Pharmacist Hasan Hilmi Bey, who was the father of Mrs. Şefika Durduran, used to live in the Megalu Aleksandru (Ahmet Efendi) Street. Old police chief Ali Raci Bey had to move to Izzet Efendi Street near Ayia Sophia, because his children were being harassed by the Greek Cypriot boys. He was the next door to Prof. Dervish Manizade’s home, whose family were living also in the same Vasilis Vulgaroktonou (Behçet Efendi) Street.



The famous bar of Antonaki was also on this street, serving all the ethnic communities of Nicosia like the other well-known bar, which belonged to the Armenian Cypriot Gamavor.



MUNICIPAL OR PUBLIC GARDEN (MİLLET BAHÇASI)

Tannery was a traditional Turkish artisanship and the working place was just outside the Paphos Gate. After the British took over the administration of the island in 1878, they decided in 1890’s to move the tannery away from the town, to Köşklüçiftlik (old name was Tabana=Tabakhane), near the Pedios river. Later, when Koskluciftlik was populated with Turkish and Armenian houses, starting from 1930 onwards, the tannery was moved to another place near Piroyi village in 1953.



The site of the original tannery near Paphos Gate, which was Evkaf property, was turned into a public garden by the Nicosia Municipality, according to a proposal of the then British Delegate of Evkaf. Later this garden became the most popular and respected place for strolling Nicosians. When the Nicosia General Hospital was built in 1925 on a nearby plot, the importance of the Public Garden grew. There was a wooden pergola in the middle of the garden. Every Sunday the police band would give an open air concert under this pergola and the people used to go and listen to them as a weekend entertainment.



According to an article published in Hürsöz of 19 July 1953 under the title “Ahirevan Dede?”, the  grave of the master of the old tanners was kept in the Public Gardens until the beginning of the 1950’s. This grave, which was supposed to belong to a certain “Vah Veli” (like the Grandfather Ahirevan-Shieh of the Tannery Guild), used to be visited by the newcomers to the profession as a respect. The Hürsöz writer was complaining that some Greek Cypriots hanged a picture there and started to call this grave as “Ayios Dimitrios”. He called the Evkaf Administration to take action against the decision of the Municipality Council, headed by the Greek Cypriot nationalist Dr. Dervis that changed the name.



TAHTAKALE



Tahtakale is the neighbourhood, near the Famagusta Gate. The Ottomans named it as “Taht-el-kale”, meaning the lower part of the fortress, i.e. Famagusta Gate. But the word was corrupted as “Tahtakale or Tahtagala”, meaning wooden fortress. The street going from the gate to the west was called Çarşı (Market) Street, now the Ammohosto Street.



Tahtakale was one of the biggest mixed neighbourhoods of Nicosia with a population of 518 Turkish Cypriots and 902 Greek Cypriots. Now the only sign of this coexistence is the Tahtakale Mosque and the Koran School, which were built in 1826 by the Ottoman Governor Es-Seyyid Mehmet Ağa, at the same place of the old mosque. There were also a small graveyard and a koran school for the minors, which had its first teacher appointed in 1594. The Evkaf Administration built shops on the site of the graveyard in the 1950’s. In 1881, there was a fountain near the mosque, which Salvatore draw a picture of it, but it did not survive today. The original minaret was cracked in 1936 and it was rebuilt in 1948.

Hasan Karabardak Ağa was one of the most popular personalities of Tahtagala neighbourhood, where several Turkish Cypriot butchers and cattle-dealers used to live. Karabardak was one of the rich Turkish Cypriots, who were imprisoned during the First World War in the Kyrenia Castle, because they were accused of helping the Germans.



The imam of the Tahtagala Mosque was Ratip Efendi until 1935. He was the father of Ahmet Ziyaeddin Bey, the owner of first Turkish Cypriot macaroni factory. The signboard-maker Cahit Usta was the son of Ahmet Efendi, the muezzin of the Tahtagala Mosque. In front of the mosque was a Greek Cypriot businessman, making gyps-powder out of the baked gyps masses. Behind his shop was the mosaic factory of Pittarilli, that had its entrance from the Ermu Street. The first Turkish Cypriot cheese producers, Ahmet and Hüseyin Efendi brothers, were also among the well-known inhabitants, that had later their workshop in Kaimakli.



The Turkish Cypriots living in the Tahtagala neighbourhood were forced to leave their home twice, in 1958 and in 1963. That is why the younger generations do not remember Tahtagala as a Turkish Cypriot settlement.



OMERIYE


In the southern part of Nicosia and again near the Archbishopric there is another neighbourhood, called Omeriye with a population of 249 Turkish Cypriots and 917 Greek Cypriots in 1946. The Omeriye Mosque was the second biggest Christian place of worship after Ayia Sophia Cathedral in Nicosia, which was turned into a mosque by the Ottomans after the conquest of Nicosia. It was believed that Chalif Omer prayed in the sofa of this Chapel of St.Marie des Augustin. After the conquest, Lala Mustafa Pasha turned it into a mosque.



The last muhtari and muezzin of Omeriye Mosque was Ahmet Seyfi Efendi, who was addicted to snuffing. His daughter, Peyker Hanım was killed by the EOKA fighters, who asked from her a glass of water and as she went to bring it, she was shot from behind.  



The Omeriye Mosque, which has two balconies like the one in Peristerona, is used today by Moslems other than the Turkish Cypriots and the Turkish Bath Omeriye is renovated and is used as a tourist attraction that won a Europa Nostra Prize. The street near the hamam was called Soutsos Street,which was out of bounds as there were borthels, where Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot women were serving the men from both communities. Karannaki was famous helping the youngsters with his syringe after their visits to the borthels. 



Among the Turkish Cypriot big landowners in this neighbourhood, we can name Galip Bey, the shopkeeper; Ata Dayanç, the manifacturer; Ali Riza Efendi, the tradesman; Osman Mısırlızade and others.



WOMEN’S BAZAAR (KADINLAR PAZARI, YENEKOPAZARO)

The Women’s Bazaar was on the east side of the Makri Dromo (Uzun Yol) which is called today Ledra Street and it used to convene on every Friday. It was established in 1850 by the Ottoman governor of Cyprus, Mehmet Ali Pasha, whose aim was to promote the trade within the island. He also established the weekly “Animal Bazaar” outside the Kyrenia Gate. It was originally convened every September for fifteen days and the villagers from far villages used to bring their animals to be sold there. There were also people coming from the neighbouring countries to buy animals and to shop in the Women’s Bazaar. (Ses, 26 February 1937, No.:82)



According to Kevork K.Keshishian, the courtyard of the extensive square block of shops and offices within Ledra, Liperti, Phaneromeni and Nicocles Streets, which belonged to the Phaneromeni Church, was used as Women’s Market. This area was known as the Garden of Orta Odası with a Persian well in the middle (alakadi in Greek and dolap kuyusu in Turkish). The owner lived in Istanbul and in 1893 the Phaneromeni Church Committee bought the place for 1100 Ottoman pounds through the intermediary of Michali Papadopoulos of Istanbul.



AYIOS LOUCAS NEIGHBOURHOOD



Many Greek Cypriots used to live in this neighbourhood around the Ayios Loucas Church in the northern part of Nicosia until the first inter-communal clashes in Nicosia in 1956. Ayios Loucas Church was dedicated to St.Luke and was built in 1758 in dressed limestone during the Ottoman period.



18th October was the day of festivities in the name of  Ayios Loucas, which was the most famous fair (panayiri) within the walls of Nicosia. A four-day- and- four- night-fair was organised annually in honour of Ayios Loucas, during which local products and seasonal fresh fruits and dried fruits, almonds and walnuts were sold, together with delicious shamishi and lokmades. The sweets, called pastellis, were brought in wooden boxes from Kazafani and the sudjuko, paluze and koefteri from the villages of Paphos.



However, by 1956, when the EOKA and later the TMT intensified their terror activities, the Greek Cypriot inhabitants of the Ayios Loucas neighbourhood were forced to leave their homes and also the church was evacuated. The Ayios Loucas Church remained in ruins until it was restored in 1986 and it was allocated to the Turkish Cypriot Folklore Association (HASDER).  



PARTITION POLICY DIVIDED NICOSIA FIRST IN 1956

After the attack of the EOKA on the Turkish Cypriot villagers in Vasilia and the killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman, who was chasing two EOKA fighters, the inter-communal violence intensified. On 27th April 1956, the Turkish Cypriot newspaper Halkın Sesi wrote in its main title the following:

“Curfew was declared and applied in Nicosia yesterday afternoon from 5 o’clock until 4 o’clock this morning... During the 11 hours of curfew, the town was divided into North and South Nicosia, like East and West Berlin. The street from Paphos Gate until the Famagusta Gate remained closed at all.”

Halkın Sesi wrote in its edition on 28th April 1956:

“The Greek Cypriots, who had their homes, offices or shops in the Turkish neighbourhoods, have started to look for places in the Greek Cypriot neighbourhoods, so that they could abandon their previous dwellings.”

Bozkurt daily newspaper wrote on 3rd June 1957 about the first step of the partition policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership: “Yesterday, after a meeting of the Cyprus is Turkish Party, the Turkish Cypriot councillors in the Municipalities of Nicosia and other districts gave up their resignations all together.” 


Bozkurt reported on 24th June 1958 that Dr.Tahsin S.Gözmen was named by the T/C leadership as the Turkish Cypriot mayor of the Turkish Cypriot Municipality of Nicosia. The others were named later.

Then came the TMT provocations, when the Turkish Information Centre of the Turkish Consulate in Nicosia was bombed by the TMT on 7th June 1958, after which the Greek Cypriot properties and houses were attacked and put on fire in the mixed neighbourhoods by the Turkish Cypriot terrorists. This was followed on 12th June by the Gönyeli provocation of the British police, where 8 Greek Cypriots were killed.


In June 1958, 600 Greek Cypriot families were forced to leave their traditional neighbourhoods, where they used to live side by side with the Turkish Cypriots. The grocery shops of the Greek Cypriots in the municipality market near the Ayia Sophia Mosque were looted by the Turkish Cypriot terrorists and on 26th June 1958 the municipal market was left to the Turkish Cypriot sector of the divided municipality by the British colonial government.  



The partition line of Nicosia, drawn two years ago in 1956, was running through the Paphos, Ermu and Famagusta Streets and the same line was used in summer 1958 in order to divide the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot sector of  Nicosia with the barbed wires, which left the people from either community to the mercy of the other. This so-called Mason-Dixon line was used originally in 1767, because of the border disagreement between the States of Maryland and Pennsylvania in the USA.



It was the same line used again as the basis for the Green-line drawn by a green pencil in December 1963 during the inter-communal clashes. As you know the line dividing Nicosia, which was about 4 miles long (6.4 km) was extended through the whole island along the 180 km. in the summer of 1974, completing the imperialist partition plan of the Anglo-Americans.    



Resources:



1. An, Ahmet, The Values Cyprus Cultivated, Volume: 1 (1782-1899), Ankara 2002 (Turkish)

2. An, Ahmet, The Political History of the Turkish Cypriots (1930-1960): The Forgotten Political

    History of the Turkish Cypriots and the Struggles for the Leadership in the Mirror of the Press,

    Nicosia 2006 (Turkish)

3. Gürkan, Haşmet M., Nicosia of Yesterday and Today, Nicosia 1989 (Turkish)

4. Hikmetağalar, Hizber, Eski Lefkoşa’da Semtler ve Anılar, İstanbul 1996 (Turkish)

5. Keshishian, Kevork K., Nicosia, Capital of Cyprus, Then and Now, Nicosia 1978

6. Kyrris, Costas P., Peaceful Co-existence in Cyprus under British Rule (1878-1959) and

    after Independence: An Outline, Nicosia 1977

      
(This paper was read at the conference, “Nicosia: The Last Divided Capital in Europe”, organized by the London Metropolitan University on 20th June 2011)



  • April 29th 2016 at 08:38
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Εκδήλωση 27 Απριλίου: Εργατικό κίνημα στην Κύπρο

By antifalem

1-may

Την Τετάρτη 27 Απριλίου, ώρα 19:30, στο καφενείο Στο Δρόμο, θα γίνει εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση, για την ιστορία, τους αγώνες και την προοπτική του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, με αφορμή και την επέτειο της εργατικής πρωτομαγιάς. Θα γίνει παρουσίαση και ιστορική αναδρομή από τον κοινωνιολόγο και ερευνητή της ιστορίας του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, Αντρέα Παναγιώτου.

Εκδήλωση 27 Απριλίου: Εργατικό κίνημα στην Κύπρο

By antifalem

1-may

Την Τετάρτη 27 Απριλίου, ώρα 19:30, στο καφενείο Στο Δρόμο, θα γίνει εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση, για την ιστορία, τους αγώνες και την προοπτική του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, με αφορμή και την επέτειο της εργατικής πρωτομαγιάς. Θα γίνει παρουσίαση και ιστορική αναδρομή από τον κοινωνιολόγο και ερευνητή της ιστορίας του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, Αντρέα Παναγιώτου.

Πορεία για μια ταξική Πρωτομαγιά, Σάββατο 23/4 ώρα 10:00

By antifalem

αρχείο λήψης

Πορεία ταξικής ενότητας και διεθνιστικής αλληλεγγύης για την εργατική πρωτομαγιά στην Λεμεσό, Σάββατο 23/4.

Προσυγκεντρωση ώρα 10:00 π.μ στο οίκημα της κουρδικής κοινότητας, οδός Ναυαρίνου 10.

Η απελευθέρωση της εργατικής τάξης είναι έργο της ίδιας (Καρλ Μαρξ)

 

Πορεία για μια ταξική Πρωτομαγιά, Σάββατο 23/4 ώρα 10:00

By antifalem

αρχείο λήψης

Πορεία ταξικής ενότητας και διεθνιστικής αλληλεγγύης για την εργατική πρωτομαγιά στην Λεμεσό, Σάββατο 23/4.

Προσυγκεντρωση ώρα 10:00 π.μ στο οίκημα της κουρδικής κοινότητας, οδός Ναυαρίνου 10.

Η απελευθέρωση της εργατικής τάξης είναι έργο της ίδιας (Καρλ Μαρξ)

 

Εκδήλωση 7 Απριλίου: Ο αγώνας του Κουρδικού λαού για αυτονομία

By antifalem

12922281_533765760137392_930228901_o

Προβολή – συζήτηση με την συμμετοχή της Κουρδικής κοινότητας στην Λεμεσό.  Την Πεμπτη 7 Απριλίου, ώρα 19:30, στην καφετέρια Στο Δρόμο, οδός Γενεθλίου Μιτελλά, Λεμεσός

Μέσα στα σύνορα της Τουρκίας, η κουρδική αντίσταση άντεξε στην σκληρή κρατική τρομοκρατία και στους μαζικούς εκτοπισμούς από το στρατοκρατικό καθεστώς. Στο πλευρό τους η επαναστατική αριστερά καθώς και αναρχικοί. Μάλιστα πριν λίγες μόλις μέρες, 10 κομμουνιστικές οργανώσεις στην Τουρκία μαζί με το PKK (Εργατικό Κόμμα Κουρδιστάν), ανακοίνωσαν την ίδρυση του Ενιαίου Λαϊκού Επαναστατικού Κινήματος, για να συντονίσουν τη δράση τους.

Στις κουρδικές περιοχές της Συρίας όμως γίνεται πραγματικά μια επανάσταση. Ο αγώνας ενάντια στους τζιχαντιστές είναι μονάχα μια πτυχή της Ροζάβα, η άλλη πτυχή είναι το κοινωνικό πείραμα που βρίσκεται σε εξέλιξη. Η αυτόνομη περιοχή της Ροζάβα, που συστάθηκε το 2011 ως τρία αντισυστημικά αντικαπιταλιστικά καντόνια, αποτελεί ένα εγχείρημα διαφυλετικής και διαθρησκευτικής κοινωνικής αυτοδιεύθυνσης πέρα από κρατικά σύνορα. Η ανάληψη της πολιτικής ισχύος από τις τοπικές συνελεύσεις (κομμούνες, όπως έχουν ονομαστεί) δημιουργούν μια βάση για την κατάργηση των εκμεταλλευτικών σχέσεων, την αναθεώρηση των αναγκών, την αναδόμηση της παραγωγής, την συλλογική αναδιοργάνωση της εργασίας. Να αναφέρουμε ως παράδειγμα, ότι η Ροζάβα είναι το μοναδικό μέρος στον κόσμο όπου το πετρέλαιο βρίσκεται στην συλλογική διάθεση των κατοίκων.

Η κοινωνική επανάσταση στην Ροζάβα και η διαρκής εξέγερση στην Τουρκία ανοίγουν δρόμους για τον επαναστατικό αγώνα σε όλη την γη. Ήδη διεθνιστές, οργανώσεις, ομάδες από διάφορες χώρες, βρίσκονται στη Ροζάβα και συμμετέχουν στη διαδικασία ή έχουν ενωθεί σε διεθνιστικά τάγματα και πολεμούν στο αντάρτικο των YPG-YPJ.

Όλα αυτά θα δούμε σε εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση μαζί με την Κουρδική κοινότητα στην Λεμεσό. Η αλληλεγγύη το όπλο μας, επαναστατική αυτοοργάνωση παντού!

Εκδήλωση για την γυναικεία χειραφέτηση. Το παράδειγμα της Ροζάβα

By antifalem

Untitled

Την ερχόμενη Τρίτη 15 του μηνός ώρα 20:00 στο καφενείο Στο Δρόμο θα γίνει εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση, αφιερωμενη στον αγώνα για την γυναικεία χειραφέτηση

Θα υπάρχει παρουσίαση και ιστορική αναδρομή στους αγώνες των γυναικών στην Κύπρο, την Ελλάδα και διεθνώς.

Θα γίνει ειδική αναφορά στο κίνημα στη Ροζάβα, εκεί όπου ιδρύθηκε από τις Κούρδισες μαχήτριες ο πρώτος καθαρά γυναικείος αντάρτικος στρατός στο κόσμο, με το σύνθημα:

«Η επανάσταση δεν θα σώσει τις γυναίκες, αλλά χρειάζεται τη σκέψη, τη δράση και την οργάνωση των γυναικών. Η Επανάσταση χρειάζεται το χρώμα της γυναίκας»

Θα μιλήσει αγωνίστρια από την Κουρδική κοινότητα στην Λεμεσό!

THE HISTORY OF PARTITION OF CYPRUS AND HOW TO AVOID IT THROUGH FEDERALIZATION?

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

Nowadays almost half of the world’s population lives in the countries, where the constitution and the structure of the state are federal. If we put aside the socialist federalism, implemented in the former socialist countries (e.g. the USSR, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia), the bourgeois federalism is being implemented today in 28 developed and developing countries.
Especially after the Second World War, the former colonialist countries like Great Britain and France practised a new policy of federalism. In this new period of the capitalist general crisis, this federalization of the colonies was realized by bringing federative elements into the constitution of those countries and by making detailed legal arrangements. Through this, the possibility of influencing the character, the structure and the form of the new states, which were about to become independent soon, emerged as an element of the new colonialism. The aim of this new strategy of the imperialist powers was to keep the old colonial territories under their sphere of influence as long as it was possible and to protect their economic and strategic interests under the specific conditions of each region.[1]
  As it will be remembered, this policy was tried to be practised under “self-government” in Cyprus in 1948, but it was not successful, because of the ambition of the Greek Cypriots for enosis[2]. It was in the same year, when the radio monitoring facilities of the British and the Americans were transported from the Middle East to Cyprus[3] and the Great Britain spent 50 million pound sterling for the construction of the two military bases at Dhekelia and Akrotiri villages in Cyprus.
 There are enough archieval material in Claude Nicolet’s book “United States Policy Towards Cyprus, 1954-1974” about the strategic interests of the USA and Great Britain on the island of Cyprus[4]. Both countries have used the policy of “divide and rule” in the past and today. The British are still willing to keep their “sovereign base areas” on Cyprus[5] and the Americans are still willing to keep under security their communication facilities on the island, which they have been using since 1949.[6]
  Prof. Nihat Erim, who was teaching Inter-state Law and Constitutional Law in the University of Ankara, was asked in 1956 by Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes to prepare a report on the Cyprus issue and to help the government in shaping the Turkish policy on Cyprus. Erim was also informed by Menderes that a retired American general, who was a friend of President Eisenhower, was sent to Ankara and he suggested partition, which was accepted as positive.[7]
  Prof. Erim’s first report to the Turkish government had the date of 24 November 1956 and he underlined: “The optimum form of solution is partition of the island of Cyprus. The idea of partition was discussed between the governments of Turkey, Greece, England and America in some secret, official or semi-official negotiations… In view of the probability of the acceptance of the partition proposal, authorized experts should determine as of today how Cyprus would be partitioned, so that it would serve the benefit of the Turkish population in the island and also to the military and economical aspect.” [8]
   We already know that there was an American expert on geography, Dr. Alexander Melamid of the New York University, who was sent to Cyprus after the USA warned England that the threat of communism was increasing in Cyprus. Dr. Melamid made a field research on the island and published his findings in the “Geographical Review” journal in July 1956 under the title “Geographical Distribution of the Communities in Cyprus”[9] The same expert published another article in March 1960 under the title “Partitioned Cyprus: A class study in applied political geography”, proposing two lines for the division of the island, the first one dividing the island as northern and southern parts and the other as eastern and western parts.[10]
  In June 1956, the US President Eisenhower asked his Foreign Minister Dulles during a meeting if it is possible to put an end to the conflict by partitioning the island, shifting the Turkish Cypriots to the northern part?[11] When the US President met British Prime Minister Macmillan in March 1957 in Bermuda island, he told him during the four-day meeting: “The military bases are enough for us. They can divide the rest among themselves.”[12]
The architect of the Turkish policy on Cyprus, Prof.Nihat Erim, suggested in a speech in Ankara on 14 January 1958 that a Turkish state with a population of 120 thousand could be established in Cyprus.  On the other hand, the Turkish Cypriots started to attack the British for the first time on 27/28 January 1958 in order to force the implementation of the partition plan. The common demonstrations of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots on 1 May 1958 against partition and the terror events were followed by a series of murder and intimidation attacks on the progressive Turkish Cypriot workers.[13] In summer 1958, the TMT staged many provocations in order to show that the Turkish Cypriot community should be regarded as one of the main players in the Cyprus problem.
  Nicolet writes: “Zorlu had told Dulles in Washington that the Turkish idea of partition did not necessarily need to include a geographical division of the island. It may be enough, the Foreign Minister had said, “that the two communities ... be given the idea that neither was being governed by the other.” This concept sounded surprisingly compatible with the status of independence of the island.”[14] Thus the Republic of Cyprus, which declared its independence in 1960, was the result of a diplomacy, which was driven “towards some form of partition of Cyprus, if not geographically, then at least in terms of administration.”[15]
According to an evaluation by Prof.Stanley Alexander de Smith, the most complicated and detailed constitution of the world after the constitution of Kenya was prepared in Cyprus. As the rights of the communities were to be controlled through guarantees and limitations and to be balanced, constitutionalism was parallel with communal egoism.[16] Through long and complicated precautions, it was planned to avoid the misuse of the rights by the both sides, but an influential organization of a state was not realized.
           
THE CONFLICT IN 1963 AND THE TURKISH THESIS
When Makarios declared his 13 points of amendments to the Constitution on 6 December 1963, they were immediately rejected by Turkey, since the amendments would give some minority rights to the Turkish Cypriot community.
On 21 December 1963, intercommunal clashes started and the underground organizations, which had their connections with the foreign powers, became influential again in both communities. The Greek Cypriot leadership was aiming the union of the island with Greece and the Turkish Cypriot leadership was planning to create the conditions for the partition of the island. Now Cyprus problem was once again on the international arena.
From Nicolet’s book we read that in a working paper, prepared by Donald A. Wehmeyer, a US legal adviser, on 11 December 1963 that a Treaty of Joint Sovereignty between Greece and Turkey was proposed. Wehmeyer added to his memorandum “Outline of Possible Cyprus Settlement” an important ingredient for a solution, which would be more attractive to Turkey: Cyprus should be divided into provinces. Certain provinces would be administered mainly by Turkish Cypriots and this would create an illusion of partition or federation.[17]
Salahi R.Sonyel writes that the British government hit upon an interesting solution, which was the reconstruction of Cyprus as a federal solution: “Thus on 3 January (1964), Sir Francis Vallat asked H.G.Darwin, a constitutional expert, to produce a paper examining the possibility of dividing Cyprus into a Turkish and a Greek area, which might be formed into a federal state. Even if such a plan was feasible a number of problems were foreseen in its application. Darwin composed a memorandum, in which he suggested a federation of two states, one predominantly of Greek, and the other of Turkish populations. He also suggested an exchange of population in order to realise the Turkish state. The capital of the Turkish state would be Kyrenia.”[18]  
In Summer 1964, Makarios rejected the Acheson Plan, which was discussed in Geneva and which envisaged the union of Cyprus with Greece on the condition that a military base would be given to Turkey in Karpas peninsula. President Makarios was re-elected in 1968 with his new policy of “feasible solution”, instead of enosis.
We read again from Nicolet’s book: “Acheson was fully indulging himself in studying the different proposals that had emerged in Washington throughout spring of 1964. In Brands’ words, “he was ready to devise a plan that would eliminate the Cyprus problem by eliminating Cyprus.” A suggestion he was particularly intrigued with was Don Wehmeyer’s scheme of 24 April, providing enosis with an illusion of partition or federation to the Turks by the establishment of certain provinces to be administered by Turkish Cypriot eparchs, as he cabled to Ball on 8 July.[19] And this was finally realized with a so-called “controlled intervention”[20] in summer 1974, which was decided by the Deputy Foreign Minister of Greece, Christos Ksantopoulos-Palamas and the Turkish Foreign Minister, Osman Olcay. The two ministers met on 3-4 June 1971 during the NATO ministerial meeting in Lisbon and discussed how to get rid of Makarios and put an end to the independence of the Republic of Cyprus by partitioning the island through  “double enosis”.
   
IMPERIALIST CONSPIRACY IN 1974
A de facto situation was created by an aborted coup d’Etat against President Makarios, organized by the fascist Greek junta and its military forces in Cyprus on 15 July 1974. This created an opportunity for Turkey to intervene five days later to the internal affairs of Cyprus. Turkey occupied the 37% of the northern part of the island and on 16 August 1974, on the 16th anniversary of the foundation of the Republic of Cyprus, the island’s territory was partitioned into two regions, one in the North for the Turkish Cypriots and the other in the South for the Greek Cypriots. With the transfer of population across the partition line, a bi-regional ethnically cleansed geographical division was attained de facto. It remained to form a de jure central government for the “federation”, which was the aim of the Turkish government since 1964. 
In a declassified Secret Memorandum sent from Helmut Sonnenfeld, Counselor of the US State Department to Secretary Henry Kissinger on 14 August 1974, the order was this: “...assuming the Turks quickly take Famagusta, privately assure Turks, we will get them a solution involving one third of the island, within some kind of federal arrangement.”[21]
After two further days of fighting, the Turkish military occupied the approximately 37 per cent of Cyprus that it still holds today, according to a plan that had existed since at least 1964, possibly even since the 1950’s.” [22]
Five rounds of intercommunal talks took place in Vienna from 1975 to 1976 and a summit meeting between G/C Leader Makarios and T/C leader Rauf Denktash declared in 1977 their agreement on four guidelines for a solution of the constitutional problem on a bi-communal federal basis. The intercommunal talks continued also after the unilateral declaration of independence in 1983 under the name “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”, which was recognized only by Turkey.

THE WAY TO UNITY IN CYPRUS PASSES FROM REAL FEDERALISM
Some circles seem to accept a federal Cyprus state, which will have a central government with weak authority, when they speak of re-unification of the two separate regions created de facto after 1974. But the official Turkish perception of a federation has the same meaning of a confederation, which envisages the partition of the island. One has to bear in mind here what the former Prime Minister of Turkey, İsmet İnönü spoke about the Turkish policy on Cyprus in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 8 September 1964.
He underlined: “In order to be within the legal framework, we started to discuss instead of saying officially partition, we say a form of “federation”![23]
This official form of federation is synonymous with confederation, which envisages the partition of the island. Therefore, this statement is very important for the understanding of today’s Turkish policy on Cyprus.
Under the circumstances existing today on our island, the only way out is to transform the existing unitary or functional federal state into a bi-communal, bi-zonal federal state in order to gain the reunification of the state and the island of Cyprus. Therefore the following prerequisites are valid for a federal government, which the British Constitutional expert Sir Kenneth Wheare writes in his book “Federal Government”.[24]   
I quote from Ramesh Dutta Dikshit’s book “The political geography of federalism-An inquiry into its origins and stability” (New York 1975), where he refers to Wheare and writes that Wheare has tried to isolate various factors for union and separation, which appear to him as necessary factors in the origins of federalism. He enumerates the following half-dozen factors, all of which operated in the U.S., Switzerland, Canada and Australia, to produce a desire for union among the communities concerned[25]. Those factors are the following: [26]
1. Need for common defense: Is there a need for common defense for the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, who have lived over 400 years side by side on this island? Of course there is such a need against imperialism and its aggressive organization NATO, which wishes the partition of the island and to stop the struggle of the people of the island for social liberation. It is imperative for the leaderships of both communities to follow a policy of peaceful coexistence consistently and to put Cyprus out of the sphere of influence of NATO.
2. Desire to be independent of some foreign power and a realization that only through union independence be achieved: From the point of view of the progressive and democratic forces, which have understood that the way to the complete independence of Cyprus is through unity, the demand for being independent from the imperialism and its military bases as well as from the “motherlands” are valid as ever.
3. Expectations of economic advantages from union: Expectations of economic advantages from union are very wide especially among the Turkish Cypriot working masses.
4. Some political association of the units involved prior to their federal union: From the point of view of certain political parties with class approach, there is an association of political aims of the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots before the federal union. This association of political aim will be crystalized better in a democratic system.
5. Geographical neighbourhood: Geographical neighbourhood is the most appropriate in Cyprus, where the small island is divided into two.
6. Similarity of political institution. Although there is a similarity of the political institutions on both sides, there is a difference in the level of maturity of the democratic life. But this can be developed with mutual solidarity and especially with the elimination of the anti-democratic elements, without any outside interference. Moreover, there will be common political organizations based on class approach rather than on ethnic-national origin.
It will be noted that Wheare excludes from this list of prerequisites for union, factors such as community of language, of “race”, of religion or of nationality.
To these six prerequisites Wheare adds one more: “Leadership or statesmanship at the right time” which is the most wanted patriotic merit that we need nowadays from all the political leaders in Cyprus.
Another point of view, which should not be overlooked is that the solution of the problem in the concrete conditions of Cyprus depends on one hand on the elimination of the influences of imperialism and neo-colonialism and the military bases and on the other hand to decide how to solve the internal question of nationalities, which I see as the main issue. But the determining factor is not the difference between the two communities. On the contrary, it has to be stressed that the class struggle in the whole country and in the international arena will be decisive.[27]
It seems that the following fear of the imperialists is still valid, first mentioned in the 1989 International Yearbook of Communist Affairs: “If the north and the south of Cyprus will be united in a future “Federal Cyprus”, the electoral power of the Greek and Turkish communists can win the majority of the votes in any Presidential elections of such an unusual government.[28] But here the crucial problem is not, as the bourgeois circles suggest, “which community will govern the other one”, but “which class will have the power in his hand on the whole of the island.” This is my evaluation.

(This paper was read at the two-day Conference entitled “The Cyprus Problem, its Resolution and the Broader Implications” organized by The Center for European and International Affairs” at the University of Nicosia, on 11 and 12 March 2016.)


[1] W.G.Grafski-B.A.Straschun, Federalism in the developing countries of Asia and Africa, Moscow, 1968, quoted in Ertan Yüksel, Federal Solution in Cyprus, Ortam newspaper, Nicosia, 22-23-24 January 1985
[2] Greek word for union of Cyprus with Greece
[3] New York Times, 17 May 1949
[4] Claude Nicolet, Removing the Greek-Turkish Bone of Contention, Mannheim und Möhnesee 2001. For a review of the book, see Ahmet An, The origins of Cyprus Conflict in the light of the American Documents, Yeni Çağ newspaper, Nicosia, Three articles on 21 and 28 March 2003 and 4 April 2003.
[5] Nicolet, ibid, p.87
[6] Nicolet, ibid, p.141
[7] Nihat Erim, Cyprus  as I know and I have seen, Ankara 1975, p.18
[8]Erim,  ibid, p.22 and 24
[9] Vol.46, No.3, New York 1956, s.355-374
[10] Vol.59, March 1960, Chicago, s.118-123
[11] Nicolet, ibid, p.92
[12] ibid, p.101
[13] Ahmet An, The victims of the TMT, Nicosia 2008, pp.25-39
[14] ibid, p.133
[15] ibid, p.133
[16] Prof. S. A. de Smith, The Common­wealth and its Constitutions, London 1964, p.285
[17] Nicolet, ibid, p.226 and 229
[18] Cyprus, The Destruction of a Republic and its Aftermath, British Document 1960-1974, Extended second edition, Ankara 2003, pp.78-78
[19] Nicolet, ibid, p.257
[20] Nicolet, ibid, p.213
[21] Cyprus Weekly, 10 August 2007
[22] Nicolet, ibid, p.452
[23] Dışişleri Belleteni, October 1964, Number:2, p.63
[24] Sir Kenneth Wheare, Federal Government, London 1953
[25] ibid, p.37
[26] ibid, pp.220-222
[27] See also Ertan Yüksel, The way to unity in Cyprus passes not from a confederal, but from federal state, Ortam newspaper, 20-21 December 1984
[28]  p.530, see also Ahmet An, How the USA look at the Turkish Cypriot Left? Socialist Observation, Nicosia, October 1993, No.5


  • March 13th 2016 at 11:38
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Τζαι αν η Κύπρος κουβαλά μιαν σοφία ως αποτέλεσμα της θέσης της στα σύνορα του Χώρου τζαι του Χρόνου, που πρέπει να ανακαλύψουμεν, τζαι να πρ

By linopampakos


Σαν εθκιέβαζα για την αποκάλυψη των προβλημάτων της Deutsche Bank αθθυμήθηκα την Τράπεζα Κύπρου – που εγόραζεν ομόλογα που έθελεν να ξηφορτωθεί η γερμανική τράπεζα το 2009 [με μίζες από ότι ακούστηκε, αλλά έσιει γερούς προστάτες η τέως τράπεζα τους Τριανταφυλλήδιες – Πολυβίου[1][1]], τζαι ύστερα ήρτεν το 2012 για να μας ζητήσει μισό δις, γιατί είσιεν προβλήματα ανακεφαλαιοποίησης. Εν εμπορούσαν οι "καλλύτεροι τραπεζίτες" να τα υπολογίσουν τα γέρημα. Στο ράδιο έπαιζεν ο Αβέρωφ να ωρύεται τζαι να απειλά ότι εν να φύουν οι εταιρείες να πάσιν Ισραήλ γιατί οι Σκαλιώτες αντέξαν τους εκβιασμούς τζαι αρνηθήκαν να δεχτούν την μετατροπή της πόλης τους σε αποθηκευτικό βιομηχανικό χώρο. Ίνταλως τον ανεχούμαστεν τον Αβέρωφ να παιζει τούτα τα καμώματα εν άλλη ιστορία. Όπως τζαι να έσιει. Άτε ρε Αβέρωφ, πιάστε τες εταιρείες που εκπροσωπάς τζαι πήαινε μαζίν τους Ισραήλ. Με δικά τους έξοδα τούτην την φορά. Τζαι άμα ξυπνήσουν τζαι οι Ισραηλινοί τζαι θκιώξουν τον Νετανιάχου, πηαίνετε μαζί.. Είσαι τυχερός που εν εστιάζει ακόμα η κοινωνία στο παράξενα κόλπα σου  κάθε φορά που οι ξένοι πιέζουν.. Ξαφνικά εβρέθηκες στις ΗΠΑ [με το ΔΝΤ;] τότε με το κούρεμα, για να μεν αθθυμηθούμεν ότι εκτυπιέσουν πάλε πάνω κάτω το 2011 πριν τες εκλογές για να υποβαθμιστεί η οικονομία. Για λλίους ψήφους. Τζαι ύστερα ξύπνησες το 2012 τζαι είδες τα ερείπια της πολιτικής σου το 2013 άμα έκλεισεν η Λαϊκή τζαι εγοράσαν τις τράπεζες των φίλων σου οι ξένοι..

Σε ένα τόπο που εισβάλουν οι Ιστορίες, οι ιθαγενείς γαντζώνονται που την Γεωγραφία σαν ύστατη άμυνα, τζαι υποσυνείδητη ελπίδα..
Αλλά η εικόνα έφυεν γλήορα που την λεπτομέρεια Αβέρωφ. Για κάποιο λόγο ήρτεν μου ξαφνικά στο νου, οι στίχοι του Β. Μιχαηλίδη που ξεκινούν την «9η Ιουλίου»:

«Αντάν αρκέψαν οι κρυφοί ανέμοι τζαι εφυσούσαν..
..τζαι που τες τέσσερις μερκές τα νέφη εκουβαλούσαν..
..είσιεν σγιαν είχαν ούλλοι τους τζι η Τζύπρου το κρυφόν της
μεσ’ τους ανέμους τους κρυφούς είσιεν το μερτικόν της..»

Εν ενδιαφέρον που τούτον το «εθνικό» ποίημα των ελληνοκύπριων ξεκινά με μιαν γεωγραφική εικόνα σαν μεταφορά για το πολιτικό κλίμα των μεταμορφώσεων. Όπως εν ενδιαφέρον επίσης ότι στην ίδια αρχήν του ποιήματος εμφανίζεται ένας καλός τουρκοκύπριος, ο Κκιόρογλου, «που ήταν καλή, πολλά καλή η ψυσιή του».. Εκάμαμεν εισαγωγή τα έθνη [το ποίημα γράφτηκε, έτσι τζαι αλλιώς, τη «στιγμή» της μετάβασης που την θρησκευτική ταυτότητα του Ρωμιού, της Ρωμιοσύνης «που εν φυλή», στην εθνική], αλλά ένα κομμάτι μας, εν βαθύ συλλογικό εγώ, έμειναν ριζωμένο στη γη, την γεωγραφία. Τζαι τούτη η γεωγραφία επεριλάμβανεν τζαι τον Κκιόρογλου… Στην μετάβαση μας στο κόσμο των εθνών που διεκδικούσαν αποκλειστικότητα, να εν μόνοι τους κλπ, η γεωγραφία, όπως τζαι οι άνεμοι που φυσούν, αθθύμιζεν μας, ότι είμαστε γείτονες με Άλλους..

Στα σύνορα του Χρόνου τζαι του Χώρου σήμερα…
Σήμερα είμαστε σε μιαν άλλη μετάβαση. Λέξεις πολλές σαν τους αέρηες τζαι τα νέφη του Βασίλη – μεταβιομηχανική κοινωνία, παγκοσμιοποίηση, ηλεκτρονική εποχή..Αέρηες.. Είσιεν δίκαιο, λαλούν, ο Αϊνστάιν ότι τα gravitational waves παράγουν  cracks στα σύνορα του χωροχρόνου.. Αλλά ίντα που σημαίνει τούτο για την βιωμένη εμπειρία μας; Ο χώρο-χρόνος της Φυσικής εν εντελως διαφορετικός που τον χωροχρόνο της Εμπειρίας; Τζαι έστω μεταφορικά, αφού εν φτάνουμε ακόμα σε μια «ενιαία θεωρία», ποιοί εν άραγε οι συνειρμοί; Αλλά είπαμεν είμαστε στην αρχή μιας εποχής.. Στην μετάβαση..Τζαι «τα νέφη» κουβαλούν.. Δυτικά μας τζήνοι που εφεύραν τα έθνη σαν μορφές πολιτικής οργάνωσης, μάχονται τώρα να κάμουν ομοσπονδία στην Ευρώπη, τζαι να αφήκουν τα έθνη πίσω τους.. Ενώ ανατολικά ένα μιτσήν γαρύφαλλο στην Τυνησία τζαι το Κάϊρο το 2011, οδήγησαν σε μια τέτοια καταστολή που εν σαν να εμπήκεν ολόκληρη η περιοχή σε «εμπειρία τσουνάμι»..Η καταστολή επήραν την μορφή της κατασκευής κινημάτων για να ανατρέψουν όσους εν εθέλαν οι τέως αποικιοκράτες τζαι το καθεστώς που αφήκαν σαν τοπικό χωροφύλακα του χθες – την Σαουδική Αραβία. Γιατί, εμείς δαμαί, αθθυμούμαστεν την Ιστορία του χώρου. Όταν εδολοφονήθηκεν ο Καντάφι, η καταστολή έθελεν πανηγυρισμούς – για να ξεχαστεί η συμμαχία των δυτικών αεροπλάνων με τους ισλαμιστές. Αλλά «οι άνεμοι εν θα κοπάσουν», όπως λαλεί τζαι η κινεζική παροιμία. Η απόπειρα καταστολής επαρήγαγεν χάος, όπως τζαι στο Ιράκ το 2003 – σαν απρόσμενη συνέπεια. Τζαι μέσα στο χάος ανασυντάσσεται η αντίσταση του μέλλοντος σε μια περιοχή «γέφυρα των πολιτισμών». Για όσους εν εκατάλαβαν ακόμα ότι το κοκκαλούιν δαιμονοποίησης που τους επέταξαν τα δυτικά τζαι μοναρχικά ΜΜΕ για το «καθεστώς Άσσαντ» ήταν μια ακόμα προσπάθεια νομιμοποίησης επεμβάσεων. Τώρα στα δυτικά νοιώθουν τα ρεύματα των πολέμων που ξεκίνησαν οι ίδιοι, με την μορφή των ρευμάτων των προσφύγων. Τζαι τωρά εν θέλουν «ανοιχτά» σύνορα.. Εκφραστικό..:)..Τζαι που την άλλη η κρίση των τραπεζών που εχρησιμοποιήθηκεν για να επιβληθεί μια κεντροευρωπαϊκή ηγεμονία στη Μεσόγειο, φακκά γυρόν τζαι επιστρέφει..στο Βερολίνο..

Τζαι αν τα σύνορα του ΧωροΧρόνου της βιωμένης εμπειρίας, εκτός που cracks, παράγουν τζαι σοφία που χρειάζεται λέξεις για να αρθρωθεί;
Τζαι εμείς δαμαί στον ρότσο μας..Τούτες τες εποχές που φαίνεται να τελειώνει/μεταλλάσεται μια εποχή στην οποία είμαστεν τζαι νάκκον ανωμαλία [χώρα χωρίς έθνος αλλά με ένα βαθύτατα ξεροτζέφαλο τοπικισμό, μια μιτσιά ποσότητα ανθρώπων σε ένα πανάκριβο γεωστρατηγικό οικόπεδο/φιλέτο στο παγκόσμιο σύστημα που εκαταφέραμεν μάλιστα να παίξουμε τζαι ρόλο σαν παίκτες με «κυπριακή ιδιοκτησία» - επιτέλους], είμαστεν μπροστα σε μιαν εποχή, που ίσως να απαιτά που εμάς πολλά παραπάνω από την επιβίωση – όπως προηγούμενα. Σήμερα ίσως η κρυφή σοφία που παράγει αναπόφευκτα ένας χώρος όπου συναντιούνται ιστορικές αφηγήσεις τζαι μορφές βιώματος του χρόνου, να απαιτά που εμάς να γινούμεν πρότυπο. Γιατί εμείς ξέρουμε ότι το αποικιακό βλέμμα κατασκεύασε βαρβάρους τζιαμαί που υπήρχαν αιώνες συμβίωσης. Για τούτον άλλωστε παρά τους πολέμους μας, άμα άνοιξαν τα οδοφράγματα το 2003, σε τζήνη την πρώτη μεταμοντέρνα μας εξέγερση ενάντια στα ΜΜΕ τζαι τον ηγεμονικό λόγο, εδιασταυρώσαμεν φιλικά, σαν παλιοί γείτονες, το σύνορο του χώρου αλλά στο ασυνείδητο μας εδιασταυρώναμεν τζαι το σύνορο του χρόνου [οι ε/κ εγυρεύκαν το παρελθόν, οι τ/κ το μέλλον – που ένοιωθαν χαμένο τζαι οι θκυο].  Κουβαλούμεν μια σοφία τζαι λείπουν μας οι λέξεις. Η συνείδηση της εμπειρίας. Τζαι ένεν μονο στο κυπριακό όπου ο παγωμένος χρόνος φαίνεται όντως πιο σοφός μπροστά στο διαρκή πόλεμο που απλώνεται γυρόν μας. Για όποιον/α εν ζει με αυταπάτες, η επιστροφή των τραπεζών σαν πρόβλημα εν απλά σύμπτωμα – ότι το υπάρχον οικονόμο σύστημα όπως επήεν να απλωθεί παγκόσμια μετά το 1980, έφτασε σε σημείο που απαιτείται πκιον ο έλεγχος του κεφαλαίου – πάλε. Τζαι ίσως πκιον αποφασιστικά. Μπορεί ένα είδος σαν το δικό μας που εκατάκτησε την Φύση τζαι τώρα ανακαλύφκει τα όρια των παρεμβάσεων του, να αφήσει ένα δικό του κατασκεύασμα, όπως τα χρηματιστήρια, οι τράπεζες, οι αγορές κλπ, να συμπεριφέρονται σαν ανεξέλεγκτα «νέφη που κουβαλούν»; Μπορούμε να ακούσουμε τα  gravitational waves τζαι εν μπορούμεν να προγραμματίσουμε ορθολογικά την οικονομία; Να βάλουμεν τους φυσικούς να  σχεδιάσουν την οικονομία, καλο..:) Όταν κουβαλούν τα νέφη οι αθρώποι φτιάχνουν χώρους προστασίας. Τζαι το αντίθετο διαλεκτικά – αντιστέκονται για να αλλάξουν τις συνθήκες στις οποίες βρίσκονται. Όποιος/α  εν καταλάβει ότι ενεν τυχαία η εμφάνιση πολιτικών όπως ο Κόρμπυν, ο Σάντερς τώρα, οι μεσογειακές εκλογικές εξεγέρσεις του 2015 κοκ. εν θωρεί ότι οι «κυπριακές ανωμαλίες» του εχτές, μοιάζουν με πρότυπο των εξελίξεων του μέλλοντος. Παγκόσμια.

Υ.Γ. Τζαι για σους/ες βουρήσει η γλώσσα τους τζαι πουν «μα ίντα σοφία σιόρ, με τους Χαμπουλάες κοκ, η απάντηση εν απλή: έχουμεν τζαι εμείς το «μερτικόν μας».

Υ.Γ. 2: Το κειμενο δημοσιευτηκεν για πρωτη φορα στην Δεφτερη Αναγνωση [στις 14/2/2016]..
Δαμαι εν τζαι ο "φυσικος του τοπος"...:)
αφου υπογραφετουν που τον Λινο..
Το προηγουμενο κειμενο για την Ελληνικη εμπειρια αντιστασης [με βαση το βιβλιο του Κουφοντινα "Γεννηθηκακα 17 Νοεμβρη"] , εμεινεν για πολλην τζαιρον..εν μερεις γιατι εβουρουσαμεν τζαι αλλα γραψιματα,
εν μερει ισως τζαι εταιρκαζεν ..σαν συνοδευτικο ιστορικης αυρας για την "ελληνικη ανοιξη" [την αντισταση τζαι την εξεγερση του 2015] που αλλαξεν το κοσμο με τροπους που ακομα ενεν κατανοητοι με το ματι του εφημερου..
Θα φανει στο χρονο τζαι το ανοιγμα που εδημιουργησεν η ρηξη τζαι η ανοιξη..σαν γοητεια..τζαι οπως θα λειτουργει σαν νοσταλγια..
Ωσπου να δικαιωθει..
Τζαι στα Βαλκανια..τζαι Ευρυτερα, αφου ανοιξε πκιον το παιχνιδι,
τζαι ετσι..
  • March 7th 2016 at 10:37
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Εκδήλωση 1 Μαρτίου: Αλληλεγγύη σε πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες

By antifalem

12799462_979781732111092_5776411510366658836_n

Από τις αρχές του 2016 και μέχρι τις 5 Φεβρουαρίου τουλάχιστον 374 άνθρωποι έχουν πεθάνει προσπαθώντας να φθάσουν σε ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος, σύμφωνα με τον Διεθνή Οργανισμό για τη Μετανάστευση (IOM). Οι περισσότεροι από αυτούς στο Αιγαίο.

Την ίδια στιγμή οι κυβερνήσεις και η ΕΕ προωθούν και εφαρμόζουν ρατσιστική πολιτική με κλειστά σύνορα, απελάσεις και εγκλεισμό των προσφύγων σε στρατόπεδα και φυλακες. Η εμπλοκή του ΝΑΤΟ στο Αιγαίο φερνει ακόμα περισσότερο θάνατο και πολεμους. Την απάνθρωπη πολιτική της ΕΕ ακολουθεί και η κυπριακή κυβερνηση με τα κεντρα κράτησης, τις φυλακίσεις και απελάσεις.

Απεναντι σ αυτούς εμείς εκφράζουμε αλληλεγγύη σε πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες και παλεύουμε για δικαιώματα, ελευθερίες και κοινή πάλη των εργαζομενων στην Κύπρο.

Να γκρεμίσουμε την «Ευρώπη-φρούριο», τις φυλακες, τα σύνορα. Κοινή πάλη των λαών ενάντια στους ιμπεριαλιστές, το ΝΑΤΟ, την φιλοπόλεμη και ρατσιστική πολιτική της ΕΕ και των κυβερνήσεων.

ΟΙ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΕΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΓΗΣ ΟΙ ΚΟΛΑΣΜΕΝΟΙ, ΚΥΠΡΙΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΞΕΝΟΙ ΕΡΓΑΤΕΣ ΕΝΩΜΕΝΟΙ

Το παρελθόν και το μέλλον της Μαρωνίτικης κοινότητας στην Κύπρο

By Μάρω Εμμανουήλ

Επίσκεψη στον Κορματζιήτη

Το παρελθόν και το μέλλον της Μαρωνίτικης κοινότητας στην Κύπρο

Στες 14 του Φεβράρη εβρεθήκαμεν στον Κορματζιήτη, το Μαρωνίτικο χωρκό στην επαρχείαν Τζερύνειας. Στον σύλλογον του χωρκού εσυζητήσαμεν με Μιχάλη Χατζιηρούσσο τζιαι την Μαρία Εμμανουήλ για την ιστορία τζιαι τα θέματα που αντιμετωπίζει η Μαρωνίτικη κοινότητα ειδικόττερα στο πλαίσιο του Κυπριακού. Ακούστε τες εισηγήσεις τζιαι την συζήτηση πιο κάτω:

Μιχάλης Χατζιηρούσσος

Μάρω Εμμανουήλ

Η πορεία του ελληνικού εθνικισμού στην Κύπρο, από το ’50 ως το 1974

By Μιχάλης Μιχαήλ

Η πορεία του ελληνικού εθνικισμού στην Κύπρο, από το ’50 ως το 1974

Στις 12 του Φεβράρη, ο δημοσιογράφος-ερευνητής Μιχάλης Μιχαήλ ήταν μαζίν μας στον Κοινωνικόν Χώρον Kaymakκιν για να συζητήσουμεν την πορεία του ελληνικού τζιαι του τούρτζικου εθνικισμού στην Κύπρον. Ακούστε πιο κάτω την εισήγηση του Μιχάλη Μιχαήλ, και την συζήτηση που ακολούθησε.

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SENDALL IN CYPRUS 1892-1898, A GOVERNOR IN BONDAGE

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com
SENDALL IN CYPRUS 1892-1898, A GOVERNOR IN BONDAGE BY DIANA MARKIDES, Moufflon Publications, 2014, 233 pp, ISBN-10: 996362322


Reviewed by Ahmet An (*)

Written by British-Cypriot historian Diana Markides, this book was published in 2014 by the Moufflon Publications Ltd in Nicosia. The author writes in the “Preface” to her book that “the Sendall years remained shrouded in obscurity.” Therefore, she took the task to research those years, when the British High Commissioner, Sir Walter Joseph Sendall, was in service in Cyprus. In order to get a full picture of events and developments from 1892 to 1898, she studied letters, memoirs and other official documents in libraries and archives in England, Athens and Cyprus. The six years of the British occupation were written in the six separate chapters of the book, ending with an epilogue. It is a good and recommendable study. Let us make some interesting notes from those years:

“The administration of Cyprus had been in a sorry state when he arrived in April 1892” (p.29) and “in September 1892 the Times of Cyprus was grumbling about the ‹disgraceful› state of the principal road in Cyprus, the Larnaca-Nicosia road and described the rest of the roads in the island as ‘impassable.” (p.34) The road to Paphos did not exist. There was lack of bridges. Little had been done to extend the road network once the ‘spend nothing policy was strictly enforced. (p.31) Therefore Sir Sendall started with several construction works, building bridges and maintaining the existing roads. The Pyroi bridge on the main Larnaca-Nicosia road was opened by Sir Walter ceremonially on 25 November 1893 (p.60). The Peristerona bridge was completed in 1897. (p. 141) No less than 30 bridges were built. The building of dams for better irrigation was another project and the dam in Kuklia was completed in 1900 (p.203).  


The construction of the Papadopoulos Theatre began in 1893 for an audience of 600 people near Phaneromeni church in Nicosia as a replica of a small opera house in Italy. It was completed in 1900 and was used also by British and Turkish Cypriots. (p.54) The British High Commissioner secured permission and a tiny loan from the Treasury for the capital’s municipality council, so that the Pedios river, which was used as Nicosia main drain, passing through the old city, could be covered for sanitary reasons. (p.47)  


The old Venetian Palace, which was used during the Ottoman administration as the Serai of the Governor, was demolished in 1897, in order to build new offices, but it did not get underway until Sendall’s departure. The only government office constructed in Nicosia during his term was the small government printing offices opposite the secretariat (in 1896), which housed the government printing office, but which has recently been converted into a crèche for PASYDY, the Civil Servants Association.

 A new Evkaf office was proposed by Sendall, but it was excluded from construction plans by Chamberlain, Secretary of State for Colonies. (p.155)

When Sir Sendall arrived the island, it was observed that the crime rates were rising with gangs of brigands active. This never occurred during the Turkish administration, when there was corporal punishment. (p. 35) Law and order was the priority. Reform of the police force started in 1894 from top down. (p.84) The Büyük Khan, an Ottoman caravanserai in the middle of the old city, was converted into a prison (p.42), like the old forts in Limassol and Larnaca, which had no facilities for isolating prisoners. (p.69) Sir Sendall’s first decision was to build a new central prison in Nicosia, which was finally completed in 1904.  


The author gives us two cases of notorious bandits, one of Yiallouris, who was convicted of murdering the mudir of Paphos (p.77) and the other of Hasanpouli brothers, Mehmet Ahmet and Hasan Ahmet, who were escaped convicts for over a year and had committed eleven murders, five acts of abduction and rape, nine of shooting and wounding and numerous acts of highway robbery. (p.137) They were all eventually hanged in 1895.


Lady Sendall was an energetic fund-raiser, who worked hard for local charities, particularly the lepers. The chief medical officer, Dr. Heidestam, who had been in the island since Ottoman times and was fluent in Turkish and Greek, had a close friendship with Sendalls and Lady Sophia had collected in England and in Cyprus, enough money to build Greek Orthodox church for the 80 or so lepers colony outside Nicosia. (p.75) Lady Sendall also raised money for the new Anglican church, being built outside Nicosia. Both the Christian and Moslem leaders were present as she laid the first stone to foundation of the Anglican church of St. Paul’s. (p.53) 


In the summer of 1893, Sendall made a start on educational reform. (p.65) Both the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot schools were extended to include lyceum. The author reports on the new Hellenic school, inaugurated ceremonially on 24 December 1893, where the chief cadi and principal Turkish notables were also present. (p.71) But she omits to report about the inauguration ceremony of the Turkish Cypriot school on 26 December 1897, which was raised from the status of rüştiye to idadi (wrongly written as rusty’e and i’dade-p.157. Also the name of the chief cadi, Mustafa Fevzi Efendi, is wrongly written twice as ‘Ferzi’ -p.65-67):  “Both Sir Sendall and Lady Sendall were also present, when the new building of the school was inaugurated on 26 December 1897. They were greeted with the British national anthem ‘God save the Queen’.” (A.An, The Values Cyprus Cultivated (1782-1899), Ankara 2002, p.145)


Since the author does not know Turkish language and could not use Turkish Cypriot archives, she had asked me to prepare some material for this purpose, but she did not to use this in her book. There is only one reference to a Turkish Cypriot newspaper, Kıbrıs, dated 15 April 1985 (p.106). This weekly newspaper was published by Kufizade Asaf Bey, from 1893 until 1898, covering almost the whole period when Sir Sendall was in office.


Diana Markides writes: “A deputation of leading Muslims, headed by the mufti, urged Sendall to prohibit the meetings” (p.106), but she does not mention about the protest letter of the Turkish Cypriot delegation headed by Mufti Hacı Rıfkı Efendi, which could be found in the famous English book “A History of Cyprus” by George Hill. We read from there that the delegation complained to Sir Walter Sendall about the articles, published in the Greek Cypriot newspaper “Foni dis Kipru”, defending the union of the island with Greece (enosis). The Turkish Cypriot newspaper “Yeni Zaman” responded to these articles on 23 January 1893. The delegation was happy with the British administration in Cyprus and told Sir Sendall that Cyprus would remain to be a part of the Ottoman Empire. (Cambridge 1972, Vol.4, pp.498-499)  


Diana Markides allocates several pages (pp.171-179) for the activities of Ethniki Etairia in 1897 and writes: “The dispatch of Greek soldiers to Crete was a move which intensified nationalist emotions in Cyprus.” (s.174) without giving the reactions of the Turkish Cypriot notables and the newspapers. On the other hand, rightly enough the author reproduces the petitions to Queen Victoria in Greek and Ottoman Turkish script by Christian and Muslim leaders, asking for Sir Walter Sendall to be granted a second term as High Commissioner (pp.196-197), but he and Lady Sophia caught the next mail boat to Egypt on 1 January 1898. (p.195)    


As a last point, I can say that Diana Markides’ book Sendall in Cyprus 1892-1898, A Governor in Bondage is a scholarly academic work like her first book, published in q998: Cyprus 1957-1963: From Colonial Conflict to Constitutional Crisis: The Key Role of the Municipal Issue. She illustrated there in detail the origins of the separatist policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. My review of that book was published in the Turkish Cypriot weekly, Yeni Cag, on 11 July 3003 (http://can-kibrisim.blogspot.com/cy/2013/11/ayri-belediyeler-anlasmazligi-uzerine.html) Especially Cypriot readers will benefit a lot from reading her last book about Governor Sendall, which took a spotlight to an early and formative time in the British-Cyprus relationship.


(*) Ahmet Cavit An is a retired paediatrician who has devoted his adult life to the reunification of his country.  In 2003, just before the Green Line opened, he won an ECHR case against Turkey for preventing him from meeting with his Greek Cypriot compatriots, with whom they formed the bicommunal Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus. His archives and books, mainly in Turkish, are the basis of many other studies more available in English or Greek.

(Friends of Cyprus Report, New Year 2016, Issue No.58, pp.49-50)
  • December 10th 2015 at 18:20
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ΚΑΝΕΝΑΣ ΣΥΝΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΣ ΜΑΣ ΣΤΟ ΔΡΟΜΟ!

By antifalem

Σήμερα, Τετάρτη 18 Νοεμβρίου  2015 επιχειρήθηκε από κλητήρα να επιδώσει χαρτί έξωσης σε οικογένεια που διαμένει στις Εργατικές Πολυκατοικίες του Οργανισμού Χρηματοδοτήσεως Στέγης, αγνοώντας επιδεικτικά την οποιαδήποτε οικονομική ή οικογενειακή κατάσταση που βρίσκεται η οικογένεια αυτή.

Στο άκουσμα και μόνο της είδησης δεκάδες αλληλέγγυοι και αλληλέγγυες έσπευσαν στο χώρο και εμπόδισαν τον κλητήρα στο να προχωρήσει στην πράξη αυτή. Ο κλητήρας ειδοποίησε την αστυνομία και τρεις (3) αστυνομικοί κατέφθασαν στο χώρο της συγκέντρωσης των αλληλέγγυων. Μετά από διαβουλεύσεις ο κλητήρας και οι αστυνομικοί αποχώρησαν από το χώρο χωρίς να επιδώσουν οποιονδήποτε χαρτί στους ένοικους της κατοικίας.

Το περιστατικό αυτό δεν συμβαίνει για πρώτη φορά  ούτε είναι μια ξεχωριστή περίπτωση. Είναι κομμάτι μιας ευρύτερης πολιτικής που προωθείτε το τελευταίο διάστημα προς όφελος ντόπιου και ξένου κεφαλαίου και νομοθετείτε – υλοποιείτε από τους πολιτικούς εκπροσώπους τους στη βουλή.  Η έξωση αυτή έρχεται αμέσως μετά την ψήφιση από τη βουλή για πακετοποίηση των κόκκινων δανείων και η κυπριακή κοινωνία καλείται πλέον να αντιμετωπίσει το φαινόμενο κατασχέσεων κατοικιών από τις τράπεζες , όπως έχουμε όλοι παρακολουθήσει να συμβαίνει σε όλες τις χώρες που έχουν περάσει σε καθεστώς «μνημονιακής σωτηρίας». Η κρίση τους λοιπόν και κυριολεκτικά πλέον μας χτυπάει την πόρτα.

Οι εξώσεις και οι κατασχέσεις κατοικιών δεν είναι συνέπεια της αδιαφορίας ή της δήθεν αφερεγγυότητας ορισμένων και μόνο τμημάτων της κοινωνίας,  ούτε αφορά, όπως λέει η κυβέρνηση, μόνο πολίτες που την  χρησιμοποιούν ως δικαιολογία για την  κρίση.  Αφορά κυρίως τα χαμηλά, λαϊκά  στρώματα της κοινωνίας  που έχουν μείνει άνεργοι ή που έχουν δει το μισθό τους να κουτσουρεύεται στο μισό και  πλέον δεν έχουν ούτε τα βασικά για την διαβίωση τους, συνέπεια των πολιτικών λιτότητας που εφαρμόζει η κυβέρνηση Αναστασιάδη-ΤΡΟΙΚΑ

Ξεκαθαρίζουμε λοιπόν ότι δεν θα επιτρέψουμε σε κανέναν να ξεσπιτώσει συνάνθρωπο μας επειδή  πολύ απλά το δικαίωμα στη στέγη και την αξιοπρεπή διαβίωση , πέραν από συνταγματικό είναι και αδιαπραγμάτευτο.   Σήμερα ήταν η μέρα μιας φτωχής οικογένειας σε  συνοικία της Λεμεσού, αύριο ξημερώνει για όλους εμάς το ίδιο και χειρότερο. Στην επίθεση αυτή δεν πρέπει να μείνει κανένας  μόνος/μόνη. Όλοι εμείς εργαζόμενοι, άνεργοι , φοιτητές, άνθρωποι της διπλανής πόρτας καλούμαστε να είμαστε σε επαγρύπνηση και να σταθούμε ανάχωμα στη λαίλαπα  που έρχεται.

Καλούμε όλους και όλες  να σταθούμε εμπόδιο στο ξεσπίτωμα των συνανθρώπων μας και το αίτημα για αξιοπρεπή ζωή να γίνει φάρος για τις μάχες που έρχονται .

Αντιφασιστικό Δύκτιο Λεμεσου

ΓΡΑΝΑΖΙ

Κινημα Ενάντια στις Εκποιήσεις

Αλληλέγγυοι/ες

Ευελικτοποίηση της εργασίας και οικονομική κρίση

By Γρηγόρης Ιωάννου

Ευελικτοποίηση της εργασίας και οικονομική κρίση

Καταγραφή της συζήτησης με αφορμή τις προσπάθειες για την κατάργηση της Κυριακής ως αργίας με τον κοινωνιολόγο Γρηγόρη Ιωάννου.

Μέσαστις συνθήκες κρίσης αυξάνονται τόσο σε ένταση όσο και σε έκταση οι πιέσεις στην εργασία. Οι μισθοί μειώνονται, οι όροι εργασίας επιδεινώνονται και η εργασιακή ανασφάλεια εξαπλώνεται σε ολοένα και μεγαλύτερη μερίδα των εργαζομένων. Με την ανεργία να σταθεροποιείται σε επίπεδα ρεκόρ και την υποαπασχόληση να αυξάνεται το ερώτημα που μπαίνει είναι αν η κατάργηση της Κυριακάτικης αργίας στο λιανικό εμπορίο είναι μέρος μιας ευρύτερης διαδικασίας εμπέδωσης μιας νέας απεχθούς κανονικότητας στο εργασιακό πεδίο.

Βίντεο

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL TO THE "WRITTEN EVIDENCE" BY AHMET DJAVIT AN (2009-2010)

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com
4. VOTING OF THE ANNAN PLAN

The referenda on the Annan Plan, prepared by the UN was held on 24 April 2004. On the  G/C side 75.83% of the voters voted for “No”. Whereas on the T/C side, 64.91% voted for “Yes”. The outcome of the referandum on the T/C side was published in the Official Gazette of the TRNC, No.227, 25 April 2004 as follows:

Number of voters          : 143,639
Voters participated        : 121,162
Valid votes                    : 119,618
Rate of participation       : 84.35 %
Total number of “yes” votes: 77,702 (64.91 %)
Total number of “no” votes : 41,916 (35.09 %)

4.1. The change of percentages, in comparison with the previously held general election
       results, showed an increase for the total votes of the pro-solution parties:
                                                          14 December 2003              25 April 2004

The pro-solution parties                                 50.29 %                    64.91 %
The non-solution parties                                 49.69 %                    35.09 %


4.2. Kibris newspaper reported on 25 April 2004 that the settlers living in the certain
       suburbs of Nicosia, Famagusta and in the villages of Trikomo (Yeni Iskele) and
       Yerolakkos (Alaykoy) voted generally in favour of  “a solution and for the EU”.


4.3. EVALUATION OF THE REFERANDUM RESULTS ON THE T/C SIDE

       The Director of the Center for Research and Cyprus Studies (SOAR), Mr.Kudret Akay
        published an analysis of a survey made among 960 persons between 4 and 11 June
        2004, which was published in the Radikal newspaper of 30 July 2004. The political
        tendencies of the “yes” voters were assessed as follows: 69.7% envisaged a state of
        their own, which would be recognized internationally. 67.3 % supported the EU
        membership, 66.1% were for a separate sovereignty. 58.5% thought that the
        ownership of the properties they used would be legalized. 57.7 % thought that the
        TRNC would be a part of an internationally recognized state. Those, who thought of a
        common state with the Greek Cypriots, were 33.7% of the “yes” voters. Only 28.1%
        said that they voted “yes” in order to “reunify my homeland”.


        As for the analysis of the “no” voters, 54.3 % did not want to return the “territories
        which were made homeland”. 44% did not want to enter the EU without Turkey’s
        membership. 36.5% were against a partnership with the Greek Cypriots. 29.2% of the
        “no” voters would be affected negatively by the new property relations and 27.3 % by
        the territorial adjustments. 19.2 % thought that there would be no state of their own,
        which would be internationally recognized. It is obvious that all these answers
        indicate nationalist feelings which were related with “homeland”, “territory” and
       “Turkey”.  


4.4. THE SUPPORT OF THE USA BEFORE THE REFERANDUM

4.4.1 “A high ranking official of the US Foreign Ministry said that the USA will cooperate
         with the EU in order to get rid of the unjustly treatment of the Turkish side, if the
         G/C side says “No” to the Annan Plan and the T/C side says “Yes.” (Kibrisli,
         10.4.2004)


4.4.2 “The spokesman of the US Foreign Ministry, Richard Boucher, told in a press
         conference that in case the outcome of the referandum would be “No” in the G/C
         side and “yes” in the T/C side on 24 April 2004, Washington  would not let the
         Turkish Cypriots to stay out in the cold. He said: “We don’t want to see them being
          punished further more.” (Kibris, 16.4.2004)

4.4.3.“The special coordinator of the US Foreign Ministry Thomas Weston told in a press
          conference that it was possible in the long run to recognize the TRNC. He said that
          their main priority was to get rid of the isolations for the Turkish Cypriots in the
          short term and that they worked on a number of measures in coordination with the
          EU.” (Kibris, 29.4.2004)

4.4.4. “The special coordinator of the US Foreign Ministry Thomas Weston stated that
          they were waiting with excitement the visit of Mehmet Ali Talat to New York as a
          guest of Colin Powell, the Foreign Minister of the USA. The Prime Minister of the
          TRNC, Talat, is going to meet today the US Foreign Minister as a Prime Minister
          from the Northern Cyprus does it for the first time.” (Kibris, 4.5.2004)

4.4.5. “A high ranking official of the US Administration , who did not want to be named,
         disclosed to the Anatolian News Agency that Washington did not consider Mr. Rauf
         Denktas as the Leader of the Turkish Cypriot Community anymore. Instead, they
         accept Mehmet Ali Talat, the Prime Minister of the TRNC, as the new leader.
         Washington supports fully the representation of the TRNC in  the international
         Bodies like the IMF, World Bank, UEFA and the Organization of the Islamic
         Conference. The meeting between Powell and Talat was a part of the first steps in
         this direction. The USA is searching to find a formula to give  economic aid to the
         TRNC.” (Kibris, 6.5. 2004)


5. EARLY GENERAL PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS HELD ON 20 FEBRUARY
    2005

                Population of the TRNC        : 187,514
                Number of voters                  : 147,249
                Voters participated                : 118,912
                Valid votes                            : 129,409
                Rate of participation               :   80.76 %  


  



 Name of the political party                                 % of the votes         No. of MP’s
                Republican Turkish Party (CTP)                 44.45                     25
                National Unity Party (UBP)                         31.71                     18

                Democrat Party (DP)                                   13.49                      6
                Peace and Democracy Movement (BDH)      5.81                       1
                New Party (YP)                                            1.60                       -
                Nationalist Justice Party (MAP)                     0.52                       -

5.1. “After the results of the elections were announced, Mr. Nuri Cevikel, the
       Chairman of the New Party, complained to the press that half of the population
       of the TRNC were originating from Turkey, but there was only one MP in the
       Parliament, who originated from Turkey.” (Afrika, 23 February 2005)

5.2. “EvroDi Party of the Greek Cypriots stated that the political dynamics which
       follow the line of Ankara were successful in the T/C elections and that 90.000
       of the total 150.000 voters were settlers from Turkey.” (Fileleftheros,
       23.2.2005)

5.3. “The Turkish ambassador in Nicosia, Aydan Karahan, stated during his visit to
       the highest circulation daily Kibris newspaper that Turkey would be watching
       the early general elections in the TRNC with unbiased eyes and that there
       would be no intervention from outside.” (Kibris, 11 February 2005)

5.4. Basaran Duzgun wrote on the same day in his column:
      “The common feeling of the voters is that Turkey will interfere to the election
      campaign in the last week before the elections. As we had experienced bad
      things in the past, the civil and military persons, given the mission by Ankara,
      would be visiting especially the areas, where the Turkish settlers live in dense
      population and they would change the direction of the Turkish voters according
      to their wishes. This will affect the result of the elections. Because thousands of
      voters of Turkish origin are under the influence of Turkish civil and military
      officials. If about a 10% of the total votes would be directed as a block to a
      certain party, both the number of the MP’s and the arithmetics in the parliament
      would change. Thus one could determine which party would make a coalition
      with which other party.

      We have experienced this scenario often during the previous elections. Are we
      going to see its repetition again? Will Turkey interfere again to the elections? I
      have to state immediately that our newspaper Kibris made a sensitive research
      and we have reached to the conclusion that neither in Karpasia nor in Famagusta
      region nor in any other part of the country, there is no trace of interference to
      the elections.” (Kibris, 11 February  2005)

5.5. Another columnist of Kibris, Hasan Hasturer, wrote on 12 February 2005
       under the title “Ankara does not have even a bit of ‘worry’ about the
       elections!” the following remarks:
                      “It’s bitter to say, but it is a fact that we have experienced in all the elections
                  that I remember intervention in one form or another. Intervention was made in
                  various forms. The voters originating from Turkey were kept under a form
                  which would be easily controlled. Every kind of pressurizing message was
                  conveyed to them in a very short time. Their votes were controlled
                  professionally. For this purpose, everyone from influential politicians to retired
                  generals were used.
                  Some institutions and organizations in the TRNC were also used by
                  overreaching their aims. No one can say that these have not happened. Even it is
                  also known that resources were allocated and sent from the covered payment
                  accounts of Turkey for the elections in the TRNC.... I remind to those, who
                  forgot, that the officials used the police and forced the coffee-shops to close and
                  they cut their electricity. The newspapers and the TV channels were used many
                  times for the intervention to the elections. Forget approaching to the
                  oppositional parties equally, they behaved against them as if they were
                  “infidels”... Both the military and the Embassy were being used without any
                   cover-up in these operations. Were these pressures effective? In general, yes,
                   they were. That is why we still have bleeding wounds in our democracy,
                   because of these pressures. The pressures were successful in defeating many
                   parties. They were forced to have good relations with the centres of pressure.
                   It was a criteria not to stir them a bit during the formation of the governments
                   and the party cadres.”

5.6. There were indirect interventions also from some foreign countries in
       favour of the RTP:

                5.6.1. “The Foreign Minister of the USA Condolezza Rice left Ankara after her
                       visit. She gave an important message to the Turkish Cypriots: “We are
                       working on the possibilities of lifting the isolations on the TRNC and we
                       plan to take some steps in this direction.” (Halkin Sesi, 7.2.2005)

                5.6.2. “10 Turkish Cypriot Bank Officials visited the USA within the CYPEG
                      program which was established for the lessening of the isolations of the
                      Turkish Cypriots.” (Halkin Sesi, 10.2.2005)
            

            5.6.3. “US President George W.Bush allocated 20 million dollars in the 2006
                       Budget in order to support the peace process in Cyprus.” (Kibris,
                       10.2.2005)

                5.6.4. “The US Ambassador Michael Klosson gave information at the TRNC
                       Office of his Embassy about the CYPEG programme which will distribute
                       30.5  million dollars for the development of the T/C economy.” (Kibris,

                       12.2.2005)

5.6.5. “Richard Boucher, the spokesman of the US Foreign Ministry said that the
          visit of the Turkish representatives of the 12 American companies to the
          TRNC for investment possibilities was a try to get rid of the isolation of the
          T/C.” (Kibris, 20.2.2005)


               

5.6.6. “The visit of Mehmet Ali Talat, the Prime Minister of the TRNC to Mr.Jose
                      Manuel Durao Barosso, the President of the EU Commission and to the
                      Foreign Minister of the USA. (Volkan, 10.2.2005)

5.6.7. “The visit of Baroness Sarah Ludford, member of the Liberal Group of the
          European Parliament to the TRNC. (Kibris, 5.2.2005)

5.6.8. “Visit of the Vice-Chairpersons of the Socialist Group of the European
           Parliament, Jam Marinus Wiersma and Hannes Swoboda, with the
           members, Mechtild Roth and Panagiotis Beglitis. (Kibris, 6.2.2005)

                5.6.9. US Foreign Minister congratulates Talat
                      “The Foreign Minister of the US Condolezza Rice congratulated Mehmet
                      Ali Talat, the Prime Minister and the Chairman of the RTP, on the occasion
                      of his success in the General Elections. She said that the US will continue to
                      make further steps for lifting the isolation on the North.” (Kibris, 19.3.2005)


6. RESULTS OF THE TRNC PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 17
               APRIL 2005

Name of the candidate          % of the votes
1. Mehmet Ali Talat                55.60

2. Dr.Dervis Eroglu                 22.73
3. Dr.Mustafa Arabacioglu      13.22
4. Nuri Cevikel                         4.79
5. Zeki Besiktepeli                    1.72
6. Huseyin Angolemli                1.05
7. Zehra Cengiz                        0.44
8. Arif Salih Kirdag                  0.30
9. Ayhan Kaymak                    0.17
               

Number of registered voters    : 147,823
Participated voters                  : 102,853
Participation rate                     : 69.58 %

6. 1. “The outgoing President of the TRNC, Rauf Denktas, made his comment
         about the Presidential Elections: “If Mr.Talat will comply with his promise
         that he would be above the political parties and he would embrace all of
         them, we shall support him. His aim was to get 65% of the votes, but he
         could get 55%. This a bit of a learner’s mistake... We would prefer
         Mr.Erdogan, the Prime Minister of Turkey, not to put his weight with his
         statement in favour of Mr.Talat for the period after 17 April.” (Kibris, 18
        April 2005)

6.2. The votes of the settlers were influential
        “The balance was affected by the settlers’ votes in favour of Talat in the
         regions of Trikomo (Yeni Iskele) with 44% and in Famagusta 54.39%. This
         indicates that with the influence of the AKP (Justice and Development Party

         of Turkey) the votes of the settlers were diverted to the candidate of the

         RTP... The participation rate dropped 12% in comparison to the last

         elections. This mass is supposed to be the voters of the UBP and DP, who
         reacted to the foreign interventions of the AKP and the foreign powers that
         imposed Talat. ” (Sabahattin Ismail, Editorial of the Volkan daily, 18.4.2005)

6.3. “According to a survey made by Mete Hatay for the Peace Research Institute
       of Oslo (PRIO), there are 28 villages most of them in the districts of Trikomo
       (Iskele) and Famagusta and also in other districts, where all the inhabitants are
       settlers from Turkey. They have a total of 8,162 voters. 5,652 of them went to
       the pools in the recent Presidential Elections. 32% of them voted for Talat. 26
       % voted for Nuri Cevikel, a candidate of settler origin himself, aiming
       especially at the settlers’ votes. Of course, there are a lot of voters of Turkish
       origin almost in every village and district . But it seems that their number does
       not go beyond 20 to 25 thousand among the total 147,823 voters. It means that
       the votes of the Turkish Cypriots are still the “elective” ones.” (Yeni Duzen,
       3.5.2005)

6.4. “If you do not call this intervention, so what is it?” was the title of Dr.Erhan
       Arikli in Volkan, 12.4.2005. The columnist referred to the visits to the TRNC
       by Mr.Lajendik, the president of the Turkish-EU Common Parliamentary
       Commission and Mr.Baykal, the chairman of the Republican People’s Party
      (CHP) of Turkey before the Presidential Elections.”


7. The change in the total number of voters since 2000:


Date       General Elections
                               2003           141,596
                               2004           143,639 (Referandum)
                               2005           147,249 (Presidential Elections)    

(2006         178,031 Census)
                               2009           161,373


7.1. The unreliable statistics from the officials

       During the discussion of the Budget of his Ministry, Ozkan Murat, the
       Minister of Interior, told that there were 178,000 (TRNC) citizens in the
       TRNC. 40,000 foreigners are working. There are 7,000 children of the
       (Turkish) workers. The de facto population was 265,000 and the de jure
       population was 258.000. (Kibris, 20.12.2008)

7.2. “State News Agency of the TRNC, TAK, published in its bulletin of 13 March
       2009 that 198,006 voters would be eligible to vote in the general elections to
        be held on 19 April. All the Turkish Cypriot daily newspapers wrote on 14
        March 2009 that the number of the voters, who would be able to vote in 6
        districts of the TRNC was 198, 006.  


                7.3. On 22 March, Kibris Newspaper put this number of voters to the cover of its

                  “Election Supplement”, which prompted a statement by the Election Supreme
                  Board. The Board said in its announcement No.18 that the population of the
                  citizens in each district were given mistakenly as the number of the voters in
                  each district. The number of the eligible voters would be corrected as 159,906.
                  198.006 was the estimated total population of the TRNC. (Kibris, 23.3.2009)


7.4. On 30 March 2009, the number of the voters was declared as 161,373 in the
       announcement No.23 of the Election Supreme Board. It was said that this was
       the final number after the rejections and the corrections were assessed. (Kibris,
       31.3.2009)

7.5. An estimate about the number of the original Turkish Cypriots

       On 9 March 2009, Afrika newspaper announced that according to the
       information the newspaper gathered, the number of the original Turkish
       Cypriots was 62,500, i.e. one third of the total number of the voters of the
       approximately 180,000 voters. About  47,000 Turkish citizens were waiting to
       get the citizenship of the TRNC after the elections, the newspaper added.
       Writing in the same newspaper, the columnist Turgut Afsaroglu estimated that
       there were 173.000 voters, out of which 63.000 were of Cypriot and the
       remaining of Turkish origin. He also gave various numbers about the
       population of the TRNC: The Prime Minister estimates 250,000 de-facto
       population. President Talat says minimum 500,000. Some others think of
       a minimum 700-800.000.



8. EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 19 APRIL 2009

Number of voters           : 161,373
Voters participated        : 131,178
Rate of participation      :  81.29 %  



Name of the political party         % of the votes    No.of MP’s
National Unity Party (UBP)               44.04                    26
Republican Turkish Party (CTP)        29.26                    15
Democrat Party (DP)                        10.65                      5
Communal Democracy Party (TDP)    6.87                      2
Freedom and Reform Party (ORP)      6.21                      2


For the 50 seats in the Parliament, there were 356 candidates from 7 parties
and 8 independents. The total  number of the candidates, who originated
from Turkey was 71. (Afrika, 23.3.2009)  Only three of them could be
elected from Yeni Iskele (Trikomo) district, which is densely populated with
the settlers: DP (Ejder Aslanbaba from Adana), ORP (Mustafa Gokmen
from Trabzon) UBP(Ahmet Zengin from Caykar-Uzungol/Blacksea).

4 women were elected as MP’s (2 UBP and 2 CTP-BG). Out of 50
Parliamentarians, 17 are medical doctors, one less than the previous
Parliament. (Volkan, 21.4.2009) 


8.2. Intervention to the general elections
        The CTP government forced the owner of the highest circulation Kibris

        newspaper to take away its editor, Resat Akar, for three weeks before the
        elections, because the Kibris newspaper was criticizing the government and it
        published a public opinion pool, which showed that the CTP’s popular support
        fell from 45% to 28%. On 12 March 2009, the CTP government asked for the
        payment of 9 million TL tax from the previous years between 2002 and 2009 in 24 hours.
        Oddly enough, the Kibris newspaper was awarded by the same government
        together with other companies as tax-champion five months ago. The problem
        was settled later by paying 4 million TL as the first installment immediately and
        by using milder language against the government’s policies. (see for the details
        Kibris, 13.3.2009 and Havadis, 30.3.2009)

8.3. Kadir Toptas, the metropolitan mayor of Istanbul, sent a specially decorated
        election bus of the AK Party, plate Number 34 FFG 01 to the ORP Party of
        Turgay Avci. (Havadis, 9.4.2009)   


8.4. Under the title “Full supported Turkish intervention to the elections in the
        TRNC”, Kartal Harman wrote in Kibrisli newspaper on 10 March 2009:

        “ORP was formed as an alternative to the DP since there was a rift between
         the AKP government in Turkey and Denktas and his son’s party DP, which
         dissolved its coalition government with the CTP. At this point, the
         intervention to the internal politics of the TRNC was at its climax. One felt
         increasingly and speedily the intervention of the AKP and almost all the
         leaders of the AKP participated at the congress of the ORP, giving the message
         that the AKP is standing by the ORP. Likewise the deputy Chairperson of the
         Democratic Left Party (DSP), Melda Bayer, participated at the congress of the
         DP, which was held last Sunday. All they do is nothing, but to influence the
         Turkish settlers. The existing great potential will be exploited in order to
         influence especially the right wing with their competition of serious maneuvers.
         Therefore the representatives of the parties of Turkish Republic started to
         interfere the internal politics of the TRNC. As one can understand here, the
         fate of the elections will not be determined by the Turkish Cypriots, but by the
         citizens, originating from Turkey, who came at various times to the island.”


8.5. Afrika wrote on 13 March 2009 in the column “Letter from Afrika” the
        following:
                   “Look around. You will see that the deputies from the AKP and their election
                   specialists are participating at the election campaign of a party by visiting each
                   and every village. Is this not an intervention? Veysi Kaynak, Kahramanmaras
                   Mp of the AKP is among us. On Thursday Egemen Bagis will be coming.
                   Is he not the god of the intervention? Why do they speak of the intervention in
                   1998? Don’t you see this log in your eyes?”


8.6. “The Second Indictment of the Ergenekon Case was introduced to the Court in
                  Turkey yesterday. According to this Indictment (Page 437), The Chairman of
                  the Turkish Metal Trade Union, Mustafa Ozbek, was made TRNC citizen in
                  2003 with the order of Rauf Denktas, who was then the President of the
                  TRNC. In the same period Yalcin Taner brought many persons to Cyprus in
                  order to interfere to the elections and with this support Dervis Eroglu won the
                  elections.” (Havadis, 26 March 2009)
                       It was also disclosed way back in March 2007 by the Nokta magazine that
                  the Commander of the Turkish Marine, Vice-Admiral Ozden Ornek wrote in
                  his daily journal that the Turkish generals had planned two military putches
                  under code names “Sarikiz” (Yellow Girl) and “Ay Isigi” (Moonlight) in 2004
                  during the days of the Annan Plan to be voted in Cyprus. The  putches were
                  organized by the Ergenekon organization in order to topple the Erdogan
                  government, which supported the Annan Plan and the coupists were stopped
                  by Hilmi Ozkok, who was then the Chief of Staff.


8.7. Among the evidence files of the Ergenekon Case in Turkey, there was a report
                  submitted to Mr.Dervis Eroglu. The report was signed by the “Supreme  Council”
                  and was prepared by the “Western Study Group” and was found in the
                  house of Mustafa Ozbek, who was arrested. (Mr.Ozbek, who was the leader of
                  the nationalist Turkish Metal Trade Union of Turkey, was given the TRNC
                  citizenship and he established a TV station in the TRNC broadcasting via
                  satellite also to Turkey.) The report was published in the Havadis newspaper on
                  8 April 2009 and it referred to the intervention from Turkey to the general
                  elections of 6 December 1998: “Urgently”17.5 million TL were sent through
                  Mr.Ozbek and the money was distributed two days ago before the elections. A
                  further one million dollars from the “covered budget” were brought to the
                  TRNC in order to get rid of certain candidates and to support others as future
                  MP’s. The aim was to secure 24 deputies for Mr.Eroglu’s party. There were
                  plans that Eroglu would be supported against Rauf Denktas in the Presidential
                  Elections of 2000. (Havadis, 8 April, 2009)

8.8. The Vice-Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Vakiflar Bank, Ahmet
                   Keskin, told in a news conference that there were problems of getting the re-
                   payment of the credits, which amount 131 million out of the total 300 trillion
                   TL, distributed in the period between 2005 and 2006. He said that the debts
                   overtaken from the Akdeniz Garanti Bank were not dealt with and the files
                   were waiting on the shelves. Keskin accused also the governing CTP that 500
                   persons received credits for small enterprizes short before the general elections
                   as “election bribe”, which amount already 8 trillion TL. (Kibris, 15.4.2009)

8.9. Rauf  Denktas explained the reason why there was a boom for the UBP votes:
                  “The UBP bought votes. During the day, the participation rate was 60%,
                   but suddenly in the afternoon it increased to 80%. Unfortunately those who
                   got their money, ran to the pools” (Kibris, 20.4.2009)

8.10. “Serdar Denktas, the Chairman of the DP told in a radio program, broadcast
                     by SIM-FM that they too bought votes as every political party does. There
                     are persons now, who for one head, they bargain with you, starting from 300
                     to 100 liras. We bought too, but our possibilities were less and we bought
                     within that framework. It is in the hands of ours, the politicians, to take
                     measures against those demands... This we lived in the last two hours of the
                     voting when the people arrived from their picnics. No party should deny this.
                     I can proove it in front of them.” (Yeni Duzen, 23.4.2009)

8.11. Market for Votes was established. The will of the people was bought.
                    Democracy was killed. People’s will was bought by a rate of 25-30%. Is this
                    not a reason to cancel the elections? We invite the Supreme Election Council
                    to do its duty. (Headline of the Kibrisli, 24.4.2009)


9. Further meddling of Turkey into the internal politics of the Turkish Cypriots
9.1. The political activities of Ahmet Yonluer:
Ahmet Yonluer, a close friend of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan for 15 years, was appointed as the Head of the Religious Affairs Department on 6 July 2005. He was previously Undersecretary of the Ministry of Health and Social Aid and was appointed in October 2004 as an adviser for Islamic countries in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs.


9.1.1 Kibris newspaper reported on 18 September 2006 that former President of the TRNC, Rauf Denktas spoke in Istanbul during a conference organized by the Workers’ Party. Denktas said: “An operation was done in Cyprus and we call this as “Muftu Operation”. Muftu made this operation by using the name of Prime Minister Erdogan his religious influence. Through this way, the Democratic Party, which was very cautious about concessions, was sent away from the coalition government.”
Denktas told that it was a mistake of Turkey to accept the Annan Plan and Turkey opened the door for many concessions. We think that concessions will be made with the new government. There is only one way to stop this. Erdogan should say this: “Muftu is not my man. He cannot use my name. I am not involved in this operation.” We wait from him to say this in the name of justice and fairness. 

Denktas alleged that the Turkish Cypriots were deceived by letting them say “yes” to the Annan Plan and they continue to live its consequences and it was the duty of everyone to stop them being deceived for the second time.

9.2. Formation of the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP)
The AKP intervened to the internal politics of the TRNC, which ended the coalition government between the CTP-BG and DP. For this purpose, the resignation of some Deputies from the UBP and the DP was organized and the coalition government of the CTP-BG with the DP came to an end. In this way, Serdar Denktas and his party DP were sent out of power.

The Freedom and Reform Party (Ozgurluk ve Reform Partisi) was founded on 15 September 2006 by the former members of the National Unity Party and the Democratic Party. The Chairman of the ORP, Turgay Avci, was the Secretary-General of the UBP and resigned on 7th September with three other members of the UBP (the two deputies E.Serdaroglu and E.Sanlidag and the mp Secretary-General of the UBP, Enver Ozturk). Another mp from the Democratic Party (Mustafa Gokmen) resigned from his party in order to become one of the founders of the ORP. 

The chairman of the ORP was appointed as the Mp Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the CTP-BG and ORP Coalition Government, formed on 25 September 2006. The ORP had two other ministries. Enver Ozturk, who was the mp Secretary General of the UBP was appointed as the Minister of Economy and Tourism. Asim Vehbi was appointed as the Minister of Environment and Natural Resources, to be replaced by Mustafa Gokmen in March 2008. The coalition government lasted until 5 May 2009.

Now the ORP has two Deputies in the Parliament (Turgay Avci, Mustafa Gokmen).

The ORP supported Mehmet Ali Talat in the Presidential Election of 18 April 2010, which caused the resignation of some party members, among them some candidates for the parliamentary elections.


9.2.1. UBP Nicosia Mp, Tahsin Ertugruloglu, told: “The CTP was recently in some activities in order to get rid of its coalition partner DP and to establish a new organization or to support a group, which will obey and stay in its orbit. These activities reached to a point where mp markets were set up.” (Volkan, 9.9.2006)

9.2.2. UBP Famagusta Mp, Ahmet Kasif told: “Ahmet Yonluer phoned me in August when he was in my home in Adana and asked me to resign from the UBP and establish a new party, to be the chairman and to make coalition with the CTP. Yonluer was in Istanbul then. He could get me from Adana to Istanbul in a few hours with a private airplane to Istanbul. Three years in coalition. No problem. Everything will be provided, material and spiritual. (Volkan, 14.9.2006)


9.2.3. DP Chairman Serdar Denktas told to the columnist Fatih Cekirge of Hurriyet newspaper that 600 thousand dollars bribe was proposed to a DP MP so that he would resign… I shall ask for an app. from the Turkish Prime Minister and ask his opinion after telling him these allegations.
Serdar Denktas gave another statement to the Milliyet newspaper: “AKP MP-Chairman Saban Disli played a role in the transfer of deputies from my party and the UBP in order to establish the ORP. For the first time, religion and politics came together in Cyprus and after the coalition government was broken, the military phoned me, but no one from the AKP government. (Volkan, 19.9.2006)

9.2.4. Vakit newspaper’s main title: “Save Cyprus from Denktas’es.” Zaman newspaper wrote: “Serdar Denktas said that Ahmet Yonluer proposed 600 thousand dollars in order to destroy the government. Yonluer, who used to be Serdar’s adviser for Islamic countries, responded to this allegation as follows: “It is easy to accuse. I can also say that Serdar Denktas embezzled trillions liras when he was in power. Can I prove it? If he has documents about me, he should disclose them. Rauf Denktas and Serdar Denktas want to weaken the AKP in Turkey by using my name. Since Erdogan was elected as the Prime Minister, Rauf Denktas could not digest it. As a proof of this, he cooperated with the marginal groups like the Workers’ Party, since Erdogan came to power. He participated at meetings and conferences, which were against the AKP. Now he uses my name and tries to shoot the AKP and the government. Their main aim is to weaken Erdogan.” (Kibrisli, 20.9.2006)

9.2.5 ANAP Mersin MP, Huseyin Guler, asked in the Grand Assembly of Turkey a question to be answered by the Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan: “Did Saban Disli, Vice-Chairman of the AKP and Foreign Relations Secretary meddled in the politics in the TRNC? If this is true, what was the reason?” (Kibris, 21.9.2006)

9.2.6. President of the TRNC, Mehmet Ali Talat gave a statement to Milliyet newspaper about the AKP’s coup in the TRNC. Talat said: “If the AKP meddled here in one way or another, this has been done or not. If someone from here asked for advice from Turkey, this is not meddling. If this happened, it is natural that I do not know how. (Kibrisli, 25.9.2006)

9.2.7. Ahmet Yonluer, a close friend of the Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is being accused of having an influential role in the government crisis in the TRNC and in the resignation of some deputies. Yonluer has made a place in the agenda of the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot press  for a long time. Yonluer also directed strong criticism to father Rauf Denktas and his son Serdar Denktas.  Serdar Denktas told that Yonluer made indecent proposal to one of the DP deputies with 600 thousand dollars, to another one 400 thousand dollars and a post of a ministry.

Muftu Yonluer denied these as lies and said completely opposite: “ Many deputies who wanted to become minister or party leader, passed through my room. They knew that I was close to the AKP and the Prime Minister Erdogan in Turkey. They were persons who asked for help from me.

Father Denktas is very much angry. Because after him, his son also left the power and lost his armchair. They have been asking for help from me for a long time. Now that they lost the armchair, I became a bad man. They indicate me as a target everywhere. My family is very much embarrassed and has concerns. But I declare from here that if my nose bleeds, my head wounds, they have to see father Denktas as responsible. (Dialog weekly, 29.9.2006)

9.2.8. Prime Minister Ferdi Sabir Soyer spoke in the Parliament: “When President Talat was talking with Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan, Talat said that the Prime Minister of the TRNC could not find someone to appoint as Muftu. Erdogan told Talat: “If you think of  appointing Ahmet Yonluer, don’t do. Because he is a friend of mine since 15 years. There can be serious speculations.” Talat told this to me. Serdar came and insisted. Then we appointed Ahmet Yonluer after his proposal. I had to disclose this as my responsibility to my conscience.” (Kibrisli, 5.10.2006)

9.2.9. Kibris newspaper reported on 20.12.2006 that the independent deputy Erden Ozaskin, who resigned on 24 July 2006 from his party, entered the ORP. Now the ORP, the small partner of the coalition government has 4 seats in the parliament and the bigger partner CTP-BG has 25 deputies.


POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF THE EX-MUFTU, AHMET YONLUER

9.3. On 14 August 2007 Ahmet Yonluer gave his resignation to Prime Minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer.  He said that he would now be in a position to answer the attacks to his personality. He continued: “The dimension of these attacks made it necessary that I, as Ahmet Yonluer, should take a more influential role in the political life of the Turkish Cypriots.” (Volkan, 15.8.2007)

9.3.1. Turkish daily HURRIYET newspaper wrote on 15.8.2007 that the Head of the Religious Affairs Department in the TRNC, Ahmet Yonluer, who played an active role so that the coalition government of Republican Turkish Party – Freedom and Reform Party (CTP-OP) to come into power, has resigned from his post in order to engage in politics.   According to the paper, Ahmet Yonluer who is close to the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has resigned from his post due to accusations directed against him regarding his post. In a written statement issued regarding his resignation, Mr. Yonluer stated that he has decided to leave his duty as Head of the Religious Affairs Department of the Turkish Cypriots in order the institution, which is one of the most pre-eminent bodies for the Turkish Cypriots, not to loose its influence and for him to be able to react strongly towards the accusations against him. He went on and said that these accusations made his entry into politics inevitable.

9.3.2. Ahmet Yonluer, who resigned from his post as the Head of the Religious Affairs Department, gave a statement to Halkin Sesi: “I entered into politics in the name of  our citizens from Turkey, who are humiliated and I want to embrace them. We are coming not with words, but for real equality. We put our head for this road in order to bring the understanding of service to our country where our citizens were neglected and opposed by the previous administrations, without discriminating them from our Turkish Cypriot citizens. Commenting on the news that he would become the secretary-general of the ODP, Yonluer said that “if he would do politics in the ORP, I shall do whatever task I would be given. We do not choose. We only want to secure the people… The elections were made in Turkey. The AKP won a victory. The UBP and the DP were not satisfied with this. If the AKP would lose, these two parties would make celebrations with a convoy. (Halkin Sesi, 17.8.2007)

9.3.3. Yonluer gave a statement to the weekly Dialog newspaper:

“Question: Why did you wait the results of the elections in Turkey in order to resign?

Answer: If  I would resign before the elections, they would say “He resigned because the AKP would lose.” I did not want to give them this chance, therefore I waited. I am very happy that I resigned after the big victory of the AKP and Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
There are ten thousands of persons, who became citizens and the percentage of the citizens with Turkish origin who are voters in the elections, has reached to 40%. They have given to these people the posts of nurse or police. There is only one MP with the Turkish origin in the parliament. I am against this. I do not want to make discrimination between the Cypriots and the Turks, but I want that these people should be given the right of representation both in the parliament, cabinet and in the public services. I shall start a campaign in this direction.”
(Dialog, 17.8.2007)

9.3.4. The ex-Muftu of the Turkish Cypriots gave a statement to the Greek Cypriot newspaper Alithia and said that he aimed at bringing all the right persons together like Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made. He said that he is following his footsteps (Kibris, 27.8.2007)

9.3.5. The UBP Secretary-General Nazim Cavusoglu published a statement on the first anniversary of the 8th September- The Black Day when our democracy was stabbed. He referred to the founders of the ORP, Enver Ozturk and Turgay Avci, who met the CTP Secretary-General Omer Kalyoncu and the CTP Nicosia Deputy Ahmet Barcin, in the house of Enver Ozturk one year ago. This picture was already published and the event was named officially as political indecency. (Volkan, 8.9.2007)


9.3.6. Under the title “The first step to politics by Yonluer”, Turkish Cypriot daily Halkin Sesi newspaper reported on 14.9.2007 in its first page that a new political movement with the name “Movement for Politics for the People” was established officially. The former Mufti, who acts as the spokesman of the new political movement, Mr Ahmet Yonluer, stated, inter alia, that the aim of the new movement is to unite the Turkish Cypriots under a new political formation which would also promote Turkish Cypriots’ religious identity as well as their political character. Noting that there is discrimination between the Turkish Cypriots and the Turks from Turkey in the country and that the problem is not solved by denying its existence, Yonluer argued that this problem will be solved with the Muslim Turkish Cypriot identity.  Mr Yonluer also said that the new party has no connection with any other political party, neither the Turkish Cypriot “Freedom and Reform Party”, nor the ruling “Justice and Development Party” in Turkey. 
 
9.3.7. Ahmet Yonluer established the Movement for Politics for the People yesterday…. Yonluer said that a scientific poll gave the result that almost 50% of the people did not trust the politicians in the TRNC. Cyprus problem will be solved with the Moslem identity of the Turkish Cypriots. Yonluer stated that he learned from the similar scientific studies of the AKP and take it as an example. He added that the Movement does not have direct contact with the AKP. (Kibris, 14.9.2007)

9.3.8. Ahmet Yonluer told in a programme of the Kanal T that he is going to Ankara on Monday. The list is ready… They told me to bring together clean and decent persons in Cyprus. Then we can give you the necessary support and I made a list of those people, who support our Movement.  (Kibrisli, 16.9.2007)

9.3.9. Columnist Aydin Akkurt wrote in Volkan on 26.9.2007 the following:
“Yonluer was already making politics when he was in his office. We remember very well how he was involved in the resignation of some UBP and DP deputies and in the formation of the ORP.

After he resigned, we heard that he would enter the ORP and even become its secretary-general. Later he started a new organization, named “Politics for the People” (HIS).

There were allegations that HIS was a branch of the ORP and one day it will merge with the ORP. According to those, who alleged this, HIS was formed in order to secure popular basis for the ORP.

We have to look at Yonluer’s attitude and position. According to his statements, he tries to establish a party, based on the discrimination between the Turks and Cypriots. He is also in close contact with the ex-Chairman of the YDP, Orhan Ucok and the ex-minister Hasan Yumuk.

He attacks also the ORP. But why? Is there a new complot, being prepared by HIS?”


9.3.10. Under the title “Ertugruloglu is following directions” Turkish Cypriot daily newspaper Afrika reported on 4.10.2007 in its first page that officials from the National Unity Party (UBP) who do not seem to be able to succeed in applying the boycott of the assembly’s sessions, started some time ago, they went again to Ankara yesterday and met with Egemen Bagis, who is the member of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Responsible of Foreign Relations. Ertugruloglu and UBP’s general secretary Nazim Cavusoglu will make statements about their contacts in Ankara after their return to occupied Cyprus.  Afrika wrote that this is the most difficult time in its history for UBP which is suffering loses. The paper wrote that the split within the party is growing bigger.


9.3.11. Ahmet Yonluer gave the following statement yesterday: “After our movement matures to a certain extend, we think of forming a party. The infra-structure is being prepared by expert teams... There is only one deputy in the 50-seats-parliament, who came after 1974 as a citizen from Turkey. We put the picture to the front. Unfortunately there is such a picture in the country, either we accept it or not. (Kibris, 4.10.2007)

9.3.12.Turkish Cypriot daily Kibris newspaper wrote on 18.10.2007 that Ahmet Yonluer went to Ankara in order to have various contacts with Turkish politicians and to inform them about his political movement. Mr Yonluer will meet with the chairman of the Republican People’s Party Deniz Baykal, the MP of the Justice and Development Movement (AKP) and former Speaker of the Turkish Assembly Bulent Arinc and the chairman of the Nationalist Action Party Devlet Bahceli. Mr Yonluer has already held contacts with various ministers of the AKR government.

9.3.13. Turkish Cypriot daily Volkan newspaper  reported on 18.10.2007 in its first page that it was learned that the Responsible for Political Affairs of the US Embassy, Chris Pancio, visited the Culture and Solidarity Association of Persons from Hatay (Allexandretta) on the 3rd and 4th of October together with his own translator. During the first visit Mr Pancio was accompanied by the chairman of the Politics for the People Movement (HIS) Ahmet Yonluer and on the second visit by two other members of the HIS. On Pancio’s first visit with Yonluer to the Association, a meeting was arranged with the members of the executive committee of the association.  At the meeting Mr Yonluer gave information about HIS and Pancio is quoted to have said the following to the members of the executive committee who attended the meeting: “I want you to support the Politics for the People Movement (HIS) and to work towards this direction. If you support the HIS Movement, we, as US Embassy, we will support projects that will develop your association and we will give every kind of help from the material point of view”.

Referring to the issue, from the column “Letter from Volkan” columnist Aydin Akkurt, wrote on the same day, inter alia, that it is not yet known whether the US Embassy helped towards the establishment of HIS movement; however, HIS chairman Ahmet Yonluer is getting ready to transform the Movement into a party and he is not alone in this effort. The columnist went on and wrote the following: “What is the connection between Yonluer and HIS movement with the Responsible for Political Affairs of the US Embassy, Chris Pancio? What are the expectations of the USA from the HIS Movement?  Why does USA support this movement?”

9.3.14. Turkish Cypriot daily Volkan newspaper reported on 19.10.2007 that the news reported one day ago by the paper, that the US Embassy Official in Lefkosia, Chris Pancio, Responsible for Political Affairs (as written by the paper), visited the Culture and Solidarity Association of People coming from Hatay, were confirmed.

Abdullah Atlar, the chairman of the Association, pointing out that Mr Pancio visited the Association, revealed the details of the conversation took place between Mr Pancio at the Association members. Atlar said that he told Mr Pancio, who was giving emphasis to the “differences between (Turkish) Cypriots and Turkish (settlers)”, that there is no difference between them. “The Turks wherever they live they are Turks and the Turkish Cypriot people are one integral entity”, he said.

Mr Atlar also said that Mr Pancio was asking insistently about the number of the members of the Association. Mr Atlar told Mr Pancio that the Culture and Solidarity Association is one of the biggest non-governmental organizations in the TRNC. He also told him that regarding the Cyprus problem they support the active and de facto guarantee of Turkey for a just and lasting solution. He also said that the Turkish Cypriot people was deceived at the referendum and the promises made to them were not kept.   Pancio also wanted to know how the Association evaluates all the political parties in occupied Cyprus with the Politics for the People Movement (HIS). Mr Pancio made some evaluations himself as well.  Mr Atlar told Mr Pancio the Turkish Armed Forces and Security Forces Commandership is a safeguard for the Turkish Cypriot people to live in safety and peace.

9.3.15. After 5 months, the HIS Party was established last Friday (14 December 2007) with 64 founders  and made a press conference yesterday in the City Royal Hotel. 

9.3.16. Afrika wrote on 26.11.2007 under the title “Comment of the Day” that those with Turkish origin are being transferred to ORP. The prominent persons of the other parties too. On the same day Kibrisli reported that before the ORP congress, two mayors entered the ORP.

9.4. FIRST CONGRESS OF THE ORP:

On 25.11.07 Turgay Avci has been re-elected as the leader of the Freedom and Reform Party. With no other candidate for the post, the ORP leader, Deputy Prime Minister-Foreign Minister Turgay Avci was automatically re-elected as the leader of the ORP.

Addressing the party’s first general congress meeting yesterday, Avci said that his party had been established just over a year ago by 4 people who had risked their political careers’. The message of the Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan was read by Egemen Bagis, who represented the AKP. He is the(19.10.07)  Deputy Chairman of the AKP and an MP of the AKP from Istanbul. Among other guests from Turkey were Mevlut Cavusoglu, who is deputy chairman of the Foreign Relations of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and an MP of the AKP from Antalya and Menderes Turel, Mayor of the Antalya Metropolitan Municipality and some other ex-ministers and Deputies. (Kibris, 26.11.2007)

9.4.1.  Referring on the same issue, Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika newspaper  reported on 26.11.2007 under banner headlines ‘Ankara has found its party” and referred to the Freedom and Reform Party’s (ORP) Annual Congress and said that “the crushing majority of the members of the ORP are citizens of the Republic of Turkey. The ORP with the active support of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has become the leader of the rightist front. It is expected that with the first elections several citizens of the Republic of Turkey will be elected deputies and will take their seats at the Assembly. During the last elections, since there was no alternative, the AKP had supported and channelled the Turkish votes to the RTP. This time the AKP is getting ready to use all its support for the ORP. Ankara considers ORP as the party which will be able to accommodate both the Turkish Cypriots and the Turks together. The ORP in 14 months opened 234 party regional offices. They say that it is being financed by circles close to AKP”.

9.4.2. Referring to the same issue, Turkish Cypriot daily Sozcu newspaper reported on 26.11.2007 on the ORP’s congress under banner headlines: “This is not a Bank’s credit Card” and says that the Italian Parliamentarian Maurizio Turco, who was invited to the congress by the ORP leader Turgay Avci, addressing the congress took out from his pocket the so-called Identity Card of the “TRNC” and branding it to the audience and referring to the Archbishop Chrysostomos II said: “This not a bank’s credit card but the TRNC ID card with which I am proud. He urged the Archbishop to act as a religious man and not as politician during his visits in Europe and if he continues to act like politician they will receive him as politician and not a religious man. He also said that they will invite Mr. Turgay Avci to the European Parliament, not as a citizen but as the “Foreign Minister of the TRNC.”

9.4.3. Under the title “UBP (National Unity Party) -ORP (Freedom and Reform Party) Coalition?” Turkish Cypriot daily Kibrisli newspaper reported on 25.11.2007 that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey, is working on a new scenario aiming to take the Republican Turkish Party of Mehmet Ali Talat away from the “government”. The paper wrote that after AKR established the ORP in order to put in the sidelines the Democratic Party of Serdar Denktas, now is taking the second step in order to change the political balance in occupied Cyprus. According to the paper, AKR wants to get rid of CTP so that a new political coalition may be formed between the UBP and the ORP. Invoking sources, the paper writes that this development came after pressure put to AKP from some nationalist circles in Ankara which did not digest the fact that CTP is in power.

9.4.4. Columnist Necmettin Capa wrote in Afrika on 3.12.2007 the following:
                “For the people who participated at the ORP congress, the ORP paid the children 10 YTL, youth 25-30 YTL, adults 50 YTL. It the congress lasts long 50 + meal + transport. How the associations of the persons from Turkey are benefiting from this, no one knows. But they get very high numbers and job opportunities from the state departments are for sure. What is important is that 2000 persons were filled in the Ataturk Sports Hall and they make a show off. It is a scandal. Egemen Bagis, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign relations Secretary of the AKP saw this crowd. It is enough.” 


9.4.5. Turkish Cypriot daily Kibrisli newspaper reported in its first page on 3.12.2007 that Mehmet Cakici, the chairman of the Communal Democracy Party (TDP), described as rottenness the situation exist in the Turkish Cypriot community. As he stated either the ideologist or the sold out will win in occupied Cyprus. Mr Cakici referring to the intervention of the AKP in occupied Cyprus stated that a new political opportunist’ elite was created which markets the will of the Turkish Cypriot people. As he stated these circles are putting the country in great danger. Mr Cakici went on and stated that in this period a settling of accounts is taking place in the TRNC between the idealists and the honest and the sold out and the opportunists. As he stated, if the opportunists win, nobody knows what the outcome will be.

9.4.6. Turkish Cypriot daily Halkin Sesi newspaper  reported on 14.12.2007 that the Politics for the People Movement (HIS) of the former Head of the Religious Affairs Department, Mr Ahmet Yonluer, is becoming a party. As the paper wrote, Mr Yonluer is submitting today at the self-styled interior ministry the application and the list of the founding members of the HIS party. The party’s emblem will be a blue evil eye bead (worn to ward off the evil eye).

9.4.7. Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika newspaper reported on 18.12.2007 that the newly established Politics for the People (HIS) party introduced itself yesterday at a press conference. The founding chairman of the party, Ahmet Yonluer and other party members participated in the conference. Mr Yonluer said that the clear message they have taken during their contacts with the people was that “people do not trust the politicians any more” and that they were expecting the establishment of a new party.  Mr Yonluer reminded that HIS has 63 founding members. He argued that efforts have been exerted recently to perform politics which is only focused on Turkey and both the “government” and the opposition tried to acquire political gains from this. He said that HIS launched its efforts trusting the “TRNC people” and pointed out that the “place for the internal politics is the TRNC”.

Responding to a question, he said that he could not deny his friendly relations with the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and added that he could not neglect these relations because he has established a political party. However, he said that he believes that the internal policy is carried out with the “TRNC people” and interferences from outside should not be allowed. He said that within the next few days they will meet with officials from Turkey, in order to introduce themselves, but they will do this without taking any suggestion from anyone and without expecting any aid. Asked about their targets, Mr Yonluer argued that in spite of the fact that the conditions for carrying out a serious opposition exist in the country, these conditions have not been utilized and added that they will carry out a serious opposition until the elections, they will complete their organizational structure and prepare for the elections and make every preparation for bringing the party into power in the elections.

9.4.8. The ORP has now 5 deputies. Huseyin Avkiran Alanli, who resigned from his party three and half months ago, joined yesterday the ORP. Now the parliament seats are distributed among the parties as follows: CTP: 25, UBP: 13, DP: 6, ORP: 5, TDP: 1 (Kibris, 12.8.2008)

9.4.9. The Our Party (Bizim Parti), which was established as a political party with religious views ten years ago in 1998, merged with the ORP yesterday. The chairman of the Our Party and his friends told that they were happy to support the ORP. (Kibris, 21.11.2008) 



10. Recent Figures
10.1. The number of Turkish Cypriots and Turkish settlers in the TRNC
In our previous table of the first edition (1.9.), we gave the figures of the arriving and departing TRNC and TR and other citizens starting from 1974 until 2003. In the table below, we started from 2001 and found out the number of the incoming and outgoing citizens of the TRNC and TR. According to this calculation, at the beginning of 2004, there were 146,255 citizens of the TR and third countries, who remained in the TRNC and 44,252 TRNC citizens remained abroad.
In our news list below, which we prepared according to the data available, it shows the list of passengers arriving at and departing from the TRNC airports and seaports, by year and citizenship:
          

 incoming    outgoing     difference                      incoming               outgoing        difference
                   TR             TR        TR                                  T/C                        T/C           T/C
_____________________________________________________________________________             

2001    4,924,228   4,833,111        91,117                    2,092,729          2,138,112      -45,383      

2002       316,193       310,514         5,679                      133,317            134,083              766                 

2003       340,083       321,447       18,636                      119,682            119,583                99
2004       434,744       402,578       32,166                      134,886            135,343              457
2005      488,023        487,440            583                       152,804           152,347              457      

2006      572,633        570,533         2,100                       175,081           179,915            4,834
2007      598,529        555,193       43,336                       184,181           178,906            5,275    

2008       650,405       647,435         2,970                       200,074            199,713              361

____________________________________________________________________________   

             8,324,838    8,128,251   +196,587                   3,192,754        3,238,002         -45,248

Summary:
At the beginning of 2009, there were 45,248 TRNC citizens who stayed abroad. The number of the TR citizens, who stayed in the TRNC was 196,587 (which include some tourists on holiday, university students studying at the TRNC universities, besides the mainland Turkish settlers and workers)

10.2. Unreliable number of population and of electors
10.2.1. Afrika newspaper wrote in its “Letter from Afrika” column on 9.3.2009 that in the previous elections, the number of electors was about 163,000 and now it is rumoured that the number is about 180,000. The paper asked:

“Well, How many of them are Turkish Cypriots? Do not expect that the Supreme Election Council make any declaration about this subject. Neither the government could do it. This is a delicate matter. According to the information we received this number is 62,500. It means the one third of our total number of electors. The number of the transferred population and electors are increasing and the local population is decreasing. This number will certainly be drawn to lower numbers. What you should understand is AS FOLLOWS: The administration will be determined mainly by those voters who come from the Republic of Turkey. We have to add also that around 47,000 Turkish citizens are waiting to become TRNC citizens right after the elections. They have been already registered by the Turkish Embassy here and they are waiting their turn.”  
5.2.2. On the same day, another columnist of Afrika, Turgut Afsaroglu estimated that the number of the electors were 173.000 and only 63.000 of them were Cypriots and the rest were Turkish citizens, i.e. the Turkish Cypriots were in minority and their political will was taken away from their hands.
5.2.3. According to the G/C newspaper Politis, Christophias told that the number of the Turkish settlers increased from 250,000 to 325,000 according to the new information they had. (Kibrisli, 17.6.2010)

11. CONFLICTING NUMBER OF ELECTORS

11.1. The Supreme Election Council (YSK) declared on 13 March 2009 that the number of the electors, which will participate at the elections on 19 April 2009 were 198.006. (Kibrisli, 14.3.2009)

11.2.Turgut Afsaroglu wrote in his weekly column in Afrika on 16.3.2009 under the title “We have to take back our jasmines”:

“In the elections of 1976, our number of electors were 75,824. And our population was 113,736.

In the elections of 1990, the  number of our electors became 103,218. The total population was 154,827.

In the elections of 1998, there were 120,758 electors. Our total population increased to 181,137.

In the elections of 2005, the number of the electors was 147,823, whereas the total number of our citizens was 221,735.

It means that in the last 30 years, both our number of electors and the citizens were doubled.

God knows how much will it be in the elections of 19th April?
Let us make an estimate. Will it be 170,000 or 180,000 or 198,000?
And will the Turkish Cypriots be the majority of the minority of them?
Leave the citizens aside. There is also a de-facto population. According to Talat it is 500,000.
According to Serdar 600,000 and according to others it is 700-800,000. And the allegations are such as that after the elections, the Ankara will be pressing, so that at least 45,000 persons more should be made citizens of the TRNC.

Perhaps the population policy of this small country is determined by Ankara and either the UBP or the CTP is in power, they dictate their policies to those who come into power and they bow their necks to this for the sake of their seats....
One has to ask them: “As the 70 million population of Turkey arrive here in flocks, how can you find enough money for the employment, food, housing, school, teacher, doctor, hospital, prison for  this population?

If you divide the few hundred million dollars money that Turkey send here every year to each head, it makes less than two dollars a day. And this is not enough, neither for employment, nor for food, hospital, and prison. At this point one has to decide. Is it O.K. up to now or do we go on like this? And until where?”

11.3. On 23 March 2009, Kibris newspaper criticized the TAK news agency when it published on 22 March a new number of electors as 159,906. The editor of Kibris, Resat Akar, asked at the title of his column on that day: “To whom should we believe?”

He wrote: “The YSK announced in its statement yesterday that the number of the citizens in the TRNC are 198,000. According to the State Planning Bureau, the total population was 178,000 according to the census of 2006. This means that in the last three years, our population increased 20.000... If the government during the period of CTP gave only 60 new citizenships, where does this number of 16,680 new citizens come from? It means that there are serious mistakes here.”  


11.4. On 30 March 2009, the same Council announced in its declaration No.23 that the final number of electors were 161.373. (Kibris, 31.3.2009) 

According to these two declarations, the number of the electors and the number of the Deputies who would be elected by each district would be as follows:
                                            13 March 2009                        30 March 2009 

Nicosia                                 62,227       16                                      50,653
Famagusta                            52,795       13                                      42,325
Kyrenia                                35,990         9                                       30,428
Morphou                              25,383         6                                       21,017
Trikomo (İskele)                   21,611         6                                       16,950
  __________________________________________________________
                                            198,006       50                                    161,373  


11.5. There were 71 Turkish citizens among the 350 candidates:

7 parties with 350 candidates participated at the early general elections, held on 19 April 2009. Among the candidates 71 were Turkish citizens also. They were mainly represented in the parties of HİS and ORP.

Out of 50 candidates of the HIS, 23 were Turkish citizens. In the list of ORP, 17 were Turkish citizens. DP came in the third row with 13 candidates. The UBP had 7, TDP had 6, CTP-BG had 3 and BKP-Jasmine Movement had 2 candidates with Turkish citizenship. (Afrika, 23.3.2009)


12. MEDDLING OF THE AKP TO THE 2009 GENERAL ELECTION IN THE TRNC

12.1. “Meddling of Turkey with full support to the elections in the TRNC!” was the title of the column by Kartal Harman in Kibrisli on 10.3.2009.

He wrote that Denktas did not get directives from the AKP and he used to get support from another place in Ankara. Later the relationship between AKP and Denktas got worse and the party of Denktas’ son, DP was kept out of power with the formation of the ORP as an alternative to the DP. At that point, the meddling to the internal affairs of the TRNC was at its peak. Almost all the high ranking ORP Deputies participated at the ORP congress and the message was clear and net: The AKP is near the ORP!
                During the congress of the DP last Sunday, another leader of a Turkish party, Vice-Chairperson of the Democratic left Party (DSP) Melda Bayer participated at the DP Congress... What they do is nothing than influencing the electors from Turkey (in the TRNC).
                As you can see from this, the fate of the elections will not be determined by the Turkish Cypriots, but by the TRNC citizens, originating from the Republic of Turkey, who came to the island and settled here at one time or another. One should give attention to the following point! It was only yesterday that some persons did not know where Nicosia is and even they were asking us “Which language do you speak here?”. Nowadays they were given citizenship very easily and they were made as the people, who determine the political will of the TRNC.”


12.2. Kibris newspaper wrote on 24 March 2009 that the Chairman of the HIS party, Ahmet Yonluer reacted to the fact that the Turkish Cypriot political parties did not put in their electoral lists of the candidates who came to Cyprus after 1974 and he asked where is their sincerity. He continued:

“In the UBP list, only 7 candidates are persons who came after 1974. Moreover 3 of them cannot get elected because of their placing. Is this your understanding of equality?
Indeed, I do not get angry with the CTP, TDP and BKP, because they say sincerely in every platform that they do not want these people. But if you, like UBP, say that you do not make discrimination and you make fun of those people by making such lists, then we tell those people your real face. “


12.3. Under the title “Izcan: We do not accept the current regime”, Turkish Cypriot daily Havadis newspaper  reported on 27.3.2009 that a delegation from the United Cyprus Party (BKP) – Jasmine Movement visited yesterday Basaran Duzgun, the paper’s editor-in-chief. Mr Izcan said that nothing in the occupied areas will be put in order unless the population policy is taken under control. Mr Izan noted that they will annul the “citizenship” of all the persons who acquired this “citizenship” in a manner contrary to the international law. “This is not racism”, he added, “what we are trying to do is to put an end to the population policy which annihilates the Turkish Cypriots and make the Turkish Cypriots to have a say”.

Mr Izcan noted that the occupied northern part of Cyprus is administered by the “high coordination council”, the “embassy” of Turkey and “Turkey’s Aid Delegation”. He noted that in case the power is not transferred to the Turkish Cypriots the “governments” will be nothing more than puppets and the Turkish Cypriots, who cannot plan their economy, education, population and future, will be annihilated.

12.4. Afrika newspaper, under the title “AKP is touting for votes for Avci”, reported on 30.3.2009 that officials of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) are currently in the TRNC and try to convince those from “the Turkish Republic” who live in the occupied areas to vote for the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP). The AKP experts believe that Avci’s party can elect up to ten deputies with the votes of those from the Turkish Republic. They are trying to reduce the power of the National Unity Party (UBP) and increase the votes of the ORP, notes AFRIKA paper arguing that a coalition government between UBP and ORP will be established after the elections.

12. 5. Yeni Duzen newspaper published on 30.3.2009 an interview by the veteran Turkish Cypriot politician Mustafa Akinci, who bids farewell to politics, with journalist Cagil Gunalp. Akinci pointed out that it would be naive to even consider that the deep state of Turkey is independent from the occupied part of the Republic of Cyprus.

He noted that until the developments of 2003, the Turkish governments, the military civil bureaucracy and the deep state had always been next to former Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktas and the National Unity Party (UBP).

Mr Akinci said that the investigation in Turkey regarding the Ergenekon case will be incomplete if they don’t investigate all the unsolved crimes that occurred in the occupied areas of the Republic of Cyprus, like the murder of Kutlu Adali, the bombs at the houses of two prime ministers (Eroglu-Talat), the bombs at Afrika and Kibris papers, the bombs at the cars of Durduran and Ali Osman as well as the attempt to burn the building of the Peace and Democracy Movement (BDH).

12.6. “IT IS A HUMILIATION FOR US TO INTERVENE TO THE ELECTIONS FROM ABROAD”  This was the title of a letter, written by Ratip Gulmez from Kyrenia, published in Kibris’ in the “The word is yours” column, on 29.3.2009. The writer of the letter gave some examples of meddling in favour of the CTP during the election campaign:
                “First some names, who captured their columns in the Star, Sabah and Radikal newspapers of Turkey, explored suddenly some relationship between “Ergenekon” and Cyprus. They did not remain only with this, they also serviced their findings for the usage by their comrades in the TRNC and by the Ergenekon craftsmen in Turkey... One of them came with another name from the same group to the TRNC and taught us what the “Ergenekon” is and they returned...
Later we saw that Olli Rehn came here all of a sudden. Without any reservation and losing any time, he declared “Let’s hope that the pro-solution parties will win” and he went back. With him we saw that there was a EU dimension of the meddling to the elections.
Right after Rehn, German parliamentarian Jurgen Walter landed out territory and without being ashamed he said “if the previous people come to power, the negotiations will come to an end.”
Mrs.Rothe was the other European parliamentarian who arrived here and she was the most clear one and unaware of the public opinion. She participated directly at a festival of the CTP and openly hinted us the “CTP” and she also went back.

How could such a situation can be experienced in a European country? What took my attention was that these people who meddle from outside were asking for support only in the name of those in the government, but not for the benefit of the parties which are in the opposition. I was wondering why?...”     

17.6. It was reported in the “Letter from Afrika” column, published on 30.3.2009:
“As if they hear it for the first time that Ankara meddles. We have said it yesterday in our main title. The heavy canons of the AKP arrived here, they are among us They are visiting every village and neighbourhood and collecting votes for Turgay Avci. The other day they were in Degirmenlik (Kythrea) region and yesterday they were in Guzelyurt (Morphou). If someone has a doubt, s/he has to go and look with her/his own eyes.”
None of our parties has raised its voice to the meddling of the AKP to our elections. They fish in the sweet waters. But when they will be caught on the hook, they will be surprised.” 


18. INTERVENTION BY LOCAL MEDIA PATRONS
18.1.  Yeni Volkan newspaper (28.03.09) reports that Asil Nadir, owner of Kibris Media Group, has sent Resat Akar, whom he appointed as director of his Media Group, to compulsory leave until the end of the “elections”. Under the title “Asil has been surrendered to the green fascism”, the paper alleges that Asil Nadir has succumbed to the Republican Turkish Party (CTP), which cornered and blackmailed him because he has not paid his tax liabilities. The paper reminds that Mr Akar was appointed to his post two and a half months ago and adds that he was given three weeks compulsory leave.

18.2. “Ahmet Uzun of the CTP, Ersin Tatar of the UBP, Bengu Sonya of the DP and Rasit Pertev of the TDP were the four persons, invited to the KANAL T programme, presented by Dilek Kirci. When they entered the studio, Uzun wanted that Pertev would be sent out of the studio. He asked for the police to come. Pertev was given a short time to talk at the beginning of the programme and later he was sent away. The Patron of the KANAL T was also in the studio and he remained only silent to this scandal.” (Afrika newspaper, Letter from Afrika, 31.3.2009)

18.3. “NOW THEY WANT THE KANAL-T TO BE SILENT”
“The Chairman of the TDP (Communal Democracy Party), Mehmet Cakici, answered the questions of the Volkan correspondent as follows:

“The CTP-ORP coalition government “feeds” on one side the media, which support the government and on the other side tries to silence the persons and organizations, who do not think like themselves by oppression and threats. He gave the example of Kibris newspaper, where Asil Nadir, the owner of the KIBRIS Media Group, was forced to send the editor of his daily newspaper to holiday during the election campaign. Now Ersin Tatar, the owner of the KANAL T, is under attack by the pro-government columnists and his employees were given false promises so that they leave the TV station. (Volkan, 31 March 2009)


18.4. MEDDLING OF THE TURKISH POLITICIANS
18.4.1. According to the information we received, the preparations have started in the Karpasia region. As we were talking to some old leaders of the local UBP organizations, they told us the following:

“We have seen very well how the meddling was in the previous elections. Even the most reliable persons that we know could say “What the green plate (the colour of the diplomatic car plate of the Turkish Embassy in the TRNC) says, that will happen.” After the public opinion polls were made, everything can change in the last three days. He gave us examples.

Eroglu is an old wolf (politician). He knows his work very well. As far as we can see, he took the delivery of the media and many businessmen. If he goes like this, he can get in power all alone, but he will not.... The AKP did not help the formation of the ORP for nothing, only for 2,5 years. Now the turn will for ORP. They will say “stop” to the UBP and “pass” to the ORP. They will secure that the ORP get enough votes over the limit, so that they can have 4-5 Deputies. Don’t tell that it is not possible. They do such things in the last 3 days. Do not forget the elections in 2003 when the balance was 25+25.”  (Harun Denizkan, Havadis, 8 April 2009)


18.4.2. TURKISH POLITICIANS SENDING THEIR ELECTION BUSES

“AKP sent its election bus to the ORP. The bus with the plate number 34 FFG 01 came finally yesterday and started to take part in the election activities. This luxurious bus is known as the election bus of Kadir Toptas, the Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor... On the other hand, the bus of the UBP was sent by Mustafa Sarigul, Istanbul Sisli Mayor, who is a “very close” friend of Eroglu. Sarigul had previously sent his advertisers to the UBP.” (Yeni Duzen, 9.4.2009)

18.4.3. Afrika newspaper, under the title “Let those who look for a meddling see. Give up Ergenekon, look at the AKP’s bus!...” and with a picture of the election bus of the leader of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) of the Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, reported on 10.4.2009  that the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which openly in favour of CTP in the elections of 2003 and 2005, has not hesitated to do it again in these elections. AKP has sent the election bus to Turgay Avci to conquer the TRNC.  In its column “Letter from AFRIKA”, the paper wrote the following: 
“The bus was sent to the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP), because only Turgay Avci demanded it from Ankara. If UBP, CTP and DP wanted, would Erdogan have sent them one? So what? Is ORP Ankara’s own party and the rest the foster parties? (...)  Ankara will in our elections in every period. It is doing it today, it will do it tomorrow. Because TRNC is not an independent state... It is under Turkey’s administration.”

18.5. Ergenekon connections in the TRNC: The following information was included in the second indictment in the Ergenekon trial in Istanbul:
“In the 1998 elections in the TRNC, one million dollars were sent to the island in one evening. Two days before the elections, 17 million 500 million Turkish Liras were distributed by hand to the electors. A total of 20 million dollars were distributed. This operation in the TRNC covers solely the deep interest of Turkey. There is an agreement of opinion in the Upper Council. Mr.Eroglu has the characteristics that are sought for after Denktas. Our friends came to us with the thesis that we should not trust names other than Eroglu. The system of the Turkish Cypriot people has been cooked and they will eat it… The most important is the investment in the ART-TV station and this can serve the aims of the “Directorate of the Civil Department”. (Yeni Duzen, 8 April 2009)

18.5.1. Turkish daily Today’s Zaman newspaper (10.04.09) published the following: “Ferdi Sabit Soyer, prime minister of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC), who filed a request with the KKTC Chief Prosecutor's Office demanding an investigation into allegations against a former president and a former prime minister of the KKTC, has said as there have been revelations that a secret organization existed to influence the free will of Turkish Cypriots, his "silence would be equal to murder" with reference to the investigation into Ergenekon, a clandestine terrorist organization charged with plotting to overthrow the Turkish government.

Soyer filed the request on Wednesday, demanding an investigation into allegations against former KKTC President Rauf Denktas and former Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu, leader of the main opposition National Unity Party (UBP), whose names are mentioned in the second indictment in the Ergenekon trial submitted last month to the court hearing the case. He said that he had experienced a creeping sensation when he read documents seized at the home of Mustafa Ozbek, the jailed chairman of workers' union Turk Metal. According to the documents, the terrorist organization established two main centres, in the KKTC and Ankara, to wiretap conversations, including those of politicians and businessmen. Ozbek was arrested in late January as part of the ongoing Ergenekon investigation.

Soyer said the documents show Denktas’ phone calls were wiretapped to have him eliminated and there were great efforts to have the UBP elected as the winning party with Eroglu as the president. Soyer told that about 18 million dollars were sent by Ozbek to this effect.

“It is an organization that wiretapped the telephones of Mehmet Ali Talat, who later became the prime minister. They also tried to eliminate Talat. Nobody should forget that a bomb exploded in Talat’s home during the same period. Now that I have learned all this, my silence would be equal to murder. I acted upon concrete information with a desire to uncover past secrets,” said Soyer, as quoted by the Anatolia news agency.

Eroglu said that he is the one who should file charges. “We don’t take them seriously. As the Republican Turks Party loses voters, they do not know what to do. They even bring up allegations without knowing what they contain. The UBP is not involved in such a scheme,” he said. He added that he is consulting his lawyers about the issue: “I am the one who should file for a lawsuit. My rights are reserved in that regard.”

18.5.2. Turkish Cypriot daily Kibris newspaper (10.04.09), in its front page under the title “Shock confession!”, reported that the former Turkish Cypriot leader, Mr Rauf Denktas, during the television programme “Last Situation” broadcast by the Turkish Cypriot local television channel KIBRIS TV, said that he was receiving dead threat from CIA during the “elections” of 1981 and added:
“At that period, I was deemed as a hawk on the Cyprus issue. Clerides the peaceful one and I were displayed as the intransigent. Because we do not accept their sayings about the Turkish Cypriot government being a blood stained administration I was asked to be eliminated. Has the meddling of the foreigners disappeared today? Are not the remarks of the British High Commissioner and the U.S Ambassador a meddling? Or the fact that USA has distributed 30 million dollars? Let us not forget these. Those who do not call these meddling are standing up and shouting that Turkey is meddling. When I looked at this report, even the Turkish of the writers was not correct. When such information on certain issues taking place inside Cyprus was coming, I informed the competent officials when I realized that it was serious. And when a death threatening letter was sent by a CIA agent I informed Turkey and Turkey stood behind us.”
18.5.3. Viewing Turkish Cypriot politician Sabit Soyer's demand for an investigation against Rauf Denktas and Dervis Eroglu within the framework of the Ergenekon investigation in an article in Hurriyet Daily News (10.04.09), Yusuf Kanli questioned whether Soyer was plotting to avert a humiliating defeat in the 19 April elections.

18.5.4. Under the headline, "Frightening claims regarding Ergenekon's Cyprus operations," Zaman (10.04.09) published a report which asserts that the Ergenekon network is being accused of staging an assassination attempt against former Turkish Cypriot Prime Minister Mehmet Ali Talat before the referendum on the island in 2004, maintaining explosives caches on the Turkish part of the island, killing certain Turkish Cypriot journalists, and trying to influence the results of Turkish Cypriot elections.

18.5.5. Under the headline, "Chief Public Prosecutor being threatened," the Zaman daily newspaper carried on 11.4.2009 a report which quoted TRNC Prime Minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer as saying that the office of the chief public prosecutor in North Cyprus is receiving threats over a recently filed formal request for an investigation into allegations of complicity between the Ergenekon network and former Turkish Cypriot President Rauf Denktas and former Turkish Cypriot Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu.

18.5.6. In Hurriyet (12.04.09), columnist Ferai Tinc wrote in her article that many circles in north Cyprus believe that daily Havadis publishing new Ergenekon documents was a move by the Turkish Government to 'intervene' in the elections to be held in the TRNC on 19 April. However, she noted, a general consensus exists between all the political parties on the steps to be taken to resolve the Ergenekon mystery. Arguing that possible change of political balances after the elections in the TRNC might obstruct the Ergenekon investigation on the island, Tinc quoted unnamed Turkish Cypriot journalists as saying that "Ergenekon has become an influential organization in north Cyprus. Turkey will be unable to unearth the Ergenekon network's activities if it fails to investigate the organization's links on the island."

18.5.7. A column by Oral Calislar in Radikal (12.04.09) argued that the Ergenekon files that have been placed on the agenda one week before the elections seem to have changed the atmosphere in north Cyprus. According to the Turkish Cypriot media, he said, public opinion polls showing a significant increase in the National Unity Party [UBP] votes led the ruling Republican Turkish Party [CTP] to take action to prevent the transfer of power to the UBP. Claiming that the "peace and reunification talks" talks between Turkish Cypriot leader Talat and President Christofias might be suspended if the UBP wins the elections, Calislar warned that a possible UBP victory in TRNC is likely to affect the Turkey-EU relations negatively. He goes on to note that both the election in the Turkish Cypriot sector and the Ergenekon investigation in the north have the potential to dominate Turkey's political agenda soon.

18.5.8. “They do not say anything, when the God of Meddling is here” was the title of the “letter from Afrika column on 13.4.2009. The columnist wrote as follows:
                “We entered the last week before the elections. That is the most critical week. There is also the last critical 24 hours of this critical week. According to many people, what happens, happens at this last night. The last blessings were distributed and the poll was closed at that night...
                Last week there was a discussion that there was an meddling from outside in the elections of 1988. Who made this? The Ergenekon. The pro-CTP media used this fodder in abundance given by Ferdi Sabit Soyer. They made headlines. They gave supplements in support of this news. In reality, this was the lt branch, which was grasped by the CTP against the UBP. But it did not work. The branch was broken. The citizens did not take care of it... The Ankara governments have been intervening to our elections since 1976. Don’t they? It is not sincere to show that only in 1998 there was meddling...If you talk of meddlings, you have to look around yourselves. What will you see? Now AKP Deputies and election experts are taking part in the election campaign of a party and they visit every village. Why don‘t you say a word to this? Look, Veysi Kaynak, AKP MP from Kahramanmaras is among us. On Thursday, the Turkish Minister for EU Affairs and Chief Negotiator,Egemen Bagis will also arrive. For sure he will be coming with the last “blessings”. He is the God of the meddlings. You are still talking of 1998? Why don’t you see the log in your eye?”

18.5.9. Turkish Cypriot daily Kibris newspaper (15.04.09) reported that Turgut Oker, chairman of the European Alevite Unions’ Federation visited yesterday the premises of Kibris and stated that the Alevites in the TRNC should have the right not only to vote, but to be elected as well. Mr Oker was accompanied by Ozdemir Gul, candidate in the forthcoming elections with the Republican Turkish Party – New Forces (CTP-BG) in Nicosia and chairman of the Association for Researching and Promoting the Haci Bektas-i Veli Culture i.e.The Association of the Alevites in the TRNC.

Mr Oker said, inter alia, the following: “The fact that Ozdemir Gul is candidate in the elections as our chairman in Cyprus is very suitable to our basic targets. From now on, as Alevites we should not only vote, but we should be elected as well. In Europe we have many friends who are MPs and we support them. It is not our fate to remain always in the back. Our people have become experts in many fields. The Alevites too should have a say in politics now.
 18.5.10. Turkish daily Sabah newspaper (16.04.09), under the title “100 thousand voters ´From Turkey´”, published an extensive reportage about the elections, which will be held in the TRNC next Sunday. The paper reported, inter alia, that in the general elections, which are the 10th after 1974, only 61 thousand of the voters are Turkish Cypriots. The rest 100 thousand voters are Turkish settlers who came in the occupied areas after 1974. As the paper wrote, looking it from this point of view, many Turkish Cypriots say that “it is the migrants from Turkey that will determine the elections”.

18.5.11. Turkish daily Milliyet newspaper published on 16.4.2009 a report by its correspondent in Nicosia, Sefa Karahasan under the title, “‘Election bribe’ quarrel in the TRNC”. Sefa Karahasan reported, inter alia, that the Vice chairman of the Executive Board of Vakiflar Bankasi, Mr Ahmet Keskin, speaking in a press conference, accused the CTP of granting credits to five hundred people in exchange of votes, three days before the elections.
19. RESULTS OF THE EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 19 APRIL 2009
Total number of electors:           161,373
Total number of valid votes:      131,178
Percentage of participation:        81.29

Name of the Party                          Percentage (in 2005)            No. of Deputies (in 2005)
UBP                                                      44,04    (31.71)                          26  (18)
CTP-BG                                                29,26    (44.45)                          15  (25)
DP                                                         10,65    (13.49)                            5    (6)
TDP                                                         6,87    (as TKP 2.41)                 2    (-)
ORP                                                        6,21          (-)                              2
BKP-Jasmine Movement                          2,42         (-)                               0
HİS                                                          0,49         (-)                               0           


19.1. 36% of the Deputies (18 new faces) were elected for the first time. There are now 17 doctors in the parliament, one less than the previous period. Out of 345 candidates of the 7 parties, 55 were women candidates.  Only 4 of them could be elected: 2 from the UBP and 2 from the CTP-BG.


19.2. BUYING VOTES

19.2.1. The first President of the TRNC Rauf Denktas talked after the election victory of the UBP and told that “the electors were bought .” The percentage of the voters were 60% during the day, but afterwards, it jumped suddenly up to 80%. Unfortunately those who got their money, ran to the polls.”  (Havadis, 20.4.1009)

19.2.2. “Old habits were experienced again during the elections, which are a kind of examination for the democracy. One day before the elections, the political parties were in a competition of distributing money mainly in Nicosia within the walls, in the suburbs of Nicosia and the surrounding villages and in Karpasia. We have received numerous messages of notification especially in the late hours of Saturday... 

A businessman told that he has 1,000 identity cards in his bag and he asked for one milliard for each person. He was visiting the party buildings, saying “he, who pays one trillion, gets 1,000 votes”. This bargaining was the clearest indicator of the dark side of the election. (Levent Ozadam, Havadis, 20.4.2009)

19.2.3. “The DP Chairman Serdar Denktas, who gave a statement recently to Halkin Sesi newspaper to this effect, applied to the Parliament for the investigation of the allegations that votes were bought. He said that there are rumours of “buying votes and also a discussion about “a bourse of the elected”. The system should be examined by the Parliament, which has a great responsibility. “ (Havadis, 22.5.2009)

19.2.4. Serdar Denktas talked on the Sim Radio and said that his party had also bought votes like every other party during the election period. There are people, who come to you and bargain for each voter, asking 100, 200 or 300 Turkish Liras. If there is no party, which does not do this, it has to come forward and say, but every political party has bought votes.” (Yeni Duzen, 23.4.2009)

19.2.5. The Supreme Election Council (YSK) stated that it was not possible to go further in order to investigate the allegations that votes were sold or bought during the elections.”

Mr.Serdar Denktas changed his statement in front of the police interrogater and said that he did not remember the names of the persons, who wanted to sell votes. He also did not give any written statement and there were no enough available evidence on the subject. ” (Kibris, 16 and 22.5.2009)

19.3. WHY THE CTP LOST?
19.3.1. A Sociologist and the director of the KADEM, Muharrem Faiz, told that the fundamental reason why the UBP became the first party with a percentage of 44.02 was that the previous government made very extreme promises and did not fulfil them. According to a research done, many citizens who were members of the CTP gave their votes for the UBP just out of revenge. Faiz continued: “This has nothing to do with the attractive sides of the UBP. The practices of the CTP government such as the high price for the electricity, the heavy taxes, increased unemployment and no anticipated progress in the Cyprus problem were the reasons that the UBP made a difference to the other parties, he said. The people were thinking completely of the internal situation and the Cyprus problem was in the second or third place.” (Halkin Sesi, 21.4.2009)“

19.3.2. Under the title “Cemil Cicek and the sensitive adjustment”, the Letter from Afrika column of Afrika newspaper of 23.4.2009 wrote that the last visit of Cemil Cicek from Turkey was hidden from the eyes. He made the last sensitive adjustment as all the eyes were concentrated on the ORP. As the nation was waiting to see if an election bus will come or not, he struck the fatal blow to the CTP.

                According to the allegations, Cemil Cicek asked Ferdi openly, if they are going to tighten the belts. He asked later, if they will be implementing or not implementing the package Turkey sent. Ferdi was uttering some words, then Cemil Cicek got angry: “You have not even withdraw the mobile scale for the salaries!” ... When Ferdi slowed down the implementation of his promises, Ankara sent the first warning. From that point on, the December salaries could be paid with delay only in January.  After that moment, Ferdi had to inform Ankara that they will go on the early elections on 19th April. Then Ankara’s sensitive adjustment started...Ankara sent a life buoy to the ORP and took the two Deputies from UBP and gave them to the ORP, one from Karpasia, the other one from Famagusta were given as a present to Turgay Avci...”



19.3.3. Expences of the political parties in the last elections are being calculated...CTP had the highest expenditure with 1,778,600 TL. The TDP spent something like 220,000 TL and the UBP around 800,000 TL. It is estimated that the DP spent 400,000 TL in the general election campaign. (Kibris, 4.6.2009)



20. CAMPAIGN FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS ON 19 APRIL 2010

20.1. Mechtild Rothe, ex-MP and ex-vice-President of the European Parliament,
gave a conference in Gonyeli under the title “The benefits of a solution for the Turkish Cypriots”.  She said that after Mehmet Ali Talat came into power, the negotiations have a strengthened basis. (Kibris, 6.3.2010)

20.2. The US Foreign Minister, Hillary Clinton, invited TRNC President Mehmet Ali Talat to the USA. Talat is undecided.” (Kibris, 8.3.2010)

20.3. President Mehmet Ali Talat returned to the TRNC after completing his contacts in Ankara.  Talat said that he will not be going to the USA, because the way the invitation was made, disturbed him and he did not want to stay away from the TRNC 3-4 days, therefore we will not be going to the USA. (Kibris, 11.3.2010)

20.4. Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu talked in a conference in Aydin University, Turkey and said that the American invitation to Talat is an meddling to the presidential elections in favour of Talat.” (Halkin Sesi, 11.3.2010)

20.5. Under the title “Now the turn is for Tahsin Ertugruloglu!”, the columnist Kartal Harman wrote among others the following:

“Although Eroglu gives statements to the effect that he does not have any problem with the AKP, it is well-known that the AKP do not want Eroglu. Turkey has always intervened into all of the elections in either this way or in another and managed to bring out a government to her like, she gives more importance to the presidential elections than the general elections and she is supporting one side... If a party comes into power and at the moment that this party does not do as Turkey says, the fountain of money is closed and a government crisis is being created immediately in the country... In my opinion, it is not possible that Eroglu can be elected as President. If you look at the scenarios and listen to what Eroglu repeats every now and then like a faulty record, the direction we go is that one. Eroglu says that “we are not in a position to get away from the negotiation table” and he does not say anything else... Therefore, Tahsin Ertugruloglu was called to Ankara and he was told to be a candidate in the presidential elections. The aim is not to give Eroglu a chance to win the Presidential elections.” (Kartal Harman, Kibrisli, 11.3.2010)


20.6. President Mehmet Ali Talat came yesterday to the Supreme Electoral Council and made his application for candidacy. He told to the reporters that he, himself, did not see Ankara intervening to the elections. The doors of Ankara are open for everyone.  He said:  “I have not seen such an meddling since 2004 that I am in this post. Therefore I do not see these allegations as true.” (Volkan, 13.3.2010)

20.7. Ferdi Sabit Soyer, the chairman of the CTP met yesterday at the CTP Headquarters in Nicosia with the AKEL Secretary-General Andros Kiprianu. Kiprianu told that the two parties support Christophias and Talat so that the initiative they undertook will lead to a success.” (Volkan, 13.3.2010)

20.8. The Chairman of the TRNC Settlers’ Association, Gonul Uygun, criticized Enver Dincoglu, Chairman of the Settlers’ Aid and Solidarity Association, who decided to support Mehmet Ali talat in the coming presidential elections. Dincoglu told that they are a nationalist association and they will not be the extension of a political party or the backyard of any political party. (Kibris, 14.3.2010)

20.9. Greek Cypriot weekly newspaper Kathimerini reported that Adviser of the US Foreign Ministry, Philip Gordon asked George Papandreou during his visit to the USA last week to use his authority on President Christophias to support Mehmet Ali Talat for a common declaration about the intensive negotiations on Cyprus problem, which could be very helpful for him during the election campaign. According to the daily Phileleftheros, Papandreou told President Obama that there exists no  relationship of dependency between Athens and Nicosia, whereas there is such a dependency between the occupation regime and Ankara. So Obama has to turn to Turkey. (Volkan, 15.3.2010)

20.10. Independent candidate, Tahsin Ertugruloglu, who broke away with the UBP, told that he met during his stay in Ankara with President Abdullah Gul, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and State Minister Cemil Cicek. He shared his view about his candidacy. I did not get any promise from them. But also they did not tell me not to do such a thing.” (Havadis, 20.3.2010)

20.11. The Chairman of the ORP, Turgay Avci told that his party decided to support Mehmet Ali Talat, since the ORP likes his vision of solution. Avci said: “I have talked with Turkish officials. They asked me to support Mehmet Ali Talat. At this moment, it is not possible that we decide otherwise. Our party has a debt of 380,000 euros in party’s name. If we do not act together, everyone will have problems with the courts. (Volkan, 25. and 27.3.2010)

20.12. Independent candidate for the presidential elections Mehmet Ali Talat told during a visit to the industrial area in Famagusta that in the last six years, it has been a golden age of the TRNC and they made severe progress with a policy in cooperation with Turkey.” (Afrika, 27.3.2010)

20.13. The candidate of the UBP for the presidential elections, Dervis Eroglu, told the Anatolian news agency that he only could laugh at the allegations of Talat that he does not know the Cyprus question. Eroglu said that he has been in the politics since 1976 and he has read all the proceedings of the previous negotiations and he has been always in close dialog with Turkey. Eroglu also said that the chairman of the ORP, Turgay Avci wanted to have a coalition government with the UBP on the condition that the debt of 350,000 TL of the party should be paid by the UBP. Eroglu continued: “Avci told the ORP Council that he received a directive from Ankara to support Talat and later this decision was announced to the press. It is wrong to exploit the name of the fatherland with lies.” (Kibris, 28.3.2010)

20.14.The Supreme Electoral Council announced yesterday the total number of the electors as 164,072. The distribution is as follows:
Nicosia                 51,381
Famagusta            43,004
Kyrenia                31,233
Morphou              21,214
Trikomo               17,240
(Kibris, 30.3.2010)

20.15. The Turkish State Minister and Chief Negotiator with the EU, Egemen Bagis told the Anatolian news agency that whoever will be elected to the Presidency of the TRNC on 18 April, Turkey will do whatever she can for the continuation of the negotiation process within the UN parameters. Turkey will continue to be one step forwards in the words of our Prime Minister.” (Halkin Sesi, 2.4.2010)

20.16. The columnist of Halkin Sesi, Hasan Kahvecioglu, asked  Mehmet Ali Talat “Are you going to get support from the citizens of the Turkish Republic in the TRNC?” Talat answered: “Of course I shall get. Why not? If you make a comparison of the advantages of a solution, the voters with a Turkish origin will have more benefits of the solution than the Turkish Cypriots.” (Halkin Sesi, 2 April 2010)

20.17. The Chairman of the DP, Serdar Denktas, told that his party DP decided to support Eroglu actively and unconditionally. Denktas said: “During our meetings with Eroglu, we did not make any preliminary dealing. We just wanted to tell the world that our will for solution protects our state and our sovereignty. (Kibrisli, 2.4.2010)    

20.18. The columnist Levent Ozadam, writing in Havadis on 5.4.2010, stated under the title “The result of the election will be determined by the electors with TR origin.” Ozadam wrote: 

“First the UBP, then the DP, much later the CTP explored them. The settlers from TR were successful to bring a party they supported into power and a person they supported to the Presidency. And they will have again a big share in the Presidential Elections to be held on 18 April and the candidate who will win their heart will sit to that post. 

                At this moment, the candidates work mainly in their regions. There is a big interest in the crowded masses, who are of Turkish origin. Because a word, which comes from the mouth of an agha or a family head, is very important. And one person can easily influence hundreds of them and the votes go, not scattered, but in bulks, to the polls.

                Maybe those of Cypriot origin are angry at this situation, they complain as if Cypriotism is fading away, but now they are not anymore foreigners, they are the persons, who determine the real will in this country, either they want or not!
                Since the politicians know this very well, they concentrate in the rural areas and try to attract them with thousand and one promises to themselves.”


20.19. US Foreign Minister Hillary Clinton phoned yesterday the President Mehmet Ali Talat and congratulated him for the progress in the intercommunal talks. Clinton also invited Talat to come to Washington after the presidential elections in order to see how the USA can contribute to the talks. (Yeni Duzen, 7.4.2010)

20.20. Turkish daily Today’s Zaman newspaper published on 10.4.2009 the following on the issue:
“Ferdi Sabit Soyer, prime minister of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC), who filed a request with the KKTC Chief Prosecutor's Office demanding an investigation into allegations against a former president and a former prime minister of the KKTC, has said as there have been revelations that a secret organization existed to influence the free will of Turkish Cypriots, his "silence would be equal to murder" with reference to the investigation into Ergenekon, a clandestine terrorist organization charged with plotting to overthrow the Turkish government.

Soyer filed the request on Wednesday, demanding an investigation into allegations against former KKTC President Rauf Denktas and former Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu, leader of the main opposition National Unity Party (UBP), whose names are mentioned in the second indictment in the Ergenekon trial submitted last month to the court hearing the case. He said that he had experienced a creeping sensation when he read documents seized at the home of Mustafa Ozbek, the jailed chairman of workers' union Turk Metal. According to the documents, the terrorist organization established two main centres, in the KKTC and Ankara, to wiretap conversations, including those of politicians and businessmen. Ozbek was arrested in late January as part of the ongoing Ergenekon investigation.

Soyer said the documents show Denktas’ phone calls were wiretapped to have him eliminated and there were great efforts to have the UBP elected as the winning party with Eroglu as the president.

“It is an organization that wiretapped the telephones of Mehmet Ali Talat, who later became the prime minister. They also tried to eliminate Talat. Nobody should forget that a bomb exploded in Talat’s home during the same period. Now that I have learned all this, my silence would be equal to murder. I acted upon concrete information with a desire to uncover past secrets,” said Soyer, as quoted by the Anatolia news agency.

Soyer, also head of the centre-left Republican Turks Party (CTP), had accused the Ergenekon gang before of blocking the peace process in Cyprus. He had said in March that the KKTC was facing an obstacle in the path toward peace and the name of this obstacle was “Ergenekon.” He promised that the KKTC would continue to seek a solution for the divided island, no matter what obstacles it faces.

Meanwhile, former President Denktas held a press conference yesterday afternoon, reiterating an earlier statement that he was not a perpetrator, but rather a victim of the plots mentioned in the second Ergenekon indictment.  Speaking to journalists at his office in Nicosia yesterday, Denktas claimed that Soyer was going to “correct” the KKTC Prime Ministry’s official statement on the complaint filed on Wednesday. Denktas also said the complaint, filed shortly before upcoming elections on the island, had a purpose; he claimed there was an attempt to make him appear as having links to Ergenekon. He said Soyer’s complaint filed at the KKTC Chief Prosecutor’s Office had been misrepresented, conveying the wrong meaning -- that he is also being accused. He said he talked to Soyer on the phone Thursday morning, adding that Soyer had accepted the mistake and promised to issue a statement to clarify Denktas’ position in the case.

President  Talat said Turkish prosecutors should submit their demands to the KKTC in order to achieve Turkey-KKTC coordination of the investigation into Ergenekon.

“Prime Minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer has called on prosecutors to do their duty. We are legally connected with the Turkish prosecutors. If there is bilateral will, both sides should work together. Turkish Cypriot prosecutors could open a case but if there is not enough support from Turkey, I don’t know how well this process would progress,” Talat said, as quoted by AdaTV.

Talat was asked if Turkey had requested such support into the Ergenekon investigation; he said there had been no such demand as yet but that Turkish Cypriot prosecutors would be ready to help if asked.

Eroglu said that he is the one who should file charges. “We don’t take them seriously. As the Republican Turks Party loses voters, they do not know what to do. They even bring up allegations without knowing what they contain. The UBP is not involved in such a scheme,” he said. He added that he is consulting his lawyers about the issue: “I am the one who should file for a lawsuit. My rights are reserved in that regard.”

Meanwhile, Denktas said the petition Soyer filed was not for an investigation into him, but into a past Ergenekon-related attempt to overthrow him. A statement released yesterday by the Turkish Cypriot administration’s press office said: “There has been an ongoing investigation dubbed ‘Ergenekon’ in Turkey. As is well known, there has been an indictment prepared against the suspects as a result of this investigation under the Code on Criminal Procedure [CMK] of the Republic of Turkey. Excerpts from this indictment have also been printed in our domestic press, including allegations against UBP Chairman Dr. Dervis Eroglu and former President Rauf Denktas. Since these allegations are grave ones and since the public good calls for action, it is inevitable that an additional investigation also be launched under KKTC legislation.” When Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan was asked about the recent debate over some KKTC leaders’ involvement in Ergenekon, he said: “If there is anything in the legal process that is connected to Cyprus, then the judiciary would take necessary steps. Our desire is for an illumination of the whole issue. Nothing should remain in the dark.”
20.21. The columnist of Afrika, Turgut Afsaroglu wrote under the title “Ankara wants whom?” the following on 12.4.2010”:
                “It has been announced that our number of electors are more than 164,000 now. I wonder how many of them are Cypriot and how many Turkish? Is there anyone who knows it? In the 1976 elections the number of our electors was about 76,000. Have our fertility gone up, or what? In a country where the fertility rate is 5 in per thousand, normally we could catch this number in 200 years, but we reached at it in 34 years. Let God have more... Don’t have an eye on that.
                                                               ***
                Denktas did not say this in vain in 2000 elections: “In the TRNC, the person whom Turkey wants is elected as President. In the 2005 elections, Turkey wanted Talat, that’s why he was elected. Since Turkey did not want Denktas, he could not be even a candidate. Well... In the 2010 elections, whom does Turkey, better to say Ankara, much better to say Recep Tayyip Erdogan want to be elected? First time in these elections, it is not known whom Turkey wants to get elected.
                                                               ***
                Talat says: “I am in the Ankara’s heart.” Eroglu says:”Ankara did not tell me not to be a candidate.” Ertugruloglu says: “I put my candidacy since Abdullah Gul told me to do so.”
                                                               ***
                (.....)
                We know... Ankara can influence at least 100,000 of the 164,000 electors. If Ankara wants, even a single Turkish Cypriot could not be elected to any post. We have learned this by living... The one who wins in this contest, cannot go outside what Ankara says. Noone can win this contest, if Ankara does not want... “


21. RESULTS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 19 APRIL 2010
The TRNC Supreme Electoral Board statement announced the official results on 21 April 2010 as follows:

Total Electors: 164.072
Electors casting votes: 125.294
Voter turnout: 76.37 percent.

Candidate                 Total Vote       Percent

Dervis Eroglu             61,422           50.35
Mehmet Ali Talat        52,294           42.87

Tahsin Ertugruloglu      4,647             3.81
Zeki Besiktepeli           1,967             1.61
M. Kemal Tumkan         964             0.79
Arif Salih Kirdag             520            0.43
Ayhan Kaymak              168             0.14

38,778 electors did not turn out and there were 3,312 invalid votes. The most invalid votes were casted in Morfou area and the less in Nicosia.
Moreover, the highest “voter turnout” was observed in Famagusta, while the lowest in Kyrenia.

21. 1. The columnist, Ali Osman, wrote in Afrika on 19.4.2010 the following:
                “Tayyip Erdogan’s last night meddling on the Kanal 24 TV was not sincere in my opinion. The events turn out to be as expected. There was an interest in nationalism. Talat, too, received votes from those regions, but he could not prove enough his nationalism to them. Otherwise they could bring him out of the polls instead of Eroglu.
                They had to find someone like Eroglu, who could make the other side to run from the table. In my opinion, it was a show-off to be on the Kanal 24 TV and behave as if he is intervening to the matter… It had a meaning that “I have done everything, but again Eroglu won.”


21.2. THOSE WHO LOST THIS TIME WITH THE SETTLERS’ VOTES STARTED TO CRITIZE THEM

21.2.1. The chairman of the CTP-BG, Ferdi Sabit Soyer told that the citizens who had Turkish origin changed the direction of the elections. Soyer said that they would continue their struggle for a solution and peace.” (Yeni Duzen, 19.4.2010)

21.2.2. The Chairman of the BKP, Izzet Izcan, told the citizens with a Turkish origin have settled this work of elections. Izcan said that Eroglu won the Presidency with the votes of those in Famagusta and Trikomo. If the promises of the EU and international circles would be kept, the result would be different.” Izcan also accused the Geek Cypriots that Talat lost the election by rejecting to issue a common statement on a solution and peace.” (Yeni Duzen, 19.4.2010)

21.2.3. The columnist of Halkin Sesi, Hasan Kahvecioglu, wrote on 20.4.2010 under the title “Is Erdogan the real target? Did he or we lose?” the following:
                “If we compare with the 2005 presidential elections, one can see that Talat did not have very great losses, but Mr.Dervis have increased his votes in many places two or even three fold...This means that those, who orginate from Turkey and concentrate in Karpasia and Famagusta, did not go to a “different” place. They stayed in the right line and followed Mr.Dervis. Besides Erdogan’s tender, silent and hesitant “signals”. In fact, some deep state journalists could not help, but utter words like “In fact Erdogan lost”, shows where the revenge scenarios root in Turkey...”

21.2.4. The columnist of Havadis, Levent Ozadam, wrote on 21.4.2010 under the title “They could not read the electors originating from Turkey rightly!” the following:
                “Those people who say that the AKP did not interfere to the presidential elections deceive only themselves. The meddling was done as much as possible, but in a way it reacted! The election result which ended with a small difference approves this.

                The brain team of the AKP established a base in the TRNC and it used the Ankara government extensively. But when they made some tactical faults, they could not influence the election results and the fate of the elections could not be changed. ..The majority of our people, who originate from Turkey and live in the TRNC stand a little bit cold to the AKP and they reacted. But there are other factors other than these meddlings, which could be put forward and discussed. Those people, who supported Talat should make self-criticism.”

21.2.5. Turkish Cypriot weekly Yenicag newspaper, in its front page under the banner headline “Congratulations to the new postman!” reported on 23.4.2010 on the New Cyprus Party (YKP) executive committee's assessment on the so-called presidential election results.

The members of YKP’s executive committee Murat Kanatli, Alpay Durduran and Erdinc Selasiye held yesterday a press conference to outline their assessment on the “election” results. Mr Kanatli, inter alia, said that the number of voters in 2010, which were 164,072, has increased by 216% compared to the number of voters in 1976 when this number was 75,824. Noting that Turkey s in the “election” process in different ways, Mr Kanatli said that several circles have repeatedly made complaints regarding the behaviour of media organizations and added: “Besides that, we have our concerns and we will continue our struggle to improve this”.

Mr Kanatli added that despite all the pressure and manipulation, voter turnout in the “election” was only 76% which he described a failure for the regime. He said this was a remarkable reaction against the regime considering that a significant percentage of voters did not cast a ballot as conscientious objectors. He noted that the reaction of the people becomes more obvious when we take into consideration the fact that the turnout in the “elections” one year ago was 81%. Finally, he said that if you take into account the structure of the electorate then it is easily understood that this reaction was more prevalent among Turkish Cypriots.”

21.2.6. The G/C weekly newspaper Kathimerini reported on 25 April 2010 an interview with a close associate friend of Talat without giving his name. He said that one of the reasons of Talat’s failure in the presidential election was Christophias’ acceptance of only 50,000 Turkish settlers, who would stay in Cyprus after the solution. The Turkish settlers’ interpretation was that Talat sold them out. This was exploited by Eroglu’s propaganda machine accordingly. Although they voted “yes” in the referendum in 2004, they are not accepted by their President. So it was natural that they will not vote for Talat anymore.”  (Kibris, 26.4.2010)



22.3. THE PROBLEM OF NEW CITIZENSHIPS

22.3.1. Under the title “Congestion for the citizenship”, Turkish Cypriot daily Yeni Duzen newspaper reported on 28.4.2010 that the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the TRNC experienced a raid yesterday ago by people who wanted to file an application in order to acquire the citizenship of the TRNC. The paper wrote that the length of the lines created by those who were waiting to file an application did not decrease all day long. The director of Ministry of Interior, Adnan Altan told Yeni Duzen that congestion existed yesterday but the citizenship was not given to every applicant. He reminded that according to the law, persons who have completed five years of work with a working permit and persons who have permanent working permit for ten years have the right to apply for permanent residence in the TRNC. He noted that these persons have the right to file an application but the citizenship is not given to everyone who applies for it.  The paper reminds that in February, Ilkay Kamil, the Minister of Internal Affairs, had stated at the assembly that his government gave the TRNC citizenship to 1020 persons in ten months and alleged that no one acquired the citizenship illegally. The paper wrote that yesterday was the last day for filing such applications because the bans for the municipality elections started as of today. Therefore the congestion which existed at the above-mentioned department forced the employees to work overtime.

22.3.2. Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper reported on 29.4.2010 that the population of the TRNC increased by 8 thousand people in a year, according to a survey carried out by theState Planning Organization (DPO). The head of the statistics and research department of DPO, Mr Guner Mukellef, in a press conference yesterday, announced the “Results of Household Labour force 2009 survey”. According to these results, unemployment which was 9.8% in 2008 increased to 12.4% in 2009. Unemployment among the young people increased from 24.7% in 2008 to 31.4% in 2009.

Mr Mukellef said that while the civilian population in the TRNC, estimated in October 2008 to be 250.373 persons, increased to 258.441 persons in October 2009. The increase amounted to 8.068 persons.

22.3.3. Under the title “Pressure for citizenship”, Turkish Cypriot daily Yeni Duzen newspaper reported on 29.4.2010 on its front page that the congestion which is created at the Ministry of Interior by people who sought to file an application for citizenship of the TRNC is due to the occupation government’s policy to accelerate granting citizenship before restrictions take effect regarding the election period for the local elections on 27th June.

According to the paper, some bureaucrats at the Ministry of Health are exerting pressure on doctors at the hospital to issue health reports to citizenship applicants. The Chairman of the Turkish Cypriot Trade Union of Doctors, Mr Erol Seherlioglu, made these complaints to Yeni Duzen newspaper. He also added that these citizenship applicants are threatening the hospital personnel.

 22.3.4. Under the title “Congestion for the citizenship”, Turkish Cypriot daily Yeni Duzen newspaper (28.04.10) reported that the Ministry of Internal Affairs “experienced a raid” yesterday by people, who wanted to file an application in order to acquire the citizenship of the TRNC. The paper wrote that the length of the lines created by those who were waiting to file an application did not decrease all day long.

The director of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Adnan Altan, told Yeni Duzen that congestion existed yesterday, but the citizenship was not given to every applicant. He reminded that according to the law, persons, who have completed five years of work with a working permit and the persons, who have permanent working permit for ten years have the right to apply for permanent residence in the TRNC. He noted that these persons have the right to file an application, but the citizenship is not given to everyone who applies for it.

The paper reminded that in February, Ilkay Kamil, the Minister of Internal Affairs, had stated at the assembly that his government gave the citizenship of the TRNC to 1020 persons in ten months and alleged that no one acquired the citizenship illegally.

The paper writes that yesterday was the last day for filing such applications because the bans for the municipality elections started as of 28.4. Therefore the congestion which existed at the above-mentioned department forced the employees to work overtime.

22.3.5. Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper (29.04.10), on its front page and under the title “Youth unemployment shot up to 31.4%; the population increased by 8 thousand people in a year”, reported on a survey, carried out by the State Planning Organization (DPO). The head of the statistics and research department of DPO, Mr Guner Mukellef, in a press conference yesterday, announced the “Results of Household Labour force 2009 survey”.

According to these results, unemployment which was 9.8% in 2008 increased to 12.4% in 2009. Unemployment among the young people increased from 24.7% in 2008 to 31.4% in 2009. Mr Mukellef said that while the civilian population in the occupied areas of the Republic of Cyprus estimated in October 2008 to be 250.373 persons increased to 258.441 persons in October 2009. The increase amounted to 8.068 persons.

22.3.6. Under the title “Pressure for citizenship”, Yeni Duzen, reported on 29.4.2010 on its front page that the congestion which is created at the Ministry of the Internal Affairs by people who sought to file an application for citizenship of the TRNC was due to the TRNC government’s policy to accelerate granting citizenship before the restrictions take effect regarding the election period for the local elections on 27th June.  According to the paper, some bureaucrats at the Ministry of Health were exerting pressure on doctors at the hospital to issue health reports to citizenship applicants. The Chairman of the Turkish Cypriot Trade Union of Government Doctors, Dr. Erol Seherlioglu, made these complaints to Yeni Duzen newspaper. He also added that these citizenship applicants were threatening the hospital personnel.

22.3.7. The Secretary-General of the BKP, Izzet Izcan evaluated with his party’s Council the election results. Izcan said that the Turkish Cypriots have turned into a minority in their own country and their will has been grasped away as it was seen once again by the election results.” (Yeni Duzen, 29.4.2010)

22.3.8. Yeni Duzen newspaper reported on 1.5.2010 that a delegation of the United Cyprus Party (BKP) headed by its General Secretary, Izzet Izcan visited the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) on Friday. Mr Izcan said that the aim of their visit was to discuss the municipality elections and to inform the CTP that they are ready for cooperation among the supporters of the solution in Cyprus. Mr Izcan criticized the policy followed by the National Unity Party (UBP) on the issue of the population and added that that they were worried about the fact that the UBP distributes the TRNC citizenship with the intention to benefit in the elections. Mr Izcan noted that they will refer to this issue during the conference on Cyprus which the European Left Group will organize on May 5 at the European Parliament.

Moreover, Ferdi Sabit Soyer, chairman of the CTP, also criticized the fact that the UBP distributes the citizenship of the TRNC before the elections and alleged that this could cause worries for the future and division among the people who live in the TRNC. He claimed that especially the recent developments showed the realities and that the “artificial alliances established for the continuation of the non-solution in Cyprus”, as he described the support of the Democratic Party to Dervis Eroglu during the presidential elections, were meaningless. Referring to the statement by Serdar Denktas, leader of the Democratic Party (DP), that he could not sign the letter sent by the Turkish Cypriot leader Eroglu to the UN Secretary-General right after his election, Mr Soyer alleged that “this kind of artificial alliances could serve no other purpose than creating more crises in the society”.

22.3.9. Under the title “1,500 persons became citizens within a year”, Halkin Sesi published on 4.5.2010 the statements made by the mp of the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) in Nicosia, Kadri Fellahoglu on the citizenship granted to settlers by the National Unity Party (UBP).

Speaking on the program “Morning Mail with Can Servan”, Mr Fellahoglu estimated that 1,500 persons became TRNC citizens during the last year. Noting that responding to a question submitted in writing two months ago by the CTP mp, Ozkan Yorgancioglu, the “Ministry of Internal Affairs answered that 1.062 persons have been granted the TRNC citizenship, Mr Fellahoglu said that during the last period the Migration Department worked until late and therefore the number of the persons who took the citizenship could have increased to 1.500.

22.3.10. Under the title “A necessity the carrying out of a population census”, Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper  reported on 6.5.2010 on an address made on Monday in Brussels by the General Secretary of the United Cyprus Party (BKP), Izzet Izcan, on the “Latest developments on the Cyprus problem”.

Speaking at a panel organized by the leftist group in the European Parliament, Mr Izcan referred on Cyprus and the outcome of the latest presidential elections, the impact of the negotiations process and the population issue in the TRNC. Asking for the carrying out of a population census in the TRNC, which will be monitored by international observers, Mr Izcan said that the population in the northern part of Cyprus has increased in a form, which is in a contradiction to the Geneva Convention. The transfer of settlers in the occupied Northern Cyprus has caused the population of the Turkish Cypriot community to decrease and in a future election procedure the genuine will of the Turkish Cypriots will not be able to be expressed.

Referring to the outcome of the latest presidential elections in the TRNC, Izzet Izcan said that the outcome of the procedure was determined by the votes of those living in Famagusta and Karpass peninsula, which are of a Turkish origin. “Mehmet Ali Talat would have won the elections if the votes of the TRNC citizens who are of a Turkish origin would cast, because these persons have expressed a different will than those of the Turkish Cypriots,” he said.

Mr Izcan also stated that his party is in favour of the continuation of the negotiations in Cyprus which aim to find a solution to the problem and added that the aim of BKP is for the population of Cyprus once again to live together on the basis of an effective and honourable agreement.

22.3.11. Under the above title “One thousand and 500 persons were made citizens in one night”, the Turkish Cypriot daily Haberdar newspaper  reported on 7 May 2010 that tension was created one day ago at the TRNC assembly between Ilkay Kamil, Minister of Internal Affairs and Local Administrations and Abbas Sinay, the MP with the Republican Turkish Party (CTP), when the latter brought onto the agenda the issue of granting the TRNC citizenship to 1500 persons before the beginning of the election bans. Mr Sinay accused the UBP government of granting the citizenship to 1500 persons including some students in order for them paying lower fees. He said that in this case all students should be declared as citizens of the TRNC. Mr Sinay said that the government was guilty because it granted the citizenship to 1500 persons in one night.

Responding to Mr Sinay, Mr Kamil said that the National Unity Party’s (UBP) government granted the citizenship to 1.139 persons until 30 April 2010. He noted that 900 persons were given the citizenship because of marriage with other citizens, 48 after a proposal by the Ministry and 81 persons because they are children from marriages with TRNC citizens.

Referring to the same issue, Mustafa Emiroglulari, the MP with the Communal Democracy Party (TDP), criticized Mr Kamil and noted that even students and persons who were painting Turkish Cypriot leader Eroglu’s house were granted the TRNC citizenship.

22.3.12. Turkish Cypriot daily Havadis newspaper  reported on 7.5.2010 that Izzet Izcan, the General Secretary of the United Cyprus Party (BKP), told that the change of the demographic structure in the Northern part of Cyprus through the distribution of the citizenship of the TRNC, has become a bleeding wound within the Turkish Cypriot community. Mr Izcan, who was visiting Brussels, noted that the Cyprus High Level Contact Group of the European Parliament would visit the island in June in order to follow the developments closely. He stated that he brought the issue of the change of the demographic structure of the TRNC onto the agenda of the European Parliament (EP) and asked for a population census to be held under the observation of an international committee.
Within the framework of his contacts, Mr Izcan met with Spanish MEP Willy Meyer, vice president of EP’s High Level Contact Group for Cyprus, and discussed with him the elections held in the TRNC on 18 April 2010 and the negotiating process.


23. CAMPAIGN BEFORE THE LOCAL ELECTIONS

23.1. President Talat told during a visit to the village of Ayios Antronikos (Yesilkoy) that he will be finishing the elections in the first round and sending a strong message of peace and solution to the world. Talat was accompanied by the Vice-Chairman of the Freedom and Reform Party (ORP), Trikomo (Iskele) District Chairman and member of the Central Executive Committee of ORP and the Chairman of the Solidarity Association of the Turkish Refugees, Enver Dincoglu. Talat stated: “They say that our citizens, who are originating from Turkey will be sent to Turkey. This is a mere lie. Without any discrimination, everyone will be the citizen of the new state. (Kibris, 8.4.2010)

23.2. The five associations of those from Hatay, living in the TRNC, stated that they will be near the one, who applaused the TRNC. Presidential Candidate and the Prime Minister, Dervis Eroglu got another support from the citizens, who are born or their parents are born in Hatay and who live in the TRNC. The Cultural and Solidarity Association of those from Hatay, The Integration and Aid Association of those from Hatay, The Culture and Solidarity Association of those from the city of civilizations, Antakya, The Culture and Solidarity Association of those from Hatay and the Union of Students from Hatay stated that they will all support the UBP candidate Dervis Eroglu in the Presidential Elections unconditionally and without getting directives from anyone.” (Kibris, 12.4.2010)


23.3. TURKISH SETTLERS ORGANIZED THEMSELVES IN ASSOCIATIONS
After 1974, some Turkish soldiers were given the option to settle in Cyprus with their families. They first formed the Victorious Veterans’ Association of the Turkish Peace Forces. Later when the number of settlers grew, they formed The Aid and Solidarity Association of the Turkish Refugees. We saw in the course of later years, the formation of various so-called cultural associations, which are called after the name of the original birth place of the Turkish settlers, who came from Anatolia to live in the occupied northern part of Cyprus. Thus there are at the moment the following settlers’ associations:
1. TRNC Black Sea Cultural Association
2. Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Gaziantep
3. Cultural and Integration Association of Persons from Adana
4. TRNC Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Konya
5. TRNC Cultural Association of Persons from Malatya
6. Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Cukurova
7. Aid and Solidarity Association of Persons from Erzurum
8. Educational and Cultural Foundation of Persons from Denizli
9. Association of Persons from Mardin
10. Association of Persons from the Region of the Southeast Anatolian Project (GAP)

Those coming from Hatay (Alexandretta) province were first organized in one association, but later they split into eight different associations, which support different interest groups, living mainly in Nicosia. The total number of the settlers from Hatay is estimated between 30,000 and 35,000 in 2007:
11. Integration and Aid Association of Persons from Hatay
12. Brotherhood and Solidarity Association of Person from White Hatay (Mainly settled in Famagusta)
13. Cultural and Solidarity Association of Persons from Hatay
14. Solidarity Association of Persons from Pure Hatay
15. Culture and Solidarity Association of Persons from Reyhan
16. Culture and Solidarity Association of Persons from the city of civilizations, Antakya
17. Union of Students from Hatay
18. Association for Innovators from Hatay.

19. There is also a Cultural and Aid Association of the Turks from Bulgaria, which represents about 1,600 persons.

There are also two associations of the Alevites:
20. Association for the Research and Propaganda of the Culture of Hadji Bektash-i Veli

21. Pir Sultan Abdal Cultural Association

Some of the construction workers also organized themselves
22. Solidarity Association of the Construction Labourers

23.4. Talat visited the quarters within the walls of Nicosia and talked with the shopkeepers and with the citizens of Turkish origin in the coffee-houses. Talat asked them not to believe the allegations about the TRNC citizens with Turkish origin: “They go around and say that “If Talat is elected, he will send you back to Turkey.” These are all lies. I have never put you on a bargain and I will not do either. I never made any differentiation between TRNC citizens of Cypriot origin and Turkish origin... President Talat visited during this visit the Election Office of the Culture and Solidarity Association of those from Reyhan and said that the citizens originating from Turkey cannot use many benefits, but with the solution they will be able to use all the possibilities equally like the other citizens with Cypriot origin. The President of the Culture and Solidarity Association of persons from Reyhan, Mehmet Celik, appealed to all theTRNC citizens with Turkish origin to support President Talat and he said that they are behind Talat until the end. (Kibris, 12.4.2010)  

23.5. Full support for Bulutoglulari from the Cultural Associations: The Associations of the settlers who came to Northern Cyprus from Gaziantep, Konya and Cukurova declared that they will give full support to Cemal Bulutoglulari, the UBP candidate for the Turkish Cypriot Mayor of Nicosia.” (Volkan, 14.6.2010)

23.6. The President of the Turkish Settlers Aid and Solidarity Association, Enver Dincoglu, declared the names of the candidates, whom their members will support in the local elections. In his written statement, he said that they will support without looking to the political identity of those, who are successful and whom they think will be successful. (Kibris, 17.6.2010)

23.7. Famagusta Mayor and the CTP Candidate for Mayorship, Oktay Kayalp, told yesterday in the quarter of those from Antalya about his projects. (Halkin Sesi, 21.6.2010)

23.8. The new chairman of the Retired Officers’ Association, Alper Onel said that whatever one’s the place of birth is or whatever the political view one has, everyone should be in unity. All of the TRNC citizens need this unity and togetherness very much, especially in a period, when successive election processes took place.” (Volkan, 23.6.2010)


23.9. The Culture and Solidarity Association of persons from Gaziantep declared that they will give support to the candidates of UBP-DP cooperation in the local elections and to Resmiye Canaltay in the interim elections. (Volkan, 26.6.2010)


24. RESULTS OF THE LOCAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 27 JUNE 2010
This was the third election held in the last 14 months. The number of the electors for the local elections was 164.486. Voter turnout was 72%, highest being in Trikomo (79%) and lowest in Nicosia (65%).

In the local elections, 28 mayors, 268 municipality councellors, 148 village heads and 448 community councellors were elected. There was no election for 125 community councellors and for 91 community heads since there was enough number of candidates.


According to the Kibris newspaper (28.06.10) “There were not many changes in the municipalities and the mayors of the five big cities did not change.  Out of 28 municipalities

The National Unity Party (UBP) won 12 (lost 2),

the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) 8 (all of them re-elected),

the Democratic Party (DP) 5

and independent candidates 3.


The UBP preserved its mayors in Nicosia, Trikomo and Morfou, while the CTP reelected its mayors in Famagusta and Kyrenia.


25. INTERIM ELECTION

On the same day of the local elections, interim election was made for one seat of the Famagusta district in the Parliament, which was left empty, after Mr.Dervis Eroglu was elected as the President of the TRNC. There were five candidates and Huseyin Angolemli (TDP) won this seat by having only two more votes than the UBP candidate, Resmiye Canaltay, who is the daughter of Dervis Eroglu. 


Huseyin Angolemli (TDP)             11,929- 2 votes more                   

Resmiye Canaltay (UBP)              11,927
Dursun Oguz (ORP)                       5,395
Nushet İlktug (Independent)               978
Ata Tepe (MAP)                               714

25.1. After the interim election, the composition of the TRNC parliament is as follows:

Name of the Party                                                   Seats
National Unity Party (UBP)                                         24
Republican Turkish Party-United Forces                      15
Democratic Party (DP)                                                  4
Communal Democracy Party (TDP)                               3
Freedom and Reform Party (ORP)                                 2
Independent    Deputies                                                  2


25.2. One of the independent Deputies at the moment is Ejder Aslanbaba, who was born in Turkey and is both TRNC and Turkish citizen, was elected in the Trikomo (Iskele) district from the DP, but he resigned later from his party. The other one, Tahsin Ertugruloglu was originally elected in Nicosia from the UBP. When he decided to put his candidacy against Dervis Eroglu in the Presidential Elections, he was excluded from the UBP.

25.3. The UBP will be going to seek for a coalition partner in the coming months since this party does not have the majority vote in the assembly of the TRNC.



ANNEX I: POLITICAL PARTIES IN NORTHERN CYPRUS

Shortly after the division of the island in the wake of the Turkish invasion of 1974, the Turkish Cypriot administration tried to improve its institutions of self-government. Its efforts initially met with some success, especially as regards the formation of a legislative body.
In its current form this body has 50 members chosen through electoral contests occurring every 5 years. Political parties must obtain at least 5% of the total vote to gain entry to the legislature. Voters are able to choose candidates from different parties in five electoral districts, namely Nicosia (16 legislators), Famagusta (13 legislators), Kyrenia (9 legislators), Morphou (6 legislators), and Trikomo (6 legislators). The first elections in northern Cyprus took place in June 1976.
The main parliamentary political parties in northern Cyprus are the Republican Turkish Party-United Forces (CTP-BG), the National Unity Party (UBP), the Democratic Party (DP) and the Communal Democracy Party (TDP).

Founded in 1970 the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) is the oldest party in northern Cyprus and has a centre-left political orientation. It is a member of the Socialist International since 30 June 2008.  Its founding leader, Ahmed Mithat Berberoglu, was succeeded by Ozker Ozgur and later by Mehmet Ali Talat and Ferdi Sabit Soyer. The party has traditionally opposed the idea of partitioning Cyprus and is in favor of a negotiated solution that would follow the ideas included in the Annan Plan. 

The majority of RTP supporters are Turkish Cypriots although it has consistently, during the recent election campaigns, solicited the vote of the Turkish settlers. (NOTE: the Annan Plan essentially provides that at least 60,000 settlers will remain in Cyprus, which has made the plan attractive to those settlers who have been in Cyprus longer and are therefore eligible to remain under the Plan) Mehmet Ali Talat was reported during the 2003 campaign as saying that: “The human rights of the Greek Cypriots are not more important than the property rights of the mainland Turkish settlers in Cyprus,”(Press Summary of 25.8.03, published in Birlik 24.8.03)
In the Parliamentary elections of 20 January 2005 the CTP, in cooperation with the United Forces (CTP-BG) won 44.5 of the popular vote and 24 out of 50 seats and became the largest group in the TRNC Assembly. Its candidate, Mr.Talat, won the Presidential election of the TRNC in April 2005 with 55.8 % of the popular vote and was proclaimed as the new leader of the Turkish Cypriots by the US Administration. Mr.Soyer was elected as the President of the party, who was the Prime Minister from 2005 to 2009.  


The National Unity Party (UBP) was founded in 1975 by Rauf Denktash and others. Its current leader is Irsen Kucuk. In April 1994 the party incorporated the right-wing settler party of Orhan Ucok (the Homeland Party). The National Unity Party’s political agenda focuses on the concept that the current status quo in Cyprus is the best solution to the Problem, because it provides the best policy options for Turkey. The party opposes any solution that would deprive Turkey of its effective control of the island or that would mean that any of the Turkish settlers—on whose vote the party is largely dependent—would have to be repatriated. 


The Democratic Party (DP) is a right-wing party founded in 1992 as a breakaway faction of the National Unity Party that included Denktash’s younger son, Serdar. (Denktash has been supportive of his son’s party). The Democratic Party was joined later by the Social Democratic Party of Ergun Vehbi (originally founded by Raif Denktash—Rauf Denktash’s eldest son who died in a car accident in the late eighties). In 1992 the Democratic Party was joined by the main settler party of Ali Ozkan Altinisik (the Rebirth Party) hence gaining the largest settler following among all parties in northern Cyprus.
The Democratic Party supports the position that the solution of the Cyprus Problem must be based on the notion of two separate sovereign states. In August of 1994 together with the National Unity Party it voted against the idea of a federal solution to the Cyprus Problem, supporting instead Rauf Denktash’s call for a confederation. The Democratic Party has been traditionally opposed to Cyprus’ accession to the EU. Nevertheless, it has not rejected the Annan Plan outright, especially once the strong pro-Annan Plan and pro-Europe demonstrations of the Turkish Cypriots got underway in 2002-3.

The Communal Democracy Party (TDP) was formed in May 2007 with the merger of the Peace and Democracy Movement-BDH (founded under the leadership of Mustafa Akinci in June 2003 with an alliance of the several smaller political parties and trade-unions) and the Communal Liberation Party.
The party has no ideological platform other than the common desire to resolve the Cyprus Problem in accordance with the provisions of the Annan Plan. The Communal Democracy Party is predominantly a Turkish Cypriot-supported party. The People’s Party of Mr.Rasit Pertev, ex-advisor to Mr.Talat, joined the TDP just before the general elections of 2009.  The party leader is Mehmet Cakici.


The Freedom and Reform Party (ORP) was formed in 2006 by former MP’s from the UBP and DP in order to form a coalition government with the CTP-BG. The party leader is Turgay Avci who was the Mp Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs until the general elections of 2009.


All of the parties in northern Cyprus were and continue to be under the effective control of Ankara.

Only independent pro-reunification parties are the United Cyprus Party (Chairman: Izzet Izcan) which cooperated with the Jasmine Movement of the Afrika newspaper and the New Cyprus Party (Secretary for Foreign Relations: Alpay Durduran) which boycotted the general elections of 2009.








  • April 22nd 2015 at 22:31
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A PUZZLE: HOW MANY TURKISH CYPRIOTS ARE LEFT?

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

The last census which covered all the inhabitants of the island of Cyprus was made on 11 December 1960 and the number of the Turkish-Cypriots (T/Cs) was 104,320. Adding on this number, the 475 Moslem gypsies and other Moslems, it reached to 104,942. The total number of Christians was 473,265. (Census of Population and Agriculture 1960, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1962)

ESTIMATE IN 1973: 114,960
Because the T/Cs left the structure of the Cypriot state after the beginning of intercommunal clashes at the end of 1963, no census covering the T/Cs could be made. According to the study of the Canadian researcher, Richard A.Patrick, who served as an officer in the UNFICYP, "Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict 1963-1971", published in 1976, there were a total of 119,147 T/Cs living in the T/C settlements on the island. The population estimates of the G/C administration for the T/C in Cyprus put the number as 114,960.


THEIR POPULATION IN THE SUMMER OF 1974: 115,758
After the division of the island with the war of 1974, the following information was given in a report prepared by Mr.Ahmet Sami, the secretary-general of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Justice of the "Autonomous Turkish-Cypriot Administration", dating 20. October 1974:
“A total of 83,719 T/Cs live on the territory of the "Autonomous Turkish-Cypriot Administration". There were 32,039 T/Cs left in the south. Appr. 10 thousand of them are in the SBA, 4,200 in Limassol and in its villages, 12,000 in Paphos district, 2,630 in the Larnaca district, 3,209 in the villages of Nicosia district. It was stated in the same report that until 19 October 1974, about 12,000 T/Cs moved to the north with their own possibilities.”

According to the information given above, there were 71,719 T/Cs living in the northern part, 44,039 T/Cs in the southern part of the partition-line drawn after the war, making a total T/C population of 115,758.

THOSE BROUGHT FIRST FROM TURKEY
According to a news-item, published in the Zaman newspaper of 9. August 1977, Mr.Hakki Atun, the Minister for Settlement and rehabilitation of the "Federated State of the Turkish Cypriots", declared that 20,934 families, i.e. 83,650 T/Cs were settled in the north in the three years between 1974 and 1977. As the number of the T/Cs coming from the south were 44,039, the remaining 39,611 persons were those settlers brought from Turkey.

As it is well-known, the Turkish settlers were brought from Anatolia for the first time in October 1974 with the pretext that "they would work in the hotels and gardens left by the G/Cs", but later this practice was widened in January 1975 as the families of the martyrs fell in the war of 1974 were also settled in the north, continued with giving houses and plots of land to those who wished to settle in Cyprus.

The Zaman newspaper of 10 June 1976 reported Mr.Denktash, saying the following during an election speech: "Those, who opposed us, were exploiting the plight of the people. It was a matter of out-rooting and settling about 80 thousand people. This magnificent mission was done by human beings, they could make some mistakes." Mr.Denktash was making politics with the number of 80,000 by adding the number of Turkish settlers to the official 44,039 resettled T/Cs.


47,186 MAINLAND TURKISH SETTLERS AT THE END OF 1983
In the draft "Second Five-Year Development Plan", prepared by the State Planning Bureau, published in September 1983, it was stated that 91,225 persons were re-settled between 1974 and 1982 on the territory of the "Federated State of the Turkish Cypriots". As the number of the T/C refugees coming from the south was 44,039, the number of the Turkish citizens, settled in Northern Cyprus can be put as 47,186. It is interesting that there has been no official statement on this matter until now.

WHY THE POPULATION STATISTICS WERE NOT PUBLISHED?
The population of the T/Cs were 104,942 in 1960 and 115,758 in 1974. The number of the T/Cs covered also the mainland Turkish settlers, starting from July 1974. The population reached to 173,224 when a census was made on 26.5.1990 for determining the number of the voters before the general election. The head of the regime in Northern Cyprus, Mr.Rauf Denktash, answered the reporters the reason why the population statistics were not disclosed: "If we disclose them, they will know who came from where!" (Yeni Düzen, 23. July 1993)

EUROPEAN COUNCIL ASKED FOR A CENSUS
The Spanish MP Alfons Cuco, the rapporteur of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Demography of the European Council prepared a report on the "Structure of the Cypriot Communities" dated 27. April 1992, which was discussed by the Parliamentary Assembly of the European Council. The Assembly adopted a resolution No.1197 on 7 October 1992 which recommended that the Committee of Ministers instruct the European Population Committee to conduct a census of the islands' population, in cooperation with the authorities concerned, in order to replace population estimates with reliable data. The authorities of the Republic of Cyprus and the T/C Administration were requested to keep the arrival of aliens on the island under strict control. Turkey was invited to register in its Cyprus Consulate all Turkish citizens residing and arriving in Cyprus.


It is unfortunate that since then no census was conducted in the north of the island under the observation of international organizations and the number of mainland Turkish settlers or the number of those Turkish citizens living illegally could not be determined.
 

HOW RELIABLE IS THE FIRST OFFICIAL CENSUS?
The results of the first official census, made by the T/C authorities on 15.December 1996 and was evaluated at the State Institute of Statistics in Ankara, were made public first after two years. According to this data, the de facto population was 200,587 and the de jure population was 188,662.

The difference between the two was explained by Mr.Ahmet Bulunç, Adviser of the State Planning Bureau, who made public the results, that 11,925 persons declared on the day of the census that their permanent place of residence were outside the TRNC.                   

The other demographical structure was given as follows:

Total population................. 200,857      %100
Citizen of the TRNC .......... 164,460       % 82
    Born in the TRNC.......... 137,398
    Born in Turkey ..............  23,924
    Born in a 3rd country.....     3,138
Citizen of Turkey...............   30,702        %15

     Student ........................     8,287           

     Employed....................    12,922
     Unemployed................      1,327
     Other (private business,

     pensioner etc.)...............    8,166
Citizen of a 3rd country.....     5,425         % 3

The number of the Greek-Cypriots living in the north was 384 and the Cypriot-Maronites 173.

As it can be seen from the above numbers, there is no statement about the number of those children born in the TRNC by the Turkish parents. There is no mention of the number of the appr. 35,000 soldiers of the Turkish Army in Cyprus, nor of their dependents. There are about 25 or 30 thousand illegal workers which should make the number of the de facto population much higher.

According to the information given by some authorities, who want to remain undisclosed, appr. 46 thousand people were given citizenship since 1974 and 20-25 thousand of them do not live permanently in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 31.1.1998) Famous politicians and parliamentarians were included among those. (Ortam, 17.19.1996)

Mr.Kenan Akin, who originates from mainland Turkey and was the Minister of Agriculture and Forestry of the TRNC, disclosed that there were 60 thousand mainland settlers in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 6.6.1998)


"40% OF THE POPULATION IS FROM THE MAINLAND"
The idea of re-establishing a political party like the "Re-Birth Party" of the mainland Turkish settlers which amalgamated with the Democrat Party in 1992, emerged after the lost of votes on the general elections made on 6. December 1998 and those, who were angry, published an advertisement of protest in the press which said "The 40% of the population (Kibris, 15. December), nearly one third of the wider range of the population were divided cunningly and their just and balanced representation in the parliament was obstructed. (Hürriyet-Kibris, 22.December 1998)

As it can be seen, the number of those, originating from the mainland Turkey, in the population of the TRNC, differs between 60 and 80 thousand and this number reaches over 100 thousand with the illegal workers.

IMMIGRATION STATISTICS OF THE TRNC
Below you will find the list of the passengers arriving at and departing from the TRNC through the air- and sea-ports, according to the years and citizenships. The number of the mainland Turkish settlers in the north is 100,000. As those born in Turkey and their children are later given the citizenship of the TRNC and they are included under the title of "TRNC citizens", it is difficult to know who are really of T/C origin.

                             ARRIVALS                                                  DEPARTURES
Year   TRNC      Turkey      Other          Total          TRNC       Turkey        Other         Total   
         
1974       5,098       5,573       1,022        11,693           6,093         4,193           804     11,090
1975    13,635      73,831       6,577        94,043        29,842        51,465        5,943      87,250
1976    30,764      83,440       4,552      118,756        31,454        80,347       4,985      116,786
1977    33,570   108,016        5,113      146,699        34,540        97,142        5,377      137,059
1978    35,449   104,738        8,177      148,364        36,410       103,108       7,802     147,320
1979    47,839     95,095      13,286     156,220         46,858         92,956     12,619     152,433
1980   51,204      69,810      14,793     135,807         53,135        68,727      14,082     135,944
1981   52,933     62,812      15,471     131,216          52,371        44,912      15,512     112,795
1982   49,870     62,058      22,811     134,739          51,764        66,172       22,631     140,567
1983   58,908     78,467      20,467     157,842          60,660        76,386       20,300     157,346
1984   57,929      93,913     18,925     170,767          56,763        90,403       19,511     166,677
1985   53,860    103,791     21,284     178,935          54,599       102,754       21,049    178,402
1986   55,076    105,729     25,763     186,568          55,788       105,492       25,603    186,883
1987   59,602    149,394     36,448     245,444          60,954       149,980       36,995     247,929
1988   60,178    173,351     56,050     289,579          62,243       169,501       53,966     285,710
1989   68,583    214,566     59,507     342,656          68,212       209,837       58,562     336,611
1990   74,681    243,269     57,541     375,491          73,771       241,764       57,615     373,150
1991   66,012    179,379     40,858     286,249          66,627       178,770       40,502     285,899
1992   78,466    210,178     57,440     346,084          80,304       209,045       57,380    346,729
1993   93,669    281,370     77,943     452,982          97,702       281,160       78,876    457,738
1994 109,787    256,549     95,079     461,415        113,012       252,813        94,514    460,339
1995 134,374   298,026     87,733     520,133         136,803      291,058       87,214      515,075
1996 133,072   289,131     75,985     498,188         135,079      286,691       75,337     497,107 
1997 138,109   326,364     73,000     537,473         138,884      321,208        71,853     531,945 
___________________________________________________________________________
      1,562,868  3,668,850 895,825  6,127,343     1,603,868    3,575,884      889,032  6,068,784
===================================================================
Summary:
As of the beginning of 1998 
Departing TRNC citizens                                             41,000                              
Remaining Turkish citizens in the TRNC                                           92,966
Remaining other citizens in the TRNC                                                                  6,793

As seen above, 41 thousand persons left the north of the island in the last 23 years and about 100 thousand persons, 93,000 being citizens of Turkey, remained there. If the number of 11,765 university students (10,349 from Turkey, 1,416 from other countries like Pakistan, Sudan, Jordan, Palestine etc.) are reducted from this (Kibris, 12.11.1998), there were at the end of 1998, a total of 87,994 aliens in the TRNC, 82,617 citizens from mainland Turkey and 5,377 citizens of the third countries.

Covered in the departing 41,000 persons are those Turkish citizens who were given the citizenship of the TRNC and those having higher education in Turkey and other countries during the school-year 1997-98 (Statistical Yearbook 1997 of the State Planning Bureau of the Prime Ministry of the TRNC, p.90) If those who are abroad on a travel for touristic and other purposes are also counted, about 38,000 TRNC citizens have already emmigrated from the island.

THE NUMBER OF THE T/C'S ARE NOT KNOWN
The number of the Cypriot-born TRNC citizens, 137,398, does not indicate the actual number of the original T/C's in the TRNC, because it covers the children of the mainland Turkish settlers.

The G/C newspaper Fileleftheros stated in a news-item titled "Revelation: Turks reached 25% of the population. Colonization speeds up and change its dimension" that although all of them have not been given the citizenship of the TRNC, the number of those mainland Turks reached 120,000. There are clear signs that Ankara speeded up the plots of changing the demographical structure radically, both in quantity and in quality.

Fileleftheros, relying on the information collected and evaluated through various channels, alleged that "the number of the T/C's is not more than 86,800 at the end of 1998. This means that their proportion in the Cypriot population has dropped from 18% to 11%."

The newspaper continued: "The number of the colonists is already over 120,000 and is between 125 and 128 thousand. According to the Report of the Statistics Department, the emmigration wave of the T/C's continue and 54,000 of them have already emmigrated. The number of T/C's is only 88,200 at the end of December 1997. Instead of increase, they decreased in number." (extracted in Halkin Sesi, 1.3.1999)

CONCLUSION
In the last 25 years since 1974, the T/C's have become more a minority in their own country, as the 37% northern part of the island is being kept under the occupation and the control of the Turkish Armed Forces. The demographical structure there has been changed in an important scale. The approximately 160 thousand G/C's who used to live on this territory before 1974 and who were displaced to the south of the partition line after the Turkish invasion, are not allowed to return. Whereas, the legal status of an occupational force on an occupied territory, its rights and responsibilities were arranged by international conventions and all of these are written one by one in the Regulations of Den Haag about the Ground Wars, dated 18. October 1907 and the 4th Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civil Persons during the Times of War, dated 12. August 1949. These conventions regulate how the occupational forces would behave according to the international law, when an occupation of a territory was made according to the international law.

Since 1974, the mainland Turkish settlers were first tried to be kept secret as "seasonal workers", today they have a say as the future of the T/C's are being determined as the T/C's are made a minority in the total population of the territory, which is kept under the occupation of the Turkish Armed Forces in the north of Cyprus. The settlers have become a social entity which plays an important role in the stalemate of the Cyprus problem.

(Translated into English by the author from his book "Kibris Nereye Gidiyor? (Quo Vadis Cyprus?)", published in Turkish, in Istanbul/Turkey, in June 2002, by the Everest Publishing House, pp.318-327. The article was originally published under the nickname "M.Sonuç" in "Kıbrıs'ta Sosyalist Gerçek" (Socialist Reality in Cyprus) journal, Issue No.42, July 1999)


  • March 8th 2015 at 16:30
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FEDERALISM : THE WAY TO UNITY IN CYPRUS

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

Nowadays almost half of the world population lives in the countries, where the constitution and the structure of the state are federal. The socialist federalism implemented in the socialist countries, where the working class is in power (e.g. the USSR, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia) and the bourgeois federalism of the developed capitalist countries will not be dealt here.

Especially after the Second World War, the colonialist countries, Great Britain in the lead, practiced a new policy of federalism. In this new period of the capitalist general crisis, this federalisation of the colonies was realised by bringing federative elements into the constitution of those countries and by making detailed legal arrangements. Through this, the possibility of influencing the character, the structure and the form of the new states, which were about to become independent soon, emerged as an element of the new colonialism. The aim of this new strategy of the imperialist powers was to keep the old colonial territories under their sphere of influence as long as it was possible and to protect their economic and strategic interests under the specific conditions of each region.(W.G.Grafski-B.A.Straschun, Federalism in the developing countries of Asia and Africa, Moscow, 1968)

Great Britain, which was the country forming most of the federations in the colonial countries, depended on her experience in legal arrangements both in her dominions, Canada and Australia and in the USA. Great Britain, as Karl Marx stated, used the Roman principle of “divida et impera” for the extension of her sovereignty in India and created enmity among various nationalities, tribes and casts. The same policy was also used in all of the British colonies in Africa.

But in all former colonies there was a close relationship between the national resistance and the nationalities policy of the colonial country. The colonialists intensified their divisive policy of nationalities after the formation and the strengthening of the national liberation movements. Parallel to this practice, which was about to emerge in this period, when the imperialist colonial system started to crack down, the colonialists, as if they agreed beforehand, tried to make special arrangements in the colonial countries in the direction of federalism and autonomy. By doing this they tried to combine the national differen­ces in a great scale with the national contradictions, to weaken the anti-imperialist unity front and to keep their sovereignty in other forms through arrangements. As it will be remembered, this policy was tried to be practiced under “self-government” in Cyprus in 1948, but it gave no result, because of the ambition of the Greek Cypriots for enosis (Greek word for union-with Greece)

As stated above, the main weapon of the nationalities policy of the colonialists was the administrative and political separation. With the help of this, they managed to break off the centuries old political, economical, cultural and other relations between the communities or nationalities or deteriorated their development. In order to achieve national integration, the colonialists took no initiatives, on the contrary they practiced openly a destructive policy for the split of the national movement. They succeeded in changing the structure of the state into a federal one or realised the division of the minorities. They put the national prejudices to the fore and funned them. They managed to make the weak communities influ­ential in the ethnic composition of the colonial armies and they used them against the stronger ones. A typical example for this was seen in the anti-colonial struggle in Cyprus, where the police force from the Turkish-Cypriot community was used against the Greek-Cypriot resistance fighters.

The origin of the idea of having a federal constitution in Cyprus

In the 1950’s the British imperialism did not want to lose its last colony in the strategic region of Middle East, Cyprus. But later she preferred to withdraw itself to the territories of the two military base areas and decided to give the administration of Cyprus over to the Turkish and Greek-Cypriot communities.

The British law expert, Lord Radcliff, who partitioned India and left Pakistan apart, prepared the proposals for a new constitution for Cyprus in 1957 as Cyprus was then a colony. In Paragraph 28 of his re­port, he stated that there was no ethnic-regional division in Cyprus, which was a precondition for an arrangement of federal state in Cyprus. He wrote down his opinion that a federation of the Cypriot communities was a very difficult constitutional form. On the other hand, Lord Rad­cliff proposed a dual administration for the island. One, under the British governor, whose administration would be responsible for the Foreign Affairs, Defense and Internal Security and the other administra­tion would be autonomous, consisting of legislative assembly, executive and the judiciary.

In the plan of June 19, 1958, prepared by the British Premier Minis­ter MacMillan, it was gone further and Cyprus was about to be given for 7 years to the “tripartite administration” of the three NATO countries, Great Britain, Turkey and Greece. We have to stress yet another fact about the crux of the nationalities policy: C.M.Woodhouse, who worked as a successful agent in the British Intelligent Service, loyal to the conservative aristocracy, wrote in his Memoirs (London 1982) that Mac­Millan, who had been Foreign Minister before, had insisted on the mobilisation of the Turkish-Cypriots in order to neutralise the Greek-Cyp­riot agitations.

The Republic of Cyprus and its constitution

After the special meeting of the NATO Council of Ministers in Paris from 16th to 18th December 1958, the Premier Ministers of Great Britain, Turkey and Greece agreed on the foundation of an independent republic of Cyprus through the agreement signed in Zürich on February 11, 1959. The ideas of taksim (partition) and enosis (union with Greece), which were being advocated by the both sides respectively, were supposed to be abandoned. The separatist elements of the Macmillan plan were transferred to the new constitution. The three NATO countries, Great Britain, Turkey and Greece were the guarantors of the independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus through the signed agreement of Guaranty and Alliance. The British military bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia were put out of the territories of the Repub­lic of Cyprus and the British sovereignty was to continue in these re­gions for the protection of the imperialist interests. Thus the guarantor countries were protecting and developing their own interests on the island rather than the interests of the Republic of Cyprus.

Turkish Professor of Constitutional Law, Nihat Erim wrote in his memoirs: “While preparing the constitution of Cyprus in the summer of 1959, I told in one of my speeches that this Cyprus state, planned in Zürich and in London, was in reality a federation. This was a federation with specifics of its own.” He went further on, saying that the only necessary thing for the good functioning of this federation was the good will of the both sides. (Nihat Erim, Cyprus as much as I’ve known, I’ve seen, Ankara 1975, p.98-167)

The 1960 Constitution divided the administration between the Greek- Cypriots, who make the 80% of the islands population and the Turkish-Cypriots, who make the 20%. It forsaw the preservation of the 70:30 ratio in all of the executive organs and 60:40 ratio in the army. According to an evaluation by Prof.S.A.de Smith, the most complicated and detailed constitution of the world after the constitution of Kenya was prepared in Cyprus. As the rights of the communities were tried to be controlled through guarantees and limitations and to be balanced. Constitutionalism was parallel with communal egoism (Prof.S.A.de Smith, The Common­wealth and its constitutions, London 1964, p.285). Through long and complicated precautions, it was planned to avoid the misuse of the rights by the both sides, but an influential organisation of a state was not realized.

The constitution of the Republic of Cyprus was supposed to bring a federal state order, not through territorial separation, but through communal separation. Additional to the House of Representatives, comprising of 55 Greek- and 15 Turkish-Cypriots, there were Communal Chambers for each community, but their members were to be elected separately by their own communities. Thus they were representing in a way the executive of the regional administration in the classic federal system. But the Chambers did not have the rights for executive openly and this dual structure helped the strengthening of the separatist tendencies in the public service. (The problem of separate municipalities, proposed by the British in 1958, sew the first seeds of separation then.) In this situ­ation, the necessary institutional guarantees, requisite for intercom­munal cooperation were ignored and the federal relations were annihila­ted. (Carl J.Friedrich, “Dangers of Dualism:Cyprus” in Trends of Federa­lism in Theory and Practice, New York 1968)

The authors of the book called “Cyprus problem” emphasized the following: “This dual element, comprising of Turkish and Greek communities. Was under the foundation of the whole state life. This state of affairs went through the whole political and social mechanism, despite the monistic (unitary) structure of the state, into dualism. The unitary structure was placed on the reality of two separate communities and on very sensitive balances in the constitution. This point was clearer in the formation of the political institutions. The state mechanism with one constitution and the unitary structure with its characteristic of federal content was a typical proof of transformation into a federal administration in the future. (Murat Sarica, Erdogan Tezic, Özer Eskiyurt- Cyprus Problem, Istanbul 1975, p.22)

The conflict in 1965 and the Turkish thesis

The constitutional conflict started in the years of 1960-63 resulted in intercommunal clashes on December 21, 1963. Underground organisations on both sides caused bloody events. The Cyprus question was put again to the fore in the international arena. Dr. Galo Plaza, who was appointed by the Secretary-General of the UN as a mediator in order to find a solution to the problem, wrote in the Paragraph 97 of his Report of March 26, 1965 the following: “The Turkish-Cypriot community insists on a solution based on the geographical separation of the two communities under a federal system of government.”


Dr. Plaza went on by saying that the Republic of Turkey had the same opinion and stated in the Paragraph 150: “The establishment of a federal regime requires a territorial basis and this basis does not exist. The events since December 1963 have not basically altered this characteristic; even the enclaves, where numbers of Turkish-Cypriots concentrated following the troubles, are widely scattered over the island, while thousands of other Turkish- Cypriots have remained in the mixed villages.”

The federal form of government, proposed by the Turkish side, was in fact a proposal for the partition of the island (or with official wording, the geographical federation). Even the line of partition was proposed. (Plaza Report., Paragraph 154)

One of the architects of the Constitution of Cyprus, Prof. Nihat Erim wrote his above mentioned Memoirs that in the summer of 1959, as General Turgut Sunalp was in Cyprus for the preparations of the Turkish Army contingent to be stationed in Cyprus, he visited the island all over, mountains and plains with a car as he caught the possibility and pointed the necessary places on a map opened on his thighs. He also participated at the Third Tour of Negotiations on the Acheson Plan in Geneva. Mr. Acheson told Nihat Erim himself that the Pentagon is in need of such commanders as General Sunalp” (ibid, p.98 and 367)

Imperialist Conspiracy

The complicated structure of the I960 Constitution of Cyprus, which was prepared with a view of opposing the division of the island’s territory into two, did not satisfy both sides, because of their own reasons and caused a lot of difficulties in its implementation. The intercommunal talks for a new constitution for the Republic of Cyprus continued between the years 1968 and 1974 on the basis of a “unitary state”. But the sides could not reach to a solution. (For a detailed analysis of the agreed and disagreed points at the negotiations, Polyvios Polyviou, Cyprus in search of a constitution, Nicosia 1976)

After the coup, prepared against the President Archbishop Makarios the CIA through the hands of the Greek junta in June 1974 failed, the following military intervention of Turkey created the preconditions for the partition of the island, longed for a long time by the USA and the British imperialism. The bi-zonality, which was necessary for a federal solution was realised by the transfer of the Turkish- and Greek-Cypriot populations after the war. In other words, the two units of a federation were created de facto and the remaining question was to form an influential central government de jure.

Unitary and federal state


The Soviet scholar G.B.Strauschenko writes in his book “Nation and State in the newly liberated countries” that in those countries, where there is an effort to form a single nation out of the state people (Cyprus is not in such a period at the moment), the choice has to be mostly in favour of an “unitary state”, where a high degree of centralism governs and that this was the favourite form, chosen by most of the leaders on the African continent. Because, if in the existing state, a new single nation is to be formed after an appropriate process, a unitary structure of state is more suitable for those countries. (ibid, p.279)

Strauschenko, in his same book shows that if the national conflicts are sharp and it is impossible to protect the unity of the state, the most suitable form of state is federalism. The federal form of state, which was difficult to implement before 1974 in Cyprus, as we stated at the beginning of the article, seems to be the only form of state in the aftermath of 1974, where no solution was reached and this could secure the unity of the island of Cyprus and its people.


Federal and confederal state


As known, federal states are composed of more than one states or part of states (autonomous republic, canton or states). The constituent units, which form the federation, have their own legislative and executive organs and as a rule they have their own judiciary organs. On the other hand, unitary states are formed only by regional administrative units (regions, provinces, governments).

The difference between a federation and a confederation is that a confederation is a unity of states, which have their own organs, dealing with the general affairs, which are defined exactly. A decision, taken by the organs of a confederation, is valid after the signature of all the member states of the confederation or if a sufficient majority signs (Marxistisch-Leninistische allgemeine Theorie des Staates und Rechtes, Band 1., Berlin 1974)

Bourgeois federalism in the developing countries and some impor­tant principles

The bourgeois federalism practiced in the developing countries is more complicated than the unitary state and it needs a special effort for its implementation. There is a need for capable cadres in the state and administration. It is not only necessary that the federalism would cope with the realities in the country, not only in the practical and social fields, but also in the economical field. Therefore one has to be very careful. Because of the economical under-development and the extreme dependence on the imperialist countries, the state in the deve­loping countries has to play an influential role in the economy under the present conditions.

Although Karl Loewenstein, one of the bourgeois scholars, supports the idea that federalism has become obsolete in the 20th century and that economic planning is the DDT of federalism, in fact, it is only the pest of dualism that economic planning (the DDT) has killed. (Ramesh Dutta Dikshit, The political geography of federalism, New York 1975, p.6)

In federal states, state ownership in the important sectors of the economy requires the planning and the orientation of the important economic processes by the state; control and direction of the internal and external financial economy by the state, restriction of the foreign and private capital, bringing the economy of the private sector under influential state control, promotion of the agricultural production by the state and the erection of new property relations, es­pecially in the rural areas. In the developing countries, especially in most of the states in Africa, there are different social and political orientations and different levels of development. This should not be forgotten. For this reason, it is necessary to centralise the state and the political power strictly, which are not sufficiently formed or are under very difficult conditions in the bourgeois federalism. (Grafski-Straschun, ibid)

Another point, which should not be forgotten, is that bourgeois federalism is not an instrument for the solution of the questions of ethnic or national development. Federalism is rather a specific form of practicing the political power on the regional administrative level. It works with a relative decentralisation and formal and structural independen­ce between the regional levels. It depends on a relatively developed bourgeois constitution and on parliamentarism with two or more political parties. (ibid)

The relationship between many problems during the formation of the state and the ethnic-national structures, which are in transition, is still in a seed-form and it is very difficult to diagnose them. Because of this reason, if the forms of the national-regional autonomy are built in a progressive way in the federal states of the deve­loping countries, it can be helpful for the solution of the questions of the ethnic-national development or the conflicts, in the interest of the whole people of the country and its social progress.

On the other hand, the role of the subjective factor in general and the role of the state by the solution of the national-ethnic problems and conflicts will increase. Hence, there will be necessity, especially in the states, which chose the way of socialism, for the conceptions of politics and state law on a scientific base, which will be realist and suitable for the conditions of the country. Without high consciousness and administration and planning, in which the whole society participate the problems cannot be solved. For this reason also Lenin regarded the federal form of state as a possibility for a “voluntary integration” for the ex-colonies, which have achieved their freedom newly and have a complex ethnic-national composition of the population and have adopted the way of social progress. (Lenin, Werke, Band 27, Berlin, p.145)  

 Therefore in the poly-ethnic processes of consolidation, being experienced in the developing countries or under the conditions of sharpened ethnic-national conflicts or when the states or the divided territories of the countries are in need of reunification, federal state structure can make an important contribution for the solution of the questions of national development or for the reduction of national conflicts. (Klauss Hutschenreuter, Problems of nation formation and state development in Transsahara of Africa, Berlin 1970)

The way to unity in Cyprus

The rightist circles in Cyprus, when they speak of reunification of the two separate regions, which were created de facto after 1974, start from the point of two separate states and seem to adopt a federal state of Cyprus, which has a weak central authority. As Ismet Inonu, former Premier Minister of Turkey, told on September 8, 1964 in the Grand Assembly of Turkish Nation about the official concept of a federation, he explained “We started the discussion not by saying partition officially, but using the word federation, just to stay within the framework of the agreements.’’ This official form of federation is synonymous with confederation, which envisages the partition of the island.

As it is known, in a confederation there is no direct contact between the peoples of the constituent units and the central authority. The central authority is compelled to reach the people only through the respective regional governments, which may or may not allow this contact. In a federation, by contrast, there is a direct relationship between the central government and the people, who not only share in the task of the constituting it, but also submit to its rule (in the spheres of its competence without interposition of the regional governments as intermediaries. (Dikshit, Ramesh Dutta, ibid, p.3)

Contrary to a confederation, there is no division of sovereignty in a federation. The constituent units are only autonomous in certain limited spheres. Once a federation is created the states have to abide by the decisions of the properly constituted central government in matters, where the constitutional compact empowers it to act. (ibid, p.3)The regional and central government in a federation should not only be coordinate, but they should also be cooperative. (ibid, p.8) A balance between the two opposing sentiments is necessary. This balance should, however, be so struck that the forces for unity have a slight edge over those for separation. As Wheare says (Federal Government, London 1953), if the communities involved are not prepared to submit themselves to an independent government, they have not achieved the first prerequisite of federal government. This is important, for federalism is essentially what Riker terms a bargain between prospective national leaders, who want unity and the officials of the constituent governments, who stand for larger regional control .(Riker, W.H., Federalism: Origin, operation, significance, Boston 1964, p.11) Indeed, “a truly federal government is the denial of national (sic) independence to every state of the federation” (Dicey, A.V. Introduction to the study of the Law of the constitution, London 1939)


Some prerequisites of federal government

Ramesh Dutta Dikshit refers to Wheare in his above mentioned book and writes that he has tried to isolate various factors for union and separation, which appear to him as necessary factors in the origins of federalism. He enumerates the following half-dozen factors, all of which operated in the U.S., Switzerland, Canada and Australia, to produce a desire for union among the communities concerned (ibid, p.37). Those factors are:


1. Need for common defense
2. Desire to be independent of some foreign power and a realization that only through union independence be achieved
3. Expectations of economic advantages from union
4. Some political association of the units involved prior to their federal union
5. Geographical neighbourhood and
6. Similarity of political institution (ibid, p.220-221)

It will be noted that Wheare excludes from this list of prerequisites for union, factors such as community of language, of “race”, of religion or of nationality. To these six prerequisites Wheare adds one more: “Leadership or statesmanship at the right time.” (ibid, p.221)

The situation in Cyprus now

It is of interest to look at these prerequisites one by one in the concrete situation in Cyprus.

1. Is there a need for common defense for the Turkish- and Greek-Cypriots, who have lived over 400 years side by side on this island? Of course there is such a need against imperialism and its aggressive organisation NATO, which wishes the partition of the island and to stop the struggle of the people of the island for social liberation. It is imperative for the Turkish-Cypriot leadership especially, to follow a policy of non-alignment consistently, in order to put Cyprus out of the sphere of influence of NATO.

2. From the point of view of the progressive and democratic forces, which have understood that the way to the complete independence of Cyprus is through unity, the demand for being independent from the imperialism and its military bases as well as from the “motherlands” is valid as ever.

3. Expectations of economic advantages from union are very wide especially among the Turkish-Cypriot working masses.

4. From the point of view of certain political parties of class approach, there is an association of political aims of the Turkish- and Greek Cypriots before the federal union. This association of political aim will be crystalised better in a democratic system.

5. Geographical neighbourhood is the most appropriate in Cyprus, where the small island is divided into two.

6. Although there is a similarity of the political institutions on both sides, there is a difference in the level of maturity of the democratic life. But this can be developed with mutual solidarity and especially with the elimination of the anti-democratic elements, without any outside interference. Moreover, there will be common political organisations based on class approach rather than ethnic-national origin.

Another point of view, which should not be overlooked is that the solution of the problem in the concrete conditions of Cyprus depends on one hand on the elimination of the influences of imperialism and neo-colonialism and the military bases and on the other hand to decide the internal question of nationalities how to be solved, which is the main issue. But the determining factor is not the difference between the two communities, on the contrary it has to be stressed that the class struggle in the country and in the international arena will be decisive.

The problem is not as the bourgeois circles suggest which community will govern the other one, but which class will have the power in his hand on the whole surface of the island. That is our evaluation.

(The original Turkish version of this study was published in Ortam daily newspaper under the name “Ertan Yüksel” as two separate articles, on 20, 21 December 1984 and on 22, 23, 24 January 1985)
  • March 6th 2015 at 18:33
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SOME THOUGHTS ON FEDERALISM IN CYPRUS

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

    

Although the adapted Turkish thesis after 1974 for the solution of the Cyprus problem is "federation", unfortunately there has been no detailed scientific study until today by the interested individuals or organizations, e.g. the political parties, about the structure and the function of the proposed "Federal Republic of Cyprus". As far as I can follow, the first article, which evaluated this subject in the Turkish-Cypriot (TC) press was published in the Ortam daily (20-21 December 1984) with the title "The way to unity in Cyprus passes through federation, not confederation" by Ertan Yüksel. Later in three other articles the subject was elaborated under the title of "Federal solution in Cyprus" and the stress was made on some principles which will help the success of a federation in Cyprus.


            The subject "federation" was put on the agenda once more and was discussed during the "Second German Week", organized by the TC-German Cultural Association from 26th Nov to 6th Dec. 1985 and the contributions which gave information to the public were read there. The titles of these contributions were "The history and culture of the federal systems in the Federal Republic of Germany and in the world" by Prof.Vural Ülkü, "Federal Germany and the federal systems in the world" by Oktay Feridun, "Cyprus Conflict and the approach of the both sides to a federal solution" by Zaim Nedjatigil and "Federalist elements in Cyprus between the years 1955 to 1984" by Uwe Berner.


            Again a documentary compilation under the title "The first proposal for federation in Cyprus with the partition in mind as the Turkish view and the concept of federation of the Soviet Union" was serialized in the "Söz" weekly magazine for 6 weeks, starting from 17th January 1986 and the misunderstandings and the facts were stressed there once more.


            Lately, a serial of interviews were published by Sevgül Uludağ in the Yeni Düzen daily on the "Economic aspects of a federal republic (5-10 May 1988) and "Working life in a federal republic" (13-20 June 1988), where the views of some individuals and members of some organizations were reflected to the public opinion. Later the views of Mr.Denktaş's economical adviser, Mr. Ahmet Aker were published on 19-23 August 1981 and the views of some businessmen on 22-27 August 1988.


            There was another serial in the Kibris Postasi newspaper, a chronological review of the GC press on a federal solution (24-28 September 1988) prepared by Ahmet An. Ismet Kotak published a 4-day serial about his impressions from the Prag Meeting of the Cypriot political leaders from 20 to 23 May 1989.



The political parties keep silent on this subject


Until now, if a federal Republic of Cyprus will be established the following questions should have been answered: How will be the functioning of the state structure? How will the citizens of the federal republic feel the federalism in their everyday life? Unfortunately these questions are not dealt with yet by any political party, which at least seems to defend federalism, by the help of an enlightenment and propaganda campaign. It is worthy to think why they have not begun such a campaign. It is not yet clearly stated what kind of political solution is aimed at: Federalism between the states, that is confederation or federalism in one state, that is federation? Everyone comments diffe­rently on federalism, but as long as we are going to establish a federal republic, I don't know why it is not discussed before the public, what federalism is and what it is not. The main reason for this is that both those having the power and those oppositional parties do not work within the principles of the political science and they are satisfied with day-to-day politics. Then, it is left to the people and organizations outside the political parties, who are interested in this subject, to answer the following questions:


Why is the federal structure accepted in Cyprus? How was the his­torical development in this respect? Those, who are in favour and aga­inst this structure should say what are their argumentations? According to the law of constitution, which necessary bodies should be set up in the future FR of Cyprus? How will be the division of the governmental duties between the federal state and its provinces? In which spheres of influence should the central and local governments act together? What is a federal parliament, what are its duties, how does it work? How is the position of the political parties regarding the federal parliament? How influential is this parliament in the political determination processes? Will the policies of the federal and provincial governments be supportive or destructive to each other? Which one will have more say on the money collected from the tax-givers? Which government will have what kind of financial resources, who will be financially independent from whom and at which point?



Sovereignty will be at the central federal government


We can still go on asking more questions. As it is looked upon from the point of view of political science, there is a difference between repeating the stereotyped sentence "our party is for a bi-regional fe­deral state" and finding answers to these questions. Even the most left wing Republican Turkish Party talks about a divided right of sovereignty between the northern and the southern provinces of the FR of Cyprus. This shows what the RTP understands from federation. Thus this party falls into parallel of the official line, which says "federation" and means "confederation". On the contrary, the sovereignty belongs to the central federal government in a federal state and what is shared between the governments of the provinces is the state power.


            Then, there has to be the following article in the constitution of the FR of Cyprus: "The form of the state is republic and the FRC is a union, which consists of two regions. Both provinces, in the North and in the South are the territory of the state of the FRC. Beside the central federal state, there will be two separate administrations, one in the north and one in the south. Both of the federal and the provincial administration will have representative-parliamentary governments and their administrators will be elected directly by the citizens.”


            The idea of “we are responsible from the sea- and air-ports in the north and they, in the south" does not suit to the principle of a federal state. This is true in a confederal structure. But in a federal state, the entering into the country by aeroplane or by ship will be checked up by two uniformed officials. The federal authority will set the passport of the visitor, while the provincial authority will ask if there is something to be declared to the customs office. There has to be both amblems at the entrance, one of the province and one of the federal state.


Federal parliament-provincial parliament


            The most outstanding character of the federal states is that there are two parliaments. One is the federal parliament, where the problems of the whole country are discussed and the decisions are taken. The other one is the provincial parliament, where the local provincial matters are discussed. The political principles of the central federal state are written in the federal constitution. Besides the respect to the human rights, freedom and equality, the respect to the representative democracy, principles of the law and the social state are all put into order in the constitution.


            The bi-regionality of the federation, which will be stated in the constitution of the FRC and the common action in the legislative have to be unchangable articles. Even the 2/3 majority, which will be enough for constitutional amendments at the federal parliament would be able to change this federal structure and organizations.



Bi-regionality does not mean two states.


There should be no tolerance for those, who use the term bi-regionality in the meaning of the two states and who do not understand federalism by creating a confusion of concepts and a conflict. The FRC will be a single state, consisting of a central federal government and the provincial governments. The fixed boundaries of the provinces will not be changed and no province will ask for this later. But some corrections on the boundaries could be made with the consent of the both provinces. Most important of all, it has to be written in the constitution clearly that the union of the whole island or one of the pro­vinces with another country is out of question and that the propaganda for this cannot be made.


            The constitution of the provincial governments will be arranged in a way that they will be independent from the federal constitution, but not contrary to its provisions. The provincial constitutions will be the basis for the legislative, the executive or the judiciary of the province. Every province will have its own parliament and government. There will be a prime minister and ministers of every province with the provincial government and the parliament. Its judiciary organs will take its own political decisions, but this will only cover the sphere of its own provincial legislative authority. It will have a limited financial autonomy and it can put additional taxes and use this money freely. It can make laws, related to its own province and veto the ones made by the federal parliament. But both provinces have to obey some fundamental principles. The provincial laws have to be in harmony with the republican, democratic and social state of law character of the central federal state, the validity of the laws in the provinces will be under the responsibility of the province.



Federal Constitution is above the provincial constitution


What are the principles for the regular function of federalism and the constitutional homogenity? The central government will guarantee the constitutional order in the provinces. The federal constitution is always above the constitution of the provinces and it has more say. For example the provinces cannot make a new law on the family law or on the traffic rules. The federal government can appoint an official for the province, which does not fulfill its responsibilities and the government can give orders to this official. If the freedoms and the democratic order are disturbed in a province, the federal government can send the federal police force to this province and retain the order. How this will be done is regulated by the laws.



No division, but cooperation


It is very important to develop mutual confidence and contacts. Cooperation will be supreme between the provinces, not the division. The protective character of the Federal Supreme Court for the Constitution has a big role in the development of these relations of security The Federal parliament has to approach friendly and constructively to the provinces and vice-versa. The federal constitutional court will be the protector of the federal peace in the country. The disputable subjects between the federal parliament and the provinces will be examined by the federal constitutional court in order to find out which party is right in the case of uncertainty.


            The division of the duties and the responsibilities of the state is another important subject. The state duties have to be taken seriously both by the federal government and the governments of the provinces. These can be summarized as follows: To protect the country from outside, to make laws in order to maintain security inside the country, to show the power of the state everywhere in the country, to fulfill the constitutional responsibilities of the principles of the social state like health, old age and housing matters.


            One of the characteristics of a federal state is that the sovereignty rights of the provinces in their international relations in the fields of foreign policy and military are extremely limited. In other words, according to the international law, the provincial governments do not have their own sovereignty in their contact with other states. Foreign policy and the defense subjects belong to the central federal government. For this reason the provincial governments do not have their ministers for foreign affairs and defense. The provincial parliaments do not deal with these subjects and they do not make laws on them. They cannot discuss the related problems and do not make declarations. As an exception they can make agreements with other states, but these agreements have to get the approval of the federal government. This can be a cultural agreement (for example a TV-broadcast) or an agreement on the sea-cleanliness and this needs the approval of the other province. Or it has to be very careful in not disturbing the interests of the other province. It is natural to have cultural diversity in federalism.  Theatres, museums, libraries and monuments are different. The  radio -TV broadcasts and the press are separate, because of the language difference. But the federal state secretary or a provincial mi­nister can speak to the people or the decisions of the federal or the provincial courts can be read to the people from these media organs. One can establish organizations on federal or provincial basis on the subjects of economy, religion, sport, labour and social relations. There can be political parties, functioning in both of the provinces or in one province only. The provincial groups of a party can come together at the federal parliament and work more influentially. The elections for the federal state organs have to be done throughout the country. When the federal government is formed, there has to be representation of the provinces. It should not be formed only out of one province. The results of the provincial elections may change the structure of the federal or the provincial parliament.



Division of power   


In federalism, the judiciary powers of the state are stated clearly in the constitution as "the ones belonging only to the federal parliament" and "the ones belonging only to the provincial parliament". For example foreign policy, defense, civil defense, citizenship, passport, fiscal and financial subjects, customs and foreign trade, federal roads, air ways, maritime lines, post-telephone-telegraph services belong only to the federal parliament. It can make frame-laws related to the high-schools, hunting, protection of the nature, land distribution and consolidation, residence and identity affairs. Among the subjects, which belong only to the provincial parliament are culture, provincial police force, provincial education and health problems. There can be contradictory laws in the matters of citizen rights, penal law, demonstration and meeting rights, rights of the foreigners to reside, nuclear energy. But different laws should not result with big differences because of different  policies.



The points against federalism


As we have seen above, there are some points against federalism. First of all, the capabilities of the central officials and the pro­vincial ones can be different and the living conditions in several places of the country may not be at the same level. Thus, the principle of social state can be disturbed. The equality of chances, social security, promotion of the individuals and social support may not be the same in both provinces. As a result of this, there can be different outcomes in the economic, social, cultural and political fields. This situation is already deeply felt in the northern region of Cyprus before federalism is set up.


            The federal and the provincial officials have to respect the views of each other when they take political decisions. In case of conflict, a compromise has to be reached. There has to be no suspicion on how the view of the state is. It should not give way for the diminishing of the politicality.


            Federalism is an expensive form of state. It will require a lot of money. Beside the two different provincial governments and parliaments, there is a need of a federal parliament, a federal government and the federal administrative organs. The process of taking political decisions is complicated. The gradually increasing taxes cannot be sufficient for the federal expenses. If the federal policy is very strong, sometimes the provinces can have their own policy in the foreground.



The points in favour of federalism


Beside the above criticized points, there are lots of points, which are in favour of a federal state structure. Especially in the circumstances, when the unity of the people is necessary, federalism is very useful to strengthen the unity of the state. With the democratic participation of the people, democratic values are realized and strengthened and this will be beneficial for the people, whose possibilities have become more. The citizens use their votes twice, once on the provincial level and once on the central federal state level. The provincial participation is being increased more on the federal level and the influence of the citizen will be more. In a modern pluralist party state, the influence of the horizontal power distribution in the executive, legislative and judiciary is very low. But in a federal state, the vertical power distribution strengthens them more. The power of the central and the provincial governments are limited in a certain rate, but they have to work together for the realization of the state duties. Thus, they can influence and control each other and limit their use of power. Through this way, the division of power in a federal state and its limitation will strengthen the state of law.


            Federalism develops the possibilities of bringing the opposition together and promotes the contest of the political parties. Both in the central and in the provinces, the political parties are forced to increase the number of their voters according to their individual and capacity-related characteristics, in order to strengthen the parliamentary administration. If the federal and the provincial parliaments have different votes of majority, it will be possible to get some oppositional parties in some provinces into the power, while the majority of the government the federal parliament can be forced to be in the opposition in that province.


            There is a need of political leader cadres in a federal state. The practice of democracy in the provincial parliaments and the parliamentarism will be realized better. The provinces are the places, where the capable political forces are existent for the federal posts. It is same for the federal parliament, where distinguished politicians are raised. This circulation of the political cadres guarantees the realization of the state duties and the disappearance of the conflicts. As compared to the unitary system, the federal provinces have the right to exercise new political ideas in their fields. They can warn the federal government or the parliament in certain political matters. This can be in the other way round that the central government warns the provinces. Through this mutual exchange of experience, the social progress can be realized.


            Federalism provides the looseness of the strong party structures the political parties and strengthens the democracy of the party. The political parties can develop themselves within the provincial administration in forms of regional autonomy and self-sufficiency. The party organization, which is tested in power or in opposition can bring proposals to the party central. There is no such possibility in the unitary states for the local party organizations. In this way, both the party program and the aims of the party can benefit from these proposals.


            Finally federalism gives the possibility of having diversity in unity. Cultural diversity, individual and local characteristic can be protected and developed and the massive monotypicality can be left away.  Besides, there is respect for the partnership and togetherness, the monotony is avoided and the diversity in various fields of life is reached.    



Main issue: The question of  power


                If we summarize, we can say the following: As one thinks on the practice of federalism in Cyprus, the most important point, which should not be forgotten is that the bourgeois federalism is not a vehicle for the solution of the national or ethnic problems. Federalism is more a specific form of practice of the political power on the level of the regional or the provincial administration. Different political preferences and differences of the socio-cultural development between the provinces can be removed, through the central federal state and the extreme centralization of the political power and through a strong structure. In the concrete situation of Cyprus, the question of state and the power depends on one hand on the elimination of the influences of imperialism and neocolonialism and the abolishment of the military bases from the island. On the other hand it depends on how the internal main issue, the question of nationalities will be solved. But again the determining factor is not the national differences between the main two ethnic communities living in Cyprus, but the class struggle in the country and on the international level. This has to be underlined. As the bourgeois circles argue, the question is not "which community will govern which one?", but it appears as "which class will have the power in its hand on the whole of the island".



Reference Source:

Federalism in the Federal Republic of Germany (in German),  Informationen zur politischen Bildung, Heft: 204/1984, Bonn.



(The original English version of this study was read on 10-11 February 1990 in a conference, organized by the bi-communal Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus, at the Ledra Palace Hotel in the buffer-zone of Nicosia. The Turkish translation of the same study was published in Yeni Düzen daily newspaper on 2 and 3 February 1990.)

  • March 6th 2015 at 18:30
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Μilitarised Citizenship - The militarisation education, politics and economics in Israel

By Sahar Vardi

Μilitarised Citizenship

The militarisation education, politics and economics in Israel

Israeli anti Militarist activist and CO Sahar Vardi, will give an overview on how militarism infiltrates different layers of Israeli society, from schools, through gender and ethnic power relations, to the political system and military industrial complex. The talk will focus on the central role of the military in creating the Israeli concept of citizenship, and ask who pays the price and who profits from Israeli militarism. We will also look at different attempts to resist militarism, from protests to Conscientious Objection.

Video:

Thrice a Stranger - Hellenism, Kemalism, Zionism

By Saffo Papantonopoulou

In the context of the forthcoming inter-communal protest march for a "De-Militarised Nicosia 2015", which will be held on both sides of the borders dividing Nicosia on Saturday, 28th of February, Syspirosi Atakton starts a circle of events that will peak on that day.

Thrice a Stranger: Hellenism, Kemalism, Zionism

The rise of nationalist ideologies in Salonika and Eastern Mediterranean

In 1926, Levi Eshkol, who would later be prime minister of Israel during the 1967 war, visited Western Thrace, and observed the settlement of Greek refugees from the 1923 Greek-Turkish population exchange. He remarked at the time that it was an “‘an enormous and interesting project,” which could provide a model for the creation of the Israeli state. In this presentation, I draw together some of the unlikely similarities between Greek, Turkish, and Israeli nationalism. Focusing on the impact of Hellenization on the Jewish community of Salonica after the Greek invasion of 1912, I argue that nationalisms which claim to be mutually antagonistic, often converged when it came to the re-arrangement of people and re-definition of their ethnic identity.

Video:

Presentation

Discussion

A FAREWELL TO ROLANDOS KATSIAOUNIS FROM A TURKISH CYPRIOT FRIEND!

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

We have lost a dear friend, Greek Cypriot historian Rolandos Katsiaounis on 30 June 2014! He was always proud of being a graduate of Oxford University and I got to know him at the Cyprus Research Centre (CRC). His doctoral thesis “"Labour, History and Politics in Cyprus during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century" was published in 1996 by the CRC in English and it is still a unique study in its own field, which could not be overcome. Unfortunately, he could not realize the second overviewed edition of this book.
 
Rolandos (1954-2014) was a militant Marxist, who took history seriously and he could not refrain to declare his political views. He was complaining that his own party AKEL have not given him enough support. His uncle, Christos Katsiaounis was among the leaders of the Cyprus Communist party and he was one of the members of the AKEL Central Committee, who fought against Hitler’s fascism in the Second World War.

Rolandos published his second book in Greek in 2000, where he recorded lots of new information, which shed light to today, related with the political developments between 1946 and 1948 and  with the experience of “The Consultative Assembly”, which the British Colonial Administration proposed to our island.
He mentioned to me about his project of writing the history of the KKK-AKEL, when we met after a meeting organized by PEO and DEV-İŞ on 13 October 2005 in Nicosia about the “1948 Miners’ Strike”. I was so happy to hear that he would deal with this subject. Rolandos wanted to learn my opinion about the book, dealing with this important past, whether it should be a short or a long story. I told him to write two versions: One, in more than one volume, where all the documents and information would be found in a detailed history and the other one would be a concise history, which could be read by an ordinary reader.

Unfortunately he could not finalise his studies. When the diagnosis was done, the incurable illness was already advanced and at the end, he left us behind. He was a 60 year old Famagustan and he had a lot of studies to accomplish.
I talked to him as my last on 27 April 2013 at a bi-communal meeting on “The birth and the development of Nationalism in Cyprus”. I had learned about his illness beforehand and I rather wanted to see him and to listen to his contribution on “Nationalism and Left” at this meeting. He told me about the side-effects of his treatment and he was complaining very much. Thus, his life adventure was this much, until this point.
The working class movement of Cyprus has lost one of its very dear members. As I convey my condolences to his relatives, I hope that his studies will be a guide for the new generation of historians.

(Obituary by Ahmet Cavit An, published in the “Friends of Cyprus Report”, Issue No.57, New Year 2015) 

   
  • December 30th 2014 at 21:53
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‘CYPRIOTISM’ AND THE PATH TO REUNIFICATION

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

            History deals with the sum of the events that happened in the past. It should be studied in order to understand the present. Today’s reality in Cyprus is influenced by history. It directs our attitudes and preferences. In this context, an awareness of history, the way the history is written, and the teaching of history are crucial. As Cypriots, how much do we know about the history of our country and the history of the inter-communal relations?

The emergence of Greek and Turkish nationalisms in Cyprus

           When the British occupied the island of Cyprus in 1878, ending a 300-year period of Ottoman rule that had begun in 1571, they preferred to keep the existing structures of education in Cyprus. Christian and Moslem schools were kept separate from one another. There were two Boards of Education, one Christian and the other Moslem. They ensured that the curriculums of the two communities mirrored those in Greece and Turkey respectively. The Greek Orthodox community was educated by teachers who had mainly graduated from Greece educational institutions and the educational system was under the control of the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus. At the request of the Cyprus Government, the headmaster of the only lyceum in Nicosia was always sent from Istanbul. They were all Turkish nationalists. The Boards also prescribed the books to be used in the schools, insisting that the history textbooks were written in the so-called motherlands. As a result, the books emphasised the conflicts between Greece and Turkey, which fought against each other in 1821, resulting in Greece’s independence from the Ottoman Empire, and again in 1921, when Turkish Army defeated the Greek troops that had invaded Western Anatolia, leading to the formation in the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Both events therefore influenced the Moslem Turkish and the Christian Greek community in Cyprus. This was particularly the case with Turkish nationalism, which had developed during the national struggle to liberate the Ottoman Empire from occupation by imperial powers. Though it developed almost a century after Greek nationalism, this Turkish nationalism became influential among the Moslem Turkish population in Cyprus after the military defeat of the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia.

As well as through the schools, Turkish nationalism was disseminated in Cyprus by the Turkish Cypriot press, which followed the example of the mainland Turkish press, as well as through the activities of the Turkish Consulate on the island, which was opened after the foundation of the Turkish Republic. Meanwhile, the Greek Cypriots also pursued their own nationalism. They aimed to bring about the union of the island with Greece; a demand often put before the Legislative Council, which had been established by the British in 1879. The Turkish Cypriot members of the parliament used to resist these demands by saying that the island should be returned to the original owner, Turkey. However, following the annexation of Cyprus by the British Empire in 1914, Turkey gave up all of her rights on Cyprus when it signed the Treaty of Lausanne Agreement, in 1923. This was confirmed in 1925, when Britain declared Cyprus to be a Crown Colony – a status it retained until 1960.

The nationalism of both Greek and Turkish Cypriots did not originate from local historical circumstances, but was imported to the island through the teachers, books and newspapers that came from mainland Greece and Turkey. This nationalism was encouraged by the British colonial administration and the British tried to disseminate it among the unaware masses of people in accordance to their traditional policy of ‘divide and rule’.


 
The consolidation of nationalisms

            When the Greek Cypriots started a terror campaign in 1955 to end British colonial administration, the Turkish Cypriot leadership collaborated with the British and provoked the Greek Cypriots by recommending the Turkish Cypriot youth to become auxiliary police and commandoes in order to fight the Greek Cypriot fighters, thereby defending the colonialists. Thereafter, as the Greek Cypriot EOKA (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters) underground organisation killed Turkish Cypriot security forces, the Turkish Cypriot TMT underground organisation began to kill Greek Cypriots in retaliation. As both organisations were anti-communist, they also killed progressive Cypriots who were against the partitionist policies of the British and their local collaborators. The growing demand of the Greek Cypriots for the union of the island with Greece (enosis) was encountered with the demand of the Turkish Cypriots for the partition (taksim) of the island between Turkey and Greece.

Finally, neither the Greek Cypriots’ objective of union nor the Turkish Cypriots’ aim of partition materialised. Instead, a limited independence was given to a new partnership, the Republic of Cyprus, which was established in 1960. The British maintained their sovereignty over the two military bases and the island was declared an independent state, banning both enosis and taksim in its constitution. The Turkish Cypriots, with 18 per cent of the island’s population were given 30 per cent say in the administration of the new Republic of Cyprus. This was strongly opposed by the Greek Cypriots. In December1963, the President of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios, tried to change the 13 points of the constitution by abolishing the veto power of the Turkish Cypriot Vice-President Dr Fazil Kuchuk. Inter-communal clashes began and, at the beginning of 1964, the Turkish Cypriots withdrew from the state apparatus. This conflict of nationalisms between the pro-enosis Greek Cypriot leadership and the pro-partition Turkish Cypriot leadership complicated the solution of the ethnic-national question in Cyprus. The unity of action and aim of the Cypriots could not be developed under a common shared aim and this caused new bitterness.

Meanwhile, those who sought to promote coexistence were silenced. In 1958, Turkish Cypriot trade unionists started to come under attack. In 1962, two prominent lawyers, Ahmet Muzaffer Gurkan and Ayhan Hikmet, founders of the ‘Cumhuriyet’ weekly newspaper, which advocated cooperation between the two main communities of new Cyprus state, were murdered. In 1965, Dervis Ali Kavazoglu, a Turkish Cypriot communist trade-unionist, was murdered by the Turkish Cypriot underground organization TMT (Turkish Resistance Organisation). These actions of intimidation silenced the democratic opposition within the Turkish Cypriot community, which was fighting against the partitionist policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. As a result, the separatist policy that the Turkish Cypriot leadership had pursued since 1958 was one of the reasons that Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots did not have a common political aim during the inter-communal negotiations that began in 1968.

From 1968 until 1974, various rounds of inter-communal negotiations were carried out, ending with a coup d’état by mainland Greek Army officers against Makarios, on 15 July 1974. This was followed by the invasion of the island by the mainland Turkish Army, on 20 July 1974. Together with Great Britain, Greece and Turkey were supposed to be the guarantor powers of the independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriot leadership unilaterally declared independence in 1983, forming the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, on the Turkish occupied territory of the island; a move that was immediately condemned by the UN Security Council. Nevertheless, in the Turkish Cypriot textbooks of Cyprus history, the Turkish invasion in 1974 was described as an act of salvation. In contrast, Greek Cypriot students were taught nothing about the events between 1963 and 1974. The struggle for the union of the island with Greece during 1955-59 was portrayed as a struggle for the independence of the island. The Turkish Cypriots were ignored and excluded.


As imperialist foreign powers were against the independent development of the Republic of Cyprus, which followed an independent non-aligned foreign policy, they continuously incited nationalistic and anti-communist feelings among the island’s population. Yet again, a Cypriot awareness could not be developed to a sufficient degree. The guarantors of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus were members of the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) and did not want to see a Cypriot state free from their influence. That is why they still do whatever they can to prevent the development of independent internal political and cultural structures.

 
Challenging nationalist histories

          

In order to draw useful lessons for the future, we have to have a good knowledge of our history and a multi-perspective approach to our past without any prejudice. For this purpose, it is necessary to have well-educated historians; rich archives open for all; multi-communal platforms, where everything can be discussed freely; and a democratic environment free from all taboos. Without all these, it would be very difficult to bring historical realities to light. Even then, it cannot be said that the Cypriot communities are likely to be at ease discussing these subjects.

History has to play a unifying, rather than a discriminatory role between the nations and communities. In the nationalist way of history-writing, the writer chooses ‘we’ in every stage of history and sees ‘the others’ as enemy. Seeing those from his nationality as different from and superior to others is the minimum characteristic of the nationalist history-writers. Some writers state this in a hard form. Others take a softer approach. But what is seen in all the nationalist history writers is seeing their own nation state as superior and defending, if necessary, the interests of their own nation at the expense of the others. This way of looking at history and commentating on the past is a dominant characteristic in various stages of writing official history and in the development of a nation state.


The review of textbooks and history teaching with multilateral and international efforts is a very long and much tiring process. Efforts to produce new models for text-books in European countries as well as in Turkey, Greece and the Balkans are being conducted by non-governmental bodies, historians and social scientists. In this respect, it would be very valuable to form a common committee of the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot historians which could try to achieve an interpretation of the common history of the communities living in Cyprus. I can name some subjects to be discussed and researched by such a Committee: the common rebellions during the Ottoman Occupation against the local governor’s arbitrary taxations; the common struggles in the Legislative Council during the British colonial rule related with the economic policy; the common struggles of the trade-union movement, which was united until 1958; the common struggle of the Cypriots against fascism during the World War II on the side of the Allied Forces.


Since 1974, the influx of mainland Turkish settlers in the occupied areas of Cyprus, which is contrary to the Geneva Convention, has been a threat to the existence of the Turkish Cypriots. This has led many of them to reassess their communal identity. Turkish Cypriot intellectuals, in particular, have started to ask themselves the question ‘Who are we?’ and ‘How can we preserve our own identity?’ as they have looked into the history of their cultural heritage. Cultural, scientific and the literary heritage are three important components of the national consciousness. Here we see the responsibility of historical researchers for the development of a common Cypriot consciousness. They have to research the common cultural heritage of the island and use these common elements for a common political aim. The various examples of cooperation between the two communities in the commercial and social life and in trade- union movement in the past are good examples of the coexistence of the two main communities in Cyprus. This highlights the degree to which the class character of the state has a big role to play in the formation of the Cypriot consciousness. There has to be a clearly designed state policy for the support of a Cypriot identity. The organs of the mass media should also play a constructive role in this respect since they can easily reach the homes of almost all citizens. 


Conclusion


             Over the past century and a half two different identities have emerged in Cyprus. Since 1974, these have been consolidated. Today, one is North of the divide. This holds the separatist TRNC as an expression of the nationalist identity of the Turkish Cypriots. The other is in the South of the divide. This views itself as the sole owner of the Cypriot state, which has distinctively an Orthodox Greek Cypriot character. To combat this, there needs to be an effort to challenge the separate histories told by the two communities. However, it needs to go further than this. There also need to be common political parties of Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots, seeking common political aims. The New Cyprus Association, which was formed in March 1975, aimed to preserve the existence of the state of Cyprus and avert the danger of permanent partition by encouraging people to behave first as Cypriots and then as a member of their respective community. Unfortunately, during the past 37 years, this movement of intellectuals was unable to become a political movement that could organise Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots under a common Cypriot identity. Nevertheless, the full equality of all the communities living on the island in the fields of politics, economy and culture can only be achieved through common political parties that will fight for a democratic federal state and against all kinds of separatism and discrimination. As the Turkish-Cypriot Coordinator of the Bi-communal Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus, which was formed in 1989, I fought for 11 years to win a case against Turkey in the European Court of Human Rights, in February 2003 (Djavit An v. Turkey, 20652/92) for depriving me of my freedom of assembly due to my efforts to promote greater contacts between the two communities in Cyprus. My experiences since then have showed me that all Cypriots who want to see a reunited island should organise themselves and fight for the same goal: ending the occupation and the colonisation of the Northern part of our island by Turkey and forming a democratic federal state through power sharing. Policies are needed to solve the problem of nationalities. Rather, a single Cypriot nationality is needed. This can only be done by challenging the historical presentation of the past and promoting political cooperation in the present.

 
References and recommended reading



1.      An, Ahmet, An Overview of the Research Studies on the Identity of the Turkish Cypriots, in “Articles on the Turkish Cypriot Culture”, Nicosia 1999, p.222-230, (in Turkish)

2.      An, Ahmet, The Political History of the Turkish Cypriots (1930-1960): The Forgotten Political History of the Turkish Cypriots and the Struggles for the Leadership in the Mirror of the Press, Nicosia 2006 (in Turkish)

3.      Attalides, Michael, Cyprus, Nationalism and International Politics (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1979)

4.      European Court of Human Rights, Djavit An v. Turkey (application no. 20652/92)

5.      Worsley, Peter and Pashalis Kitromilides (eds), Small States in the Modern World (Nicosia: The New Cyprus Association, 1979)

 
(This contribution by Ahmet An was included in the book “Resolving Cyprus: New Approaches to Conflict Resolution” edited by James Ker-Lindsay, published by I.B. Tauris, London 2015, pp.24-30)


  • December 23rd 2014 at 11:23
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Σπουδη στο βιβλιο του Δ. Κουφοντινα τζαι ενας προβληματισμος για το ζητημα της οργανωσης με βαση την εμπειρια της 17Ν

By linopampakos


Τον Ιουνιο του 2002 η ελληνικη αστυνομια εσυλλαβε τον Σ. Ξηρο, μετα από μια προωρη εκπυρσοκροτηση. Τις επομενες μερες ακολουθησε ενας καταιγισμος εξελιξεων – η αστυνομια αρχισε μια σειρα συλληψεων τζαι η μεχρι τοτε απιαστη οργανωση της 17ης Νοεμβρη [17Ν] εφανηκεν να ξηλωνεται..ακομψα. Οι συλληφθεντες εδιναν ομολογιες τζαι τουλαχιστον η επισημη εκδοχη επαρουσιαζεν τους να προσπαθουν να αποφυγουν την ευθυνη για την οργανωση. Ηταν μια στιγμη κρισης της εικονας της 17Ν – τζαι η εικονα ηταν σημαντικο μερος του μυθου της. Αλλα ξαφνικα εμφανιστηκε ο μονος, από τον πυρηνα τουλαχιστον, ο οποιος εισιεν διαφυγει, ο Δ. Κουφοντινας, τζαι ειπεν, Εγω ειμαι ο Κουφοντινας τζαι «αναλαμβανω την πολιτικη ευθυνη για οσες ενεργειες ανελαβε η 17 Νοεμβρη». Το ότι εμφανιστηκε μονος του στα κεντρικα της αστυνομιας, ενώ υποτιθεται ηταν ο πιο καταζητουμενος ανθρωπος στην Ελλαδα, αποκατεστησε εν μερει την εικονα του μυθου – τελικα παλε υπηρχε κατι το απιαστο από την εξουσια..ενα υπολοιπο ανυποτακτου.
«Πηρα ταξι. Στην διαδρομη το σταματησα στην Καλλιροης, πηρα από ένα περιπτερο ένα μπουκαλι νερο. Δεν ηταν από την αρχαια πηγη που αρδευε την πολη, αλλα ο συμβολισμος παρεμεινε…Μπροστα στο κτιριο της Ασφαλειας, μια σουρρεαλιστικη εικονα: Σχολνουσαν εκεινη την ωρα οι ασφαλιτες. Δεκαδες από αυτους. Εγω περνουσα αναμεσα τους, ο ταξιτζης πισω μου να με κυνηγα [να μου δωσει] τα ρεστα, να με φωναζει, ολοι να με κοιταζουν, κανεις τους να μην με αναγνωριζει. Ωραιοι μπατσοι:» [σελ. 466]

 Ο κυκλος εκλεισε με αξιοπρεπεια. Μερικοι μπορει να το θεωρησουν βεβηλο αλλα η κινηση του εισιεν μια ιστορικη γενεαλογια – όπως ο Αρης αρνηθηκε να παραδωσει τα οπλα το 1945, όπως ο Πλουμπιδης που εσταθηκεν σε τζηνη την απεραντη μοναξια του δικαστηριου τζαι ειπεν «εγω εν θα καμω δαμαι, μπροστα σας, κριτικη στο κομμα…». Η αξιοπρεπεια με την οποια αντιμετωπιζει την μοναξια της, προσκαιρης εστω, ηττας, ο επαναστατης, εν ο τροπος με τον οποιο συντηρειται η υπογεια γραμμη της Ιστοριας, που αναποφευκτα επανερχεται. Τελικα τζηνοι που εν υπογραψαν στην Μακρονησο, εκαλυψαν την ανθρωπινη αδυναμια οσως εσπασαν.

Την περασμενη ανοιξη ενας φιλος εφερεν μου δωρο το βιβλιο του Κουφοντινα, «Γεννηθηκα 17 Νοεμβρη». Εν ενα ειδος απολογισμου της οργανωσης τζαι ενας προβληματισμος για το ενοπλο σαν ενα συγκεκριμενο ειδος του ακτιβισμου – αλλα εν μερει εν τζαι ένα ειδος καταγραφης της νεωτερης ελληνικης ιστοριας που μιαν οπτικη του εξωκοινοβουλευτικου χωρου που εδημιουργηθηκεν μετα το 1974. Το κειμενο τζυλα σαν μια εναλλαγη βιογραφικης αφηγησης τζαι θεωρητικης ενατενισης πανω στις επιλογες της πραξης – τζαι τα θκυο ενταγμενα σε ένα ιστορικο πλαισιο. Εσιει βιβλια που τα θκιεβαζουμε γιατι γυρευκωμεν καποιου ειδους απολαυση, εσιει βιβλια που τα θκιεβαζουμεν γιατι «πρεπει», τζαι εσιει βιβλια που μας μιλουν με ένα ιδιαιτερο τροπο. Για εμενα το «Γεννηθηκα 17 Νοεμβρη» ηταν που τα βιβλια που καπου εντζισαν βαθκεια.   Μπορει  εν τζαι το γεγονος ότι παρα τις διαφορετικες μας επιλογες, ανηκαμεν στην ιδια παγκοσμια γενια, μπορει να εν τζαι ο τροπος που το ατομο βιωνει την σχεση της Ιστοριας με την γεωγραφια. Το βιβλιο εν γεματο που αναφορες οπου η γεωγραφια αποκτα νοημα σαν χωρος καταγραφης του χρονου – οι γειτονιες της Αθηνας τζαι η ταξικη-πολιτικη ιστορικοτητα τους, οι χωροι που εγιναν οι μαχες των Δεκεμβριανων, του εμφυλιου..
«..παραμονη Δεκαπενταυγουστου του 1988 μπηκαμε στο ΙΘ αστυνομικο τμημα στον Βυρωνα..Στην τελικη επιλογη..ισως αυτό που βαρυνε, στο βαθος, να ηταν ότι το ιδιο Τμημα το ειχε κτυπησει ο ΕΛΑΣ…» [σελ. 308]

Εγω θα εθελα καποτε να παω στον Γραμμο. Τον χωρο του επους της ελληνικης επαναστασης του 1948-49. Θκιεβαζωντας τον Κουφοντινα ηταν σαν να εθκιεβαζα ένα αποηχο της μαχης στον «Κλεφτη».[1]

Αμα με ντζισει ένα βιβλιο, εν φευκει. Εν σαν να αποθηκευκουνται λεξεις τζαι αναγκαστικα καποτε πρεπει να φκουν. Ιντα που θελω να πω για το βιβλιο του Κουφοντινα; Το ποιημα της Κ. Γωγου που εμφανιστηκεν σαν μουσικος, τζαι ιστορικος, αποηχος στην φαση της ολοκληρωσης της αναγνωσης του, ηταν το ..

«Θελω να κουβεντιασω σε ένα καφενειο
που να’χει πορτα ανοιχτη..»

Υπολογιζα ότι τωρα το καλοτζαιρι εννα υπηρχε ο χρονος..τζαι ο τοπος. Αλλα ηρτεν τζαι η Ιστορια να να μας εβρει – η σφαγη στην Γαζα τζαι το νευρο της αντιστασης των παλαιστινιων. Αλλα τζαι η εξεγερση στην Ανατολικη Ουκρανια. Εν μπορει να αγνοησει καποιος ότι εστω τζαι σε συνθηκες αμυνας, εμφανιστηκε για πρωτη φορα σαν διεκδικηση ο τιτλος της «Λαικης Δημοκρατιας». Σε ένα κειμενο του Ρωυτερς [2] εθκιεβασα ότι επηαν ισπανοι εθελοντες να πολεμησουν στο Ντονεσκ σαν συνεχεια των Διεθνων Ταξιαρχιων που συμπαρασταθηκαν στην Ισπανικη Δημοκρατια το 1936-39. Σε τζηνο το οριακο σημειο, αναμεσα στην αηδια για το αισχρο τζαι το αισθημα «Κανει πκιον», που λαλει τζαι ο Καμυ ότι γεννα την εξεγερση, το παθος τζαι η ευαισθησια του Δ. Κουφοντινα αποκτησαν ένα άλλο νοημα. Πώς να αποκηρυξεις το ενοπλο μπροστα στα ερειπια της Γαζας; Τζαι η γοητεια της αντιστασης τζαι της εξεγερσης, όπως στην Οδησσο, το Ντονεσκ, το Λουχανσκ, εν σαν αποηχος του παρελθοντος τζαι του μελλοντος…

Όμως τελικα νομιζω υπηρχε τζαι κατι ευρυτερο. Αν τζαι ειμαι που άλλη χωρα, η πορεια του Κουφοντινα στον ελληνικο «χωρο» [πριν το ενοπλο], που καλυφκει περιπου το μισο βιβλιο εν οικεια – εν η ιστορια του «χωρου» της περιοχης μας – του ευρυτερου συνορου της Ανατολης τζαι της Δυσης. Τζαι το προβλημα που πλανιεται εντονα στο βιβλιο – η αξιολογηση της οργανωσης τζαι τι εν επηεν καλα για να οδηγηθει στην θεαματικη κριση των ομολογιων- βαλει νομιζω τζαι ένα ευρυτερο [περα που το ενοπλο] ζητημα για το οποιο εξωθεσμικο, εναλλακτικο κοκ κινημα, «χωρο» κλπ. Τζαι σε ετσι εποχες, εσιει σημασια να αξιολογηθουν οι οργανωτικες εμπειριες που επαιξαν – με επιτυχιες τζαι αποτυχιες- με το χωρο του θεαματος.

Όταν ο Αρης συναντα τους Τουμπαμαρος: Η πορεια του Δημητρη που την επαρχια στο ενοπλο σαν σημειο επαφης της υπογειας ελληνικης ιστορικης παραδοσης με το παγκοσμιο κινημα
«Ποτε, ποια ηταν η στιγμη που εγινα ανταρτης; Γυριζα στο μυαλο τις ανταρτικες διηγησεις του παππου, τη συγκινηση από το δημοτικο τραγουδι της γιαγιας, τα παραμυθια της για τα παλληκατια που νικουσαν δρακους και εχθρους…» [σελ. 144]

Ο Κουφοντινας ερκετουν που μιαν «παραδοση εξεγερσης». Οταν ηταν μιτσης ακουεν ιστοριες για τις παραδοσεις αντιστασης της αγροτικης κοινωνιας, τζαι τουτο το κομματι κουβαλα το εντονα σαν πηγη εμπνευσης, ενώ η οικογενεια του υπεφερε από τις καταδιωξεις εναντιον των αριστερων μετα το δευτερο παγκοσμιο. Όπως φαινεται τζαι που τον τιτλο, ο νεαρος Δημητρης ανακαλυψε την διασταυρωση με την υπογεια γραμμη της συλλογικης ιστοριας, τον Νιοβρη του 1973. Σε τζηνες τες μερες της εξεγερσης, η μαγεια της συλλογικοτητας φαινεται να του εμφανιστηκε σαν ανεραδα. Το εξωφυλο του βιβλιου εν εκφραστικο: εν ένα ενδιαφερον μονταζ μιας σκηνης που το ανταρτικο της επαναστασης της δεκαετιας του 1940 σε απρομαυρο φοντο, με παρεμβολη, στο κατω μερος, του τοιχου διπλα που την εισοδο/πυλη του Πολυτεχνειου του 1973 με το συνθημα «Λαικη εξουσια». Το υπολοιπο εν ένα κοτσινο [σαν σημαια; σαν ποταμος;] που διαχεεται που την πυλη του Πολυτεχνειου μεχρι τους ανταρτες/ισσες που χορευκουν στο πανω μερος της εικονας. Η επιλογη της συγκεκριμενης φωτογραφιας εν που μονη της εκφραστικη – οι ανταρτες/ισσες την στιγμη της γιορτης σαν μνημη της χαρας της επαναστασης, πανω που την πυλη που παραβιαστηκε το 1973, αλλα της οποιας οι γραμμες πασιν πισω..στα βουνα που φαινονται στο βαθος του ανταρτικου χορου. Οποιος εκαμεν το μονταζ, επιασεν το τονο του βιβλιου.

Το πώς βιωνει την ιστορια εν εκφραστικο τζαι των λογων που τον οδηγησαν στο να παραδοθει για να «αναλαβει την ευθυνη» της οργανωσης το 2002: μια κουβεντα που τον εταραξεν τζαι εκουντησεν τον να παει να αναλαβει την ευθυνη, ηταν ένα σχολιο για τους συντροφους του που «ομολογησαν»:
«Ένα βραδυ του Ιουλη του 2002, μια από εκεινες τις μαυρες νυχτες, ακουσα στο ραδιοφωνακι τα λογια ενός δημοσιογραφου: «Μα πως τους τραβολογανε, πως τους διασυρουν ετσι. Μου θυμιζουν παλια, που εσερναν στο χωριο τα κομενα κεφαλια των ανταρτων»...Συγκλονιστηκα..»

Οποτε ο Δημητρης ανελαβε, όπως ο Αρης το 1945,
Όπως ο Πλουμπιδης στο δικαστηριο μετα την ηττα του 1949,
Να υπερασπιστει την τιμη….

Το 1974 μετα την πτωση της Χουντας ο Κουφοντινας φαινεται να εκυκλοφοραν στον αριστερο τζαι αριστεριζων χωρο αναζητωντας την «συνεχεια του Νιοβρη». Επερασεν τζαι που το χωρο του νεαρου τοτε ΠΑΣΟΚ που εισιεν ανοικτες πορτες στην αμφισβητηση, αλλα όπως το λαλει εκφραστικα ο ιδιος, την «αριστερα» [εννοωντας βασικα το ΚΚΕ η την κομμουνιστογενη αριστερα] ενοιωθεν την παντα σαν «το σπιτι του».[3] Για οσους επαρακολουθουσαν τοτε την συγκροτηση του ελληνικου εξωθεσμικου χωρου [της ακρας αριστερας αρχικα τζαι υστερα των αναρχικων τζαι των διαφορων τασεων μετα το 1979] η αφηγηση του, εν να εν οικεια. Οι ομαδες, οι απεργιες το κινημα αλληλεγγυης, οι συγκρουσεις του Ιουλη του 1975 τζαι του Μαη του ‘76 …Μια σκηνη εν χαρακτηριστικη της αποστασης [της πρακτικης παρα της συναισθηματικης] που το ΚΚΕ. Όταν μια ομαδα του ενοπλου, η πρωτη μορφη της 17ης του Νιοβρη, εκτελεσεν τον Μαλλιο, που ηταν βασανιστης αντιστασιακων τον τζαιρο της χουντας, ο παππους ειπεν του..
 « Δικοι μας το κανανε. Παιδακια βασανισμενα.» Και τα ματια του ελαμπαν. Όμως η φωνη στο ραδιο συνεχιζε με ανακοινωσεις των κομματων. Μαχαιρια η δηλωση του ΚΚΕ. Φαρμακωθηκε. Σκοτεινιασε. Αλλα δεν πηρε πισω τιποτε από τα λογια του. Δεν τον θυμαμαι να διαφωνει ποτε με καποια θεση του κομματος. Όμως η αισθηση της Ιστοριας..κρατουσε την επαναστατικη συνεχεια..αναγνωριζε την επαναστατικη δραση..» [σελ. 71]

Ο νεαρος Δημητρης ηταν ηδη αλλου – εκολλησεν σε μια φραση [«με αρπαξε και με κρατησε ωρα πολλη»] που την προκυρηξη της 17Ν για την εκτελεση:
«Το προηγουμενο της ατιμωρησιας του δωσιλογισμου δεν θα επαναληφθει.»

Τζαι συμπληρωνει στο γραπτο μονολογο ο μετεπειτα «επιχειρησιακος συντονιστης» της οργανωσης..
«Ο Μαλλιος δεν είναι ενας τυχαιος βασανιστης..Συμβολιζει την πιο αγρια κατασταλτικη μορφη της ελληνικης ιστοριας. Ο Μαλλιος είναι ο δωσιλογος, ο κουκουλοφορος της κατοχης, ο χιτης…ο ταγματασφαλιτης..ο βασανιτστης της Μακρονησου..ο δολοφονος του Λαμπρακη..
Πηραμε λιγο από το αιμα μας πισω..
Ετσι ξαναποκτηθηκε η ιστορικη αισθηση.
Εικοσιπεντε χρονια περιπου αργοτερα, το 2000, μετα την εκτελεση του αγγλου στρατιωτικου ακολουθου από την 17Ν, ενας συμπατριωτης του αξιωματικος δηλωνε στο Λονδινο: «Ειχε να σκοτωθει βρετανος αξιωματικος στην Αθηνα από το 1945.» Αυτοι εχουν την ιστορικη αισθηση της αποικιοκρατιας. Εμεις ζητουσαμε την αποκαταστση της ιστορικης αισθησης της εξεγερσης.» [σελ. 183]

Και ετσι όπως θα ελεγε και η Γωγω, γραφωντας εκεινες τις εποχες για το αναλογο αισθημα..
«Κι όταν
ερθουνε να σου πουν
εδώ δεν είναι
τοπος
και χρονος
για τετοια πραγματα
……»
Ο Κουφοντινας δεν «τραβησε την φαλτσετα»[4] όπως ο Κοεμτζης στην απογνωση της τελευταιας αμυνας – αντιθετα, λειτουργησε οργανωμενα και θεωρητικα, για να παραξει μια συνεχεια του ανυποτακτου, που είναι «εδώ και τωρα».

Η ανοδος του Πασοκ στην εξουσια το 1981 καπου ολοκληρωσεν μια σειρα διεκδικησεων αλλα ταυτοχρονα αφομοιωσεν με την ενταξη, την δυναμικη του εξωθεσμικου, «ακηδεμονευτου», όπως το λαλει ο Κουφοντινας, κινηματος. Σε τζηνο το κλιμα αποφασισε να περασει στο ενοπλο – τζαι που τα μεσα της δεκαετιας του 1980 επερασεν πκιον στην παρανομια. Εν σαφες ότι στις τοτε συζητησεις του χωρου που αναπτυχθηκε σε ένα βαθμο γυρω τζαι μετα που την προσπαθεια του ΕΛΑ [επαναστατικος λαικος αγωνας], υπηρχαν διαφορες τασεις. Ο Κουφοντινας ηταν της τασης ότι επρεπε το ενοπλο να εν δεμενο με ένα μαζικο κινημα. Οι αναφορες του για τις συζητησεις που οδηγησαν από την αναζητηση του «πολυμορφου κινηματος» σε διαφορες συζητησεις για τις οργανωτικες μορφες του ενοπλου εν ενδιαφερουσες για την επαναληψη βασικων οργανωτικων προβληματων – εστω τζαι αν στην περιπτωση του ενοπλου μερικα ζητηματα εχουν μια ιδαιτερη αιχμη. Η σχεση με τον «χωρο», η αυτονομια της ομαδας τζαι ο συντονισμος των ομαδων, αλλα τζαι οι σχεσεις μεσα στην ιδια την ομαδα. Στον δικο του απολογισμο η «στεγανοποιηση» της οργανωσης, που ηταν ενας βασικος παραγοντας στο να μεινει απιαστη τζαι να καλιεργηθει ο λαικος μυθος γυρω που τζηνη, ηταν τζαι μια που τις αιτιες της κρισης της όταν εγιναν οι συλληψεις.

Καθως ετζυλαν το κειμενο ενοιωθα τον Κουφοντινα να παλευκει συνεχεια μεσα στο κειμενο του με τουτην την πληγη/ «τραυμα». Το προτυπο ηταν τζαι ενι ο κομμουνιστης των δεκαετιων 1930-40 που εν υπογραφε εστω τζαι αν τον απειλουσαν με εκτελεση.[5] Για τον Σαββα Ξηρο που εισιεν συλληφθει τραυματισμενος οι αναφορες του εχουν μια γλυκαδα κατανοησης για τον πληγωμενο συντροφο – για τους αλλους όμως, χωρις να λαλει πολλα, εν σαφες ότι αποδιδει ευθυνες. Χωρις ιδιαιτερες κατζιες όμως. Γενικα οι αναφορες στους συντροφους του, παρα τις διαφωνιες του τελους με μερικους, εχουν μια ευγενεια, τζαι μια γλυκαδα – που μαλλον εν τζαι του χαρακτηρα του πλασματου. Για την κριση του τελους, παρα τις αναφορες στην ατομικη ευθυνη, επιμενει στο συλλογικο – τι επηεν λαθος στην οργανωση σαν συλλογικη προσπαθεια. Τζαι εν τουτο που καμνει την αναφορα του, περα που το ενδιαφερον της, χρησιμη τζαι για οσους εν ανηκουν στη πτερυγα του ενοπλου:
«Αν, λεω, αξιζει να γραφονται αυτές οι γραμμες, δεν είναι για να πουν μονο για τις νικες μας. Τις μικρες και μεγαλυτερες νικες που καναμε απεναντι στον πανισχυρο εχθρο. Αυτό που αξιζει πραγματικα να γραφτει είναι για τις ηττες μας, για αυτές που καταφεραμε μονοι μας. Για αυτές που υποφεραμε, όχι από παντοδυναμια του εχθρου, αλλα από τις δικες μας αντιφασεις, από τις δικες μας αδυναμιες.
Για την κριτικη θεωρηση της ιστοριας μας…» [σελ. 191]

Αν τζαι φυσικα εν μαρξιστης, η δικη του πορεια εν τζηνη της ευρυτερης ριζοσπαστικης σκεψης τζαι πραξης που εχαρακτηρισεν την περιοδο της μεγαλης παγκοσμιας εξεγερσης που απλωθηκε που το Βιενταμ μεχρι την Λατινικη Αμερικη. Τζαι μεσα στο βιβλιο φαινεται γοητευτικα, στο πρωτο βιογραφικο προσωπο, το «παντρεμα» της ελληνικης λαικης παραδοσης ανταρσιας, που εκροσωπει ο Κουφοντινας, με την παγκοσμια παραδοση που εκφραστηκεν με την ταυτιση με τον μαοϊσμο, την γοητεια της κουβανεζικης επαναστασης, τζαι το μοντελο των Τουπαμαρος – το οποιο ηταν η τελικη εμπνευση για τον ιδιο, αλλα τζαι για το συλλογικο εργο το οποιο περιγραφει. Εν μια κληρονομια που περα που τα κειμενα της, κουβαλα μεσα της τζαι μιαν πρακτικη κληρονομια. Οποτε νομιζω ότι το πιο σημαντικο ζητημα που θετει το βιβλιο τζαι ο δημοσιος προβληματισμος του φυλακισμενου επαναστατη, εν το οργανωτικο: τι μας εμαθεν, τι εμεινε, που την 17η του Νιοβρη; Σαφως η οργανωση εν θα εμπορεν να λειτουργησει αν δεν εισιεν η Ελλαδα ένα κλιμα αμφισβητησης, μια βαθκεια παραδοση σεβασμου στον ανταρτη στην «λαικη παραδοση». Αλλα η οργανωση η ιδια νομιζω εφυεν που τα  πλαισια της εμπνευσης της- τζαι εδημιουργησεν κατι νέο που ενδεχομενως θα εν εμπνευση για αλλους στο μελλον, ειτε για το ενοπλο ειτε για άλλες μορφες παρεμβασης…

Η επιτυχια της 17Ν τζαι οι αντιφασεις της επιτυχιας στο χωρο του θεαματος: μια επαναστατικη ομαδα θεωρητικης πραξης σε ρολο αποδοσης «ιστορικης δικαιοσυνης» που εφουνταν οι αστοι τζαι εκφραζε το «λαικο αισθημα της ιστοριας»
 Αμα μια μιτσια ενοπλη ομαδα φτανει να απολαμβανει υποστηριξης που το 20-30% του πληθυσμου, όπως δειχνουν διαφορες δημοσκοπησεις, ακομα τζαι προσφατα, σαφως εσιει πετυχει κατι. Δυο επεισοδια που περιγραφονται στο βιβλιο εν ενδεικτικα για την πιο μεγαλη της επιτυχια – ότι για σχεδον 25 χρονια λειτουργησε σαν ένα ειδος ταξικης αποδοσης δικαιοσυνης, σαν ενας συλλογικος Ζορρο, καλλιεργωντας ένα ειδος φοβου στους αστους, τζαι ταυτοχρονα  ένα ειδος ιστορικης δικαιωσης στους ταξικα καταπιεσμενους, τον «λαο» όπως το προσδιοριζει ο συγγραφεας .

Οσον αφορα τον φοβο της αστικης ταξης, ο Κουφοντινας περιγραφει ένα διαλογο με ένα αστο [που φυσικα εν τον κατονομαζει] που απεχθανοταν την ταξη του τζαι εσυμπαθαν τζαι εβοηθαν την οργανωση. Σε μια φαση λαλει του ο αστος που παρα την αλληλεγγυη, εισιεν τζαι την υπεροψια της ταξης του..
«Κοιταξε, εσυ πολεμας για την επανασταση, το σοσιαλισμο. Εγω ξερω ότι αυτά θα ερθουν σε εκατο, διακοσια χρονια.» «Τοτε;» . «Σας βλεπω, σας θελω, σαν αντιβαρο σε αυτους του αθλιους. Και ακομα», και εδώ τα ματια του αστραψαν και μισοχαμογελασε πονηρα, «μ’ αρεσει να τους βλεπω να τρεμουν, να μην τολμουν να ζυγωσουν τα παραθυρα, ακομα και τις βιλες τους όταν δινουν δεξιωσεις.» [σελ. 285]

Αλλα το αισθημα της «δικαιοσυνης» ηταν διαχυτο τζαι στα στρωματα για τα οποια εθελε να μιλησει τζαι να εκφρασει η 17Ν. Περιγραφει σκηνικα που διαφοροι εφαινουνταν να καταλαβαινουν ποιοι ηταν οι της 17Ν, τζαι να τους εκαλυφκαν η να τους εδιουσαν ένα αορατο συμβολικο σιερετισμο..Για το πώς ένας ηλικιωμενος [ανταρτης;] εστειλεν τον χαιρετισμο στην «αορατη» ομαδα:
« Καποτε πρωτοπηγαμε σε ένα καφενειο να μιλησουμε με δυο συντροφους. Με αυτό που θα λεγαμε τυποποιημενη «εκτη αισθηση του παρανομου» αντιληφθηκα ένα συνταξιουχο να παρακολουθει - δηθεν στο αδιαφορο. Τοτε εφτασε ο καφετζης στο τραπεζι μας, χωρις προφανη λογο – αλλαξε θεση σε ένα ποτηρι μπροστα μου. Υστερα φευγοντας απευθυνθηκε στο συνταξιουχο: «Στις διαταγες σας, στρατηγε μου!». Επειτα με κοιταξε ανεκφραστα. Ποση λαικη ιστορια, ποση λαικη ψυχη, ποσες λαϊκες αξιες διαβασα σε εκεινο το σκαμενο από την βιοπαλη προσωπο.» [σελ. 269]

Τζαι για το πώς εθκιεβαζουνταν στα «λαικα στεκια» οι προκυρηξεις της οργανωσης - μαζικα σαν αναλυτικα κειμενα:
«Εκεινη η ενεργεια [του 1986] διαπιστωσαμε ότι εβρισκε μεγαλη απηχηση. Ηταν η πρωτη καθαρα αντικαπιταλιστικη ενεργεια της 17Ν και την συνοδευε ένα πολυσελιδο κειμενο οικονομικης αναλυσης. Αυτό ακριβως το κειμενο διαδοθηκε και αναλυθηκε πολύ. Την μερα της δημοσιευσης του ειχαμε μια συναντηση με αλλους δυο συντροφους, να κανουμε εκτιμηση της ενεργειας. Καταληξαμε σε ένα μαγερικο…Πεινουσαμε όμως η ταβερνιαρισα δεν μας εδινε σημασια. Διαβαζε εφημεριδα. Βγηκε σε λιγο από την κουζινα καποιος – ισως ο αντρας της- μας εδειξε με τα ματια. «Δεν μπορω τωρα. Ασε να τελειωσω την προκυρηξη!» θυμωσε. Αφησαμε την καλη εκεινη λαϊκη γυναικα να μελετησει με την ησυχια της. Όταν υστερα από ωρα ηρθε για την παραγγελια, μολις που κρατηθηκα να ζητησω την γνωμη της για το κειμενο που μολις διαβασε.» [σελ. 278]

Ακομα και όταν εμεινε μονος, το καλοκαιρι του 2002, και τον κυνηγουσε ολος ο κατασταλτικος μηχανισμος του κρατους με τα ΜΜΕ να δαιμονοποιουν και την οργανωση και την ιδιο, «ξυπνησε» παλι αυτό που ο Κουφοντινας ονομαζει «δυναμικα στα καταβαθα της λαικης ψυχης».
«Σαν να ενεργοποιουνται αρχεγοντα λαικα ενστικτα αλληλεγγυης στους κυνηγημενους από τις εξουσιες..Ακουσα εκεινες τις μερες μια μαντιναδα, δεν την θυμαμαι καλα, που κατεληγε: «Με κυνηγανε σαν θεριο, και σαν τον Κουφοντινα.» [σελ. 458]

Το αποκορυφωμα ηταν μια ποιητικη σκηνη που περιγραφει σαν την ολοκληρωση της εσωτερικης διαδικασιας αποφασης να παραδοθει τζαι να αναλαβει την ευθυνη:
«Ανοιξα, πολύ αργα, τα ματια. Στα ριζα του βραχου, διπλα στον θαμνο οπου ειχα κρυψει τον υπνοσακκο με κοιταζε μια γυναικα..Δεν θα ξεχασω ποτε εκεινο το βλεμμα. Διχως την παραλλαγη με ειχε γνωρισει. Τωρα με κοιτουσε σταθερα στα ματια. Τι δεν ειδα σε εκεινα τα ματια; Μια λυπη, στενοχωρια. Μαζι, μια λαμψη συμπαθειας. Υστερα ένα αδιορατο νευμα. «Δυναμη, κουραγιο» κατι τετοιο. Με γλυκυτητα. Υστερα εφυγε….
Εφυγα. Ενοιωθα, όμως, σαν να την προδινα, σαν να προδινα μια σιωπηλη συμφωνια εμπιστοσυνης….[Και στην υποσημειωση προσθετει: «Αν διαβαζει αυτές τις γραμμες, ας δεχτει αυτή τη μικρη απολογια. Δεν ηταν η φυγη μου ελλειψη πιστης, ηταν η τηρηση των κανονων μιας παρανομιας που ακροβατουσε, που αναζητουσε να επαναπροσδιοριστει. Σε τετοιες όμως στιγμες, εκεινο το μεγαλο βαρος ενός τετοιου βλεμματος μπορει να είναι καθοριστικο. Ευχαριστω γι’αυτό!»]
Σε όλα τα χρονια της παρανομιας μου ειχα ξαναδει αρκετες φορες αυτό το λαϊκο βλεμμα της συμπαθειας, της στηριξης, της αλληλεγγυης….Εφευγα γεματος από εκεινη την συναντηση…Ελαμπε ηδη μεσα μου η ενθαρρυνση το κουραγιο που ειχα μεταλαβει..Αρκεσε μια στιγμη γειωσης με την λαϊκη ψυχη, μια επικοινωνια με το λαϊκο ενστικτο. Που αντεχε, αντιστεκοταν στην  επικοινωνιακη καταιγιδα που λυσσομανουσε…
Ο λαος βιωσε την ηττα της οργανωσης ως δικη του – όπως και ηταν. Αργοτερα θα μαθαινα μια λιτη και περιεκτικη φραση από μια ανταρτισσα παλια, που συμπυκωνε τοση πικρα: «Μας τα ξαναπηρανε τα οπλα». [459-60]

Για τουτον επαραδοθηκε ο Κουφοντινας. Τζαι αποδειχθηκε, εστω και αν εν δειχνει να το συνειδητοποιει [η εν το αναφερει από κατανοητη μετριοφροσυνη] στο κειμενο του, ενας μαστορας της επικοινωνιας: Επηεν στα κεντρικα τους γραφεια, σχεδον αορατος, όπως ηταν για τοσα χρονια η 17Ν, τζαι μετα αναγκαστηκαν να μεταδιδουν ότι «δεν λυγισε»…
«Αυτά που γυρευαν ηταν τα οπλα εμβληματα της οργανωσης και ιδιως το παλιο σαραπενταρι της 17Ν. Τους απαντησα ότι δεν παραδιδουμε τετοια οπλα..Να μην ατιμασουν οπλα με ιστορια…ο ιδιος ο αρχιανακριτης..θα παραδεχθει: «Ο Κουφοντινας δεν μιλαει. Αμετακινητος και ακαμπτος απαντα: «Οι αγωνιστες δεν παραδιδουμε τα οπλα μας.» Τα ιδια και στο δικαστηριο..Τους απαντησα με ένα κλεφτικο τραγουδι:
Του Ραμαντανη τα’ αρματα δεν πρεπει να πουλιουνται
….». [σελ. 468]

Υπηρχε όμως τζαι μια άλλη διασταση περα που την ικανοτητα της οργανωσης να ενταξει την πρακτικη της στο υπογειο ρευμα της «αισθησης της Ιστοριας» - το ότι η ομαδα ουσιαστικα ελειτουργαν σαν ένα ειδος ομαδας ερευνας. Τζαι πρακτικα τζαι θεωρητικα. Το βιβλιο εν ιδιαιτερα πληροφοριακο για το πώς ουσιαστικα η οργανωση ελειτουργαν σαν ένα ειδος ομαδας συλλογης – επεξεργασιας πληροφοριων, ελεγχου τζαι ασκησεων πριν οποιαδηποτε ενεργεια. Εισιεν ουσιαστικα δημιουργησει ένα παραλληλο μηχανισμο κατασκευης στοιχειων – τζαι μερικες που τες ενεργειες της [όπως η καταληψη του αστυνομικου τμηματος λ.χ.] ειχαν τουτη την σκοπιμοτητα. Αλλα η ομαδα ελειτουργαν ετσι τζαι θεωρητικα – δηλαδη εκαμναν ερευνες στα αρχεια η άλλες πηγες πληροφοριων για να τεκμηριωσουν τζαι να ενταξουν σε ένα ιστορικο πλαισιο τις πληροφοριες που εφταναν σε τζηνους. Τζαι για να συνταξουν τα κειμενα τους που ηταν που τα πιο επιτυχημενα κειμενα λαϊκης αναγνωσης στην ιστορια των επαναστατικων ομαδων – σε βαθμο που αναγκαστηκε η κυβερνηση να απαγορευσει την δημοσιοποιηση τους.  Μια καταγραφη που αφορα τζαι το κυπριακο:
«..ψαχναμε αξιωματικους της χουντας με κομβικο ρολο στην προδοσια της Κυπρου, τον Σκλαβενιτη και αλλους. Σκεφτομασταν ακομα και απαγωγες, ανακρισεις, ώστε να ανοιξει ένα κομματι από το φακελο της Κυπρου.
Ενας άλλος τομεας που ερευνουσαμε πολύ και συνεχως ηταν εφοπλιστες που ηταν υπευθυνοι για πολυνεκρα ναυαγια με τα σαπιοκαραβα τους, καθως και στελεχη της διεφθαρμενης διοικησης της εταιρειας Ελληνικος Νοηγνωμονας, που εδινε πιστοποιητικα αξιοπολοϊας με το αζημειωτο σε πλοια κυριολεκτικα πλωτα φερετρα..» [σελ. 286]

Όταν κυκλοφορησε το κειμενο της 17Ν του 1986 που ονομαζε σαρκαστικα, αλλα τζαι επιστημονικα όπως επιμενει ο Κουφοντινας, το ελληνικο συστημα εξουσιας σαν «λματ» [λουμπεν μεγαλο-αστικη ταξη] μεχρι τζαι ο Παπανδρεου εμιλησε για «πνευματικους ανθρωπους», οικονομολογους συγγραφεις του κειμενου». Όταν η οργανωση πυροβολησε δυο εισαγγελεις το 1988-89 ο δημοσιος διαλογος στραφηκε στις «ολιγωριες» αλλα τζαι την διαφθορα του δικαστικου σωματος. Όταν σε τζηνο το πλαισιο εξαπολυθυκε μια συντονισμενη επιθεση των ΜΜΕ εναντια στην οργανωση, η 17Ν απαντησε με την μεταφραση μερικων σελιδων από τις «Χαμενες Ψευδαισθησεις» του Μπαλζακ – το κειμενο εγινε αμεσως και παλι επιτυχια σε βαθμο που καποιος εισηγηθηκε «ενθουσιασμενος» να «μεταφρασει η οργανωση ολοκληρο το βιβλιο». Ακομα τζαι στην δικη, ενας που τους βουλευτες που εισιεν κατηγορησει η 17Ν την δεκαετια του 1990 για εμπλοκη σε σκανδαλα ιδιωτικοποιησεων, θεωρουσε πιο επειγον να «καθαρισει» το ονομα του από την οργανωση – εστω τζαι αν ηταν κατηγορουμενη στο δικαστηριο των εχθρων της:
«Αργοτερα, στο δικαστηριο, ο βουλευτης [Παπαδημητριου] ζητησε με μια δηλωση μου να «καθαρισω» το ονομα του.Τοτε η αγωνια του Παπαδημητριου ηταν να αποκατασταθει το ονομα του. Στην αγορευση του, προς μεγαλη ενοχληση του δικζστηριου, τους ειχε γυρισμενη την πλατη και απευθυνοταν σε εμενα.» [σελ. 413]

Όπως φαινεται από το κειμενο η οργανωση λειτουργουσε ουσιαστικα σαν μια ενοπλη κλειστη ομαδα ερευνας τζαι πραξης.  Τουτη η πρακτικη εν ενδιαφρουσα. Ιστορικα μπορει να παραπεμπει τζαι στα affinity groups των αναρχικων στην Ισπανια πριν την επανασταση του 1936 για να μπορουν να αποφυγουν την διεισδυση των υπηρεσιων του κρατους – αλλα εν ειχαν την αναλυτικη εμφαση της 17Ν. Πιο κοντα μπορει να πει καποιος ότι ηταν η πρακτικη των σιτουασιονιστων της μετα το 1950 περιοδου, των οποιων η όποια «βια» ηταν μεν συμβολικη – αλλα οι οποιοι ηταν επισης μια κλειστη ομαδα των οποιων η καταλυτικη παρεμβαση καταγραφηκε με κειμενα που αφησαν εποχη. Τζαι σε ατομικο επιπεδο ισως να μπορουσε να συσχετισει καποιος τουτην την μορφη παρεμβασης, της κλειστης ομαδας με θεαματικης πραξεις που τεκμηριωνονται με αναλυτικα κειμενα, με την πρακτικη του «Υποδιοικητη Μαρκος» των Ζαπατιστας. Τζιαμαι βεβαια το κινημα, εν μαζικο, αλλα ο ιδιος ο Μαρκος λειτουργα/λειτουργουσε σαν ένα ειδος θεωρητικης φωνης του κινηματος [των ιθαγενων, «του λαου» στην περιπτωση της 17Ν], μεσα που τα κειμενα του, ενώ ο ιδιος παρεμενε αγνωστος/αορατος πισω που την καλυψη του. Το ευρύτερο θέμα που τουτην την μορφη παρεμβασης εν ακριβως ότι σε μια εποχη που ο κινδυνος μπορει να μεν εν μονο η κρατικη διεισδυση αλλα η θεαματικη αφομοίωση, η συγκροτηση αυτονομων ομαδων που να λειτουργουν παρεμβατικα στην Δημοσια Σφαιρα [εστω τζαι του θεαματος όπως εν συγκροτημενη σε μεγαλο βαθμο σημερα η Δημοσια Σφαιρα] χωρις να διεκδικουν την ηγεσια ενός χωρου/κινηματος/«λαικης αισθησης», ισως να εν σημαντικη διασταση προβληματισμου. Αθθυμουμαι ακομα εν καναδο συμφοιτητη μου που σε ανυποπτο χρονο λαλει μου «εν βαλεις ονομα στα κειμενα γιατι πρεπει να ειμαστε αορατοι στο κοσμο της μεταμοντερνας επιτητηρησης, εν ενι;» Η αληθκει ενι ότι εν το σκεφτηκα ετσι τοτε – την δεκαετια του 1980. Αλλα σκεφτομαι το οσον περνα ο τζαιρος. Τζαι αθθυμηθηκα το θκιεβαζωντας το βιβλιο του Κουφοντινα. 

Η 17Ν μπορει να εξεκικινησε σαν μια διασταυρωση της ελληνικης εμπειριας με το διεθνες κινημα, αλλα στην εμπλοκη της με τα ΜΜΕ ηταν, νομιζω, πρωτοπορα. Καμια άλλη οργανωση, με εξαιρεση ισως του Ζαπατιστας προσφατα, εν επετυχεν ετσι παρεμβαση στο χωρο της δημοσιοτητας – τζαι εν αφηκεν ετσι αποθεμα γοητειας. Οι αναρχικοι ειχαν καμει μια σωστη αναλυση τοτε για την 17Ν – ότι ελειτουργαν σαν θεαμα. Όμως η συγκυρια απαιτουσε ένα αντι-θεαμα, μια σκηνη απομυθοποιησης. Οι  επιθεσεις τζαι οι απαντησεις της 17Ν στα ΜΜΕ ειχαν μια εντυπωσιακη εφευρετικοτητα –  από την μεταφραση του Μπαλζακ σαν απαντηση στην υστερια, μεχρι την επιθεση με ρουκετα κατά την διαρκεια δελτιου ειδησεων. Καταφερναν να κερδουν τα ΜΜΕ στο γηπεδο τους. Η κριση που προηλθε με τις συλληψεις, το «Τραυμα» όπως το αποκαλει, αποδιδεται που τον Κουφοντινα στο ότι εν υπηρχε εσωτερικη διαδικασια προετοιμασιας των στελεχων, αλλα ισως τζαι εξωτερικη προσβαση στα κινηματα. Όμως τζαι στα δυο πρεπει να ειμαστε ειλικρινεις – η 17Ν ανοιξε ένα νέο πεδιο τζαι ηταν μαλλον λογικο να βρεθουν τα περισσοτερα ατομα/μελη της ξαφνικα αμηχανα μπροστα στην συγκεντρωτικη επιθεση των φωτων της δημοσιοτητας. Διοτι όταν εκαμναν τις παρεμβασεις τους εφαινετουν να μπορουν να καθοριζουν την ατζεντα – «Οργανωση παντος καιρου» εγραψε καποτε μια εφημεριδα για την δραση τους. Πώς να περιμενουν την ολοκληρωτικη επιθεση – εσωτερικα/ψυχολογικα τζαι εξωτερικα; Δαμαι ολοκληρα κινηματα πιανονται απροετοιμαστα όταν τα ΜΜΕ εξαπολουουν συντονισμενη επιθεση υστεριας. Η απλοϊκη αντιληψη « ξερουμεν ότι τα ΜΜΕ εν παντα ετσι» εν κατανοει τες δυναμικες της Κοινωνιας του Θεαματος τζαι της θεσης των σημερινων επικοινωνιακων επιθεσεων σε τουτο το συστεμικο πλαισιο – τζαι αρα την αναγκη τροπων αμυνας, ιδιαιτερα σε ετσι σημεια αιχμης. Αλλα, τζαι που την άλλη, για να αποφυγουν τις αρχες επρεπε να εν «στεγανοποιημενη» η οργανωση.[6] Αρα την στιγμη της ομοβροντιας του θεαματος, εν θα υπηρχαν ευκολες αμυνες στα περιξ. Μεχρι που ηρθε η μαντιναδα τζαι τα μαθκια της γυναικας που ειπαν στον Κουφοντινα το αισθημα που εν εισιεν ξαφνικα λεξεις να ειπωθει. «Μας πηραν τα οπλα ξανα» ειπεν η παλια ανταρτισσα – όμως νομιζω ότι το πραγματικο «οπλο» που εθελαν τα ΜΜΕ, τζαι εν ηβραν, ηταν η «παλια» γραφομηχανη[7] ..εν η γραφομηχανη που εκαμνε την παραπανω ζημια. Το πιστολι ηταν το θεαμα το οποιο ετεκμηριωνετουν με τις λεξεις της γραφομηχανης.

Η εμπειρια της 17Ν σαν καινοτομια στην επαναστατικη Ιστορια: ένα ειδος παρεμβασης στην ατζεντα των ΜΜΕ τζαι η ρητορικη που απευθυνεται στην εν δυναμει συλλογικη συνειδηση του «λαου»
Μπορει να θεσει καποιος δυο ζητηματα δαμαι. Το ένα εσιει να καμει με την παρεμβαση στο χωρο των ΜΜΕ, τζαι του θεαματος γενικοτερα, τζαι το άλλο αν η εννοια του «λαου» στην οποια στηριζεται ο Κουφοντινας, εσιει θεωρητικη προεκταση, περα που την συναισθηματικη-ρητορικη της χρηση. Τα ΜΜΕ εν μηχανισμοι που παραγουν το Θεαμα τζαι η δυναμη τους, σε ένα μεγαλο βαθμο, βρισκεται ακριβως στο γεγονος ότι συγκαλυπτουν την συγκεντρωτικη δομη ελεγχου-εξουσιας που υπαρχει πισω που το φαινομενικα «διαχυτο θεαματικο». Ετσι ενώ εμφανιζονται ταχα μου ουδετερα τζαι με «διαφορετικες οπτικες» την στιγμη της «κρισης» φαινονται να συντονιζονται από το πουθενα τζαι να παραγουν ένα ειδος πυροβολικου κατασκευης υστεριων. Τζαι πρεπει να μαθουμε να το αντιμετωπιζουμεν τζαι τουτο – τζαι η εμπειρια του Κουφοντινα το καλοτζαιρι του 2002 εν ιδιαιτερα χρησιμα δαμαι. Όπως οποιαδηποτε μορφη αλλοτριωσης, όμως, τα ΜΜΕ εκφραζουν ταυτοχρονα τζαι μια ιστορικη δυναμικη – τζαι τουτη ενι η διευρυνση της επικοινωνιας. Αναγκαστικα το επαναστατικο, εναλλακτικο κοκ κινημα/τα θα πρεπει εβρουν τροπο παρεμβασεων στην Δημοσια Σφαιρα την οποια μονοπωλουν τα «καθεστωτικα» ΜΜΕ, τζαι να δημιουργησουν εναλλακτικες μορφες επικοινωνιας που θα οικειοποιουνται τις νεες τεχνολογιες. Σε τουτο το πλαισιο η 17Ν ηταν σαν την παρεμβαση στο χωρο του θεαματος που μιαν ομαδα επαναστατων – που εν ειχαν, όμως, ακομα συνειδηση της καινοτομιας της πραξης τους, τζαι αρα των κινδυνων αμα εχαναν την ανωνυμια. Η δημιουργια των εναλλακτικων δομων πληροφορησης εν σαν την περικυκλωση των πολεων στον μαοϊσμο. Αλλα η αυτονομια των ομαδων ισως να εν το πιο σημαντικο μαθημα – τζαι το θεμα του μελλοντος ισως να εν η αλληλεγυη των αυτονομιων.

Εσιει νοημα η εννοια του «λαου»; Ο λαος εν αχανης εννοια όπως η μοδα της κοινωνιας των πολιτων τελευταια – εν ουλλα τζαι τιποτε. Ο Κουφοντινας όμως εν αναλυτικα εστιασμενος τζαι στα δικα μου μαθκια συνεκτικη εννοιολογικα. Η επιθυμητη εννοια του «λαου» εν ο «ενοπλος λαος». Κατι σαν τον «εν δυναμει λαο» - τον λαο, σαν την συλλογικοτητα που μπορει να ενι, που μπορει να αυτοκυβερνηθει – παρα ότι υπαρχει σε παθητικη μορφη [in itself που λαλουν στα αγγλικα]. Ο «λαος» με τουτην την εννοια εν οι καταπιεσμενες τζαι μη-προνομιουχες ομαδες του πληθυσμου που μπορουν να εν παθητικες ή μπορουν να συγκροτηθουν σε ενεργο υποκειμενο. Δαμαι ο Κουφοντινας εν αντιγραφει ουτε τον Μαο ουτε κανενα – κουβαλα την ελληνικη, η τζαι την βαλκανικη ισως, εμπειρια τζαι την  καταγραφει με λεξεις. Ο «λαος» του Κουφοντινα βρισκεται στις λαϊκες εργατικες συνοικιες, αλλα εν τζαι οι αγροτες. Η υπερασπιση της αγροτικης παραδοσης σε τουτο το εργο εν εντονη – τζαι πραγματικα γοητευτικη. Καθως εθκιεβαζα το βιβλιο ερκετουν μου συχνα το αισθημα «τουτος ο τυπος εν μαγκας». Τζαι παρα το ότι εβαλα τους στιχους της Γωγου, σαν παραλληλο ηχο, νομιζω εν θα του αρεσκεν ετσι περιγραφη. Οϊ γιατι εν ενι – αλλα γιατι τα δικα του προτυπα, εν σχεδον όπως των Ζαπατιστας. Ο χωρος των «υπογειων» της πολης, σαν χωρος δημιουργιας εν φαινεται να τον ντζιζει. Ενοχληθηκε στις καταληψεις, τελη της δεκαετιας του 70, όταν μερικοι εκαμναν παιχνιδι με την ιστορικη παραδοση του κινηματος. Τζαι εν εντονος ότι οι μεγαλες μορφες των κινηματων εμπνευστηκαν που τους αγροτες – αναφερει τζαι τον ΕΛΑΣ αλλα τζαι τον ΔΣΕ..Τουτα ενεν απλα υπερασπιση της δικης του παραδοσης τζαι ταυτοτητας – εν μια θεση, νομιζω, ότι ο «λαος» εν συγκροτειται μονο ταξικα-οικονομικα αλλα τζαι πολιτισμικα. Εν τουτο που επαναλαμβανει σαν βιογραφικο βιωμα – την «αισθηση της ιστοριας», το «λαικο ενστικτο», «οι δυναμικες της λαικης ψυχης». Τουτα εν τα πολιτισμικα στοιχεια που κουβαλα υπογεια η συλλογικοτητα των καταπιεσμενων, τζαι εν πανω σε τουτα, λαλει ο Κουφοντινας, που μπορει να οικοδομηθει, η επαναστατικη πραξη. Σε τουτο το πλαισιο δια μια τουλαχιστον ερμηνεια για την εκπληκτικη επιτυχια της ομαδας – εν ηταν η παρουσια καποιου/ας genious που εκαθορισεν την επιτυχια, αλλα αντιθετα μια συλλογικοτητα που εκυκλοφοραν μεσα στο κοινο της τζαι επιανεν τον ρυθμο της «λαικης συνειδησης» στην «βουλη του λαου», τα καφενεια, τζαι εμιλαν σε τουτο το υποστρωμα.  Εν εσιει αδικο για την ιστορικη συνεχεια ο Κουφοντινας – εστω τζαι αν εχω την δικια μου αισθηση γοητειας που το περιθωριο της πολης. Όμως εν ιστορικο γεγονος ότι τα μεγαλα κινηματα εκτισαν τζαι κτιζουν σε πολιτισμικες παραδοσεις – τζαι προφανως δαμαι ειχαμεν μια διασταυρωση που εν τζαιρος να εκτιμηθει για ότι ηταν…

Ενας ευαισθητος ανθρωπος στα οπλα.. «Όμως καναμε το σωστο»…
Εν θα ασχοληθω ιδιαιτερα με το θεμα της βιας. Ενεν δικη μου επιλογη, αλλα εν μπορω να μεν την σεβαστω θωρωντας γυρον μου. Ο Καμυ στον «επαναστατημενο ανθρωπο» [με τα οσα προβληματα εσιει σαν βιβλιο τζαι με ουλλες τες αντιφασεις του ιδιου του Καμυ] θετει σωστα, νομιζω, το διλλημα – ο επαναστατης εν καποιος που εκτος που να αρνειται την υποταγη, να λαλει δηλαδη «οϊ», εν τζαι καποιος/α που λαλει ένα «ναι» - διεκδικα καθολικα τα δικαιωματα που θελει για τον ευατον του/της. Τζαι εν ετοιμος/η να θυσιαστει η να θυσιασει κατι για το παναθρωπινο κοινο καλο. Όμως που την στιγμη που εμπλεκεται σε μια αντιπαραθεση μπορει να αναγκαστει να χρησιμοποιησει βια – τοτε το «παναθρωπινο» ερκεται σε αντιθεση με την αναγκαιοτητα. Ο Καμυ εθεωρουσε του ρωσους επαναστατες του 19ου αιωνα που ηταν ετοιμοι να πεθανουν αφου ασκησαν βια, σαν ένα ειδος ηθικου συμβιβασμου. Ο Δ. Κουφοντινας επηεν φυλακη για να μετατρεψει τον «μυθο σε ιστορια» για να παραφρασω τον Γ. Μαρνελλο της Ελευθεροτυπιας.[8]  Μπορω να το πω ευρυτερα για οσους μετρουν την μπακκιρα αντι τον ιστορικο χρονο. Όπως σωστα εγραψε τζαι ο Μαρνελλος, ο Κουφοντινας φαινεται να ηταν ο «επιχειρησιακος αρχηγος» αν τζαι  ο ιδιος φανταζομαι εν θα εταυτιζετουν με την εννοια του «αρχηγου» - με ετσι ικανοτητες, τζαι οι ιδιος τζαι οι παρεες του, θα οικονομουσαν πολλα, αν επουλουσαν υπηρεσιες στον υποκοσμο η αν αναλωνουνταν 25 χρονια να δρουν τζαι να μεν τους πιανει η αστυνομια. Εν μπορει να μεν το εκαταλαβαιναν τζαι οι ιδιοι. Αλλά εν το εκαμαν. Ακομα παραπανω – τουτα τα ατομα που εκαταφεραν για  τοσα χρονια να παιζουν με την δημοσιοτητα, θα εμπορουσαν επισης να καμουν καριερα στα ΜΜΕ του θεαματος..Αλλα..Οπως εγραψε τζαι ο Μισσιος στο «Χαμογελα ρε, τι σου ζητανε;»..
«..υπαρχει και το ζεϊμπεκικο.»[9]
 Ο Κουφοντινας βεβαια θα το προτιμουσε μαλλον, δημοτικο, κλεφτικο, ανταρτικο.
Η αισθητικη κωδικοποιηση της «ιστορικης αισθησης» του ανυποτακτου….

Εσιει αρκετες αναφορες στην Κυπρο ο Κουφοντινας. Σε μερικες περιπτωσεις μερικες ανακοινωσεις της οργανωσης ακουονταν νακκον off..Οι σχεσεις Κυπρου-Ελλαδας εν περιπλοκες [μια χωρα που αγωνιζετουν για την δικη της ανεξαρτησια, επεμβαινε το κρατος της στην δικη μας χωρα τζαι υπονομευκεν την δικη μας ανεξαρτησια] για να ανοιξουμεν δαμαι το κεφαλαιο..Εν σαφης όμως, τζαι στο αντι-εθνικισμο του, τζαι στην προσπαθεια του να σεβαστει την κυπριακη αυτονομια…Εβιωθηκεν διαφορετικα η Κυπρος στην Ελλαδα, τζαι η Ελλαδα στην Κυπρο, αλλα η εντιμοτητα του συγγραφεα του «Γεννηθηκα 17 Νοεμβρη» εν ξεκαθαρη – τζηνες τες μερες της δεκαετιας του 1970 εκαταλαβαινε τι επαιζετουν δακατω…

Θα κλεισω με το ατομο. Εν μου αρεσκει να επαναλαμβανομαι αλλα η ευγενεια που ενοιωσα να αναδυεται που την πεννα τουτου του αθρωπου, εν εντυπωσιακη. Ενταξει σαν κυπραιος, ισως να εχω τζαι εγω τις προκαταληψεις μου. Κουραζουν με οι φανφαρονικες ιαχες που ισως προκατελειμενα ταυτιζω τον τελευταιο τζαιρον με το lifestyle που ηρτεν που την Αθηνα..Ψευτομαγκιες ημιμαθων…Τι ανακουφιση να θκιεβαζεις επιτελους ένα αθρωπο ευγενικο, τρυφερο…που εσιει γαιμα στα σιερκα του..αλλα εσιει τζηνη «μαγκια» κατ’εμενα, «παλληκαρκα» [ η λεξη «παλληκαρι» παει του παραπανω νομιζω] να αναλαμβανει την ευθυνη. Εν ξεκαθαρος λ.χ. στην αναφορα του για το μονο ατομο που θεωρει ότι σκοτωθηκε κατά λαθος από την 17Ν:
«Ενας αθωος ανθρωπος, ο Θανος Αξαρλιαν, ενας από τους δικους μας, για αυτους που αγωνιζομασταν να εχουν ένα καλυτερο αυριο, εμεινε διχως αυριο. Ο πονος μας μεγαλος, ο δικος μου αβασταχτος. Τηλεφωνησα αμεσως , εξεφρασα την λυπη της 17Ν. Μπορει να ειχε ευθυνη η αστυνομια, να μπλοκαρε επι μιση ωρα σχεδον το ασθενοφορο. Όμως την κυρια ευθυνη την ειχαμε εμεις. Χρονια αργοτερα, στο δικαστηριο ζητησα συγνωμη. Ειπα ότι ηταν λαθος η επιλογη του τοπου, λαθος η επιλογη του τροπου. Λαθη εγιναν στην πραγματοποιηση της ενεργειας. Λαθος ηταν και η εμμονη να γινει οπωσδηποτε εκεινη η ενεργεια. Ηταν ένα τραγικο λαθος.»[10] [σελ. 380]

 Γενικοτερα εκαμεν εντυπωση στον λογο του μια υπογεια τρυφεροτητα. Η αναφορα του στις γυναικες που αγαπησε, είναι τοσο ρομαντικη, που απορεις πως αυτό το σχεδον ντροπαλο, όπως φαινεται εστω, αγορι, κρατουσε με τοση ψυχραιμια το οπλο.
«..στα εικοσι τρια χρονια μου, καθομουν σε ένα παγκακι στο αλσος…περιμενωντας να σημαδεψουν οι ωροδεικτες την μεγαλη ωρα, να σημανουν την καινουργια ανταρτικη ωρα…Θα περνουσα το μεγαλο κατωφλι, η ζωη μου θα αλλαζε, την εβλεπα καθισμενος εκει..Εκει που πρωτοεκανα βολτες στην Αθηνα, πρωτοφερτος επαρχιωτης. Εκει που εκανα τις πρωτες πολιτικες κουβεντες. Τους πρωτους ερωτικους περιπατους με την Καιτη μου..» [σελ. 142]

Αλλα τζαι η αναφορα στην γνωριμια με την Αγγελικη, την «συντρόφισσα της ζωης» του, είναι αναλογη.
«Αυγουστος 1988. Ηξερα πως ειχα βρει την συντροφισσα της ζωης μου. Ερωτας, αγαπη μαζι με τρυφεραδα…η Αγγελικη μου..» [σελ. 311]

 Το μονο ατομο στο οποιο, αν θυμουμαι καλα, αφιερωνεται το βιβλιο σαν ειδος εξηγησης-απολογιας [σαν πατερας σε γιο] είναι στον γιο του..Γιατι δεν προλαβε πριν την παραδοση να του εξηγησει γιατι επρεπε να παρει τις αποφασεις που πηρε..Την απαντηση εδώ την εδωσε η Αγγελικη:

«Χρονια μετα, εικοσι εξι χρονια αργοτερα, θα μου πει σε ένα επισκεπτηριο: «Μεγαλωσαμε το παιδι μας πισω από τα καγκελα.» Σωπασε για μια στιγμη. «Όμως εμεις καναμε το σωστο» αποσωσε.» [σελ. 313]

[1] Ο «Κλεφτης» ηταν ένα υψωμα στην εισοδο του Γραμμου, οπου μια μιτσια ομαδα ανταρτων του «Δημοκρατικου Στρατου» [ΔΣΕ] κρατησε τον «Εθνικο Στρατο» για 40 μερες το 1948. Εθκιαβασα διαφορες για τζηνη την μαχη, αλλα την πιο εντυπωσιακη περιγραφη αθθυμουμαι την που ενα ελληνα αξιωματικο, σαφως δεξιο, που επεριγραφε μας την μαχη για να μας δειξει τι μπορει να καμει μια μιτσια ομαδα – ημουν στρατο τοτε μετα την χουντα, τζαι αρα επιτρεπετουν να μιλας για τον Γραμμος τζαι που την οπτικη των ανταρτων..καπως..
[3] Εν αξιοσημειωτο λ.χ. ότι στο τελος, όταν προσπαθει να διαπραγματευτει τις «ομολογιες» των συντροφων του, τζαι παρα την πρακτικη [ισως τζαι θεωρητικη] αποσταση από την κομματικη γραμμη του ΚΚΕ, εντουτοις καταφευκει παλε σε τζηνη την παραδοση [μιαν αποφαση του ΚΚΕ του 1947] σαν πλαισιο για την αξιολογηση των δεδομενων  τζαι των πραξεων – οσων εγιναν τζαι οσων εν δυναμει μπορουν να γινουν «για την αποκατασταση της τιμης». [σελ. 444]
[4] Το ποιημα της Γωγου [αρ. 4] στα «3 Κλικ Αριστερα» ολοκληρωνεται με το:
«τραβηξε την φαλτσετα και θερισε.
Ειχαν δικαιο οι Κοεμτζηδες.»
[5] Αν τζαι αναγνωριζει την πιθανοτητα στρατηγικης κινησης, όπως θεωρει ότι εκαμεν ο Αρης Βελουχιωτης, εν σαφες, όμως, ότι θεωρει την αναληψη ευθυνης, τζαι την υπερασπιση της τιμης νευραλγικη. Καποια αλλην φαση θα ακουστει τζαι η εκδοχη του «δεν μιλω», αλλα θωρωντας τα δεδομενα που την συγκυρια του 2002, εν δυσκολο να μεν δει καποιος την αναγκη ενός «Κουφοντινα» σε ετσι στιγμες.
[6] Υπηρχε σαφως μια προθεση συνδεσης με κινηματα – τζαι τουτο επαιξεν τζαι σαν προσπαθεια σε μια φαση την δεκαετια του 1980 – αλλα το να εισαι μια οργανωση στην οποια εν εσιει προσβαση ο κατασταλτικος μηχανισμος του κρατους, τζαι να εισαι τζαι ανοιχτη στα κινηματα, ηταν μαλλον ντε φακτο αλληλοαποκλειομενες πιθανοτητες.
[7] Τουτο ηταν μια που τες πιο ενδιαφερουσες εμμονες των ΜΜΕ – αναμεσα στα «τεκμηρια» που εψαχναν τα ΜΜΕ τζαι η αστυνομια ηταν μια παλια γραφομηχανη οπου ειχαν γραφτει οι πρωτες ανακοινωσεις της οργανωσης, τζαι η «οποια δεν εγραφε ολοκληρο το γραμμα Ρ» τζαι εγινε ετσι ένα ειδος cult συμβολου-σφραγιδα  της οργανωσης μαζι με το σαρανταπενταρι.
[8] «Η αγωνια του Κουφοντινα, ο μυθος να γινει ιστορια», Ελευθεροτυπια, σελ. 48, 19-20/4  2014. Το συγκεκριμενο κειμενο εν σημαντικο γιατι τεκμηριωνει τζηνο που επαναλαμβανει συνεχως ο Κουφοντινας στο βιβλιο – την προσπαθεια δηλαδη να αποφευχθουν θυματα Σε διαφορες φασεις αναφερει ότι οι αρχες εκαθυστερουσαν λες τζαι ηθελαν θυματα. Ένα παραδειγμα που αναφερει, πιστοποιηται που τον δημοσιογραφο που ηταν τελικα τζηνος που εβουρησεν να ειδοποιησει: «Κατι που δεν ηξερα είναι ότι μαζι του μιλησα το βραδυ που ετρεχα να αδειασω την Βασιλισσης Σοφιας, το Δεκεβρη του 1990 κατά την εκτοξευση ρουκετων στα γραφεια της ΕΟΚ. Γραφει πως τηελφωνησε αυτος ο ιδιος εκεινο το βραδυ στην «Ε». Ο Κουφοντινας, παντως, δινει και μια εξηγηση γιατι ετρεχε ο δημοσιογραφος και όχι η αστυνομια: «Εγω ο ιδιος τηλεφωνησα στην Ελευθεροτυπια, ζητησα ένα πολιτικο συντακτη, του επεσημανα ποσο σημαντικο ηταν να ειδοποιησει αμεσως την αστυνομια. Η οποια όμως ειχε εντολες από την πολιτικη ηγεσια να μην κανει τιποτα. Χρειαστηκε να ερθει τρεχοντας ο δημοσιογραφος…να κανει την δουλεια της αστυνομιας, να αποκλεισει την κυκλοφορια..» [σελ. 357]
[9] "..ο Αρτεμης ακουει τον διοικητη του που μου ζηταει να του χαμογελασω απλως και να με αφησει να παω σπιτι μου, και εντελως αυθορμητα, απο αγαπη για μενα, γυριζει παρουσια ολων και μου λεει "Χαμογελα, ρε μαλακα, τι σου ζητανε;" Τον κοιταξα στα ματια και του λεω, τιποτα, ρε Αρτεμη, απλως υπαρχει και το ζειμπεκικο.." [Χαμογελα ρε, τι σου ζητανε, σελ. 209]
[10] Αξιζει να αναφερθει σαν υποσημειωση η συνεχεια του σχολιου για το ατυχημα του Σαββα Ξηρου που οδηγησε στην συλληψη του: «..θεταμε σαν πρωτη προτεραιοτητα την ασφαλεια των αθωων..Αυτος , αλλωστε, ηταν και ο λογος που κομματιαστηκε ο Σαββας από την εκρηξη της βομβας..Ηταν τοτε μια βομβα μικρης ισχυος, η οποια, παροτι εσκασε στο χερι του, κοντα στο προσωπο του, δεν τον σκοτωσε. Αν την αφηνε εκει, αν την ακουμπουσε απλως στου θαμνους, το λιγο χρονο που υπολειποταν μεχρι την εκρηξη, δεν θα κινδυνευε σοβαρα κανεις. Με τον νου όμως στην ελαχιστη πιθανοτητα εσπρωχνε και ξαναεσπρωχνε τη μικρη βομβα μεχρι που βραχυκυλωθηκε το γερμανικο ρολοϊ.»
  • August 11th 2014 at 20:38
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Αν δεν υπερασπιστουμε τον Πανικο Δημητριαδη σημερα...αυριο η Διαπλοκη εν να κατασκευαζει υστερια εναντια στον επομενο που εν ελεγχει, τζαι ?

By linopampakos
 "Παντως εμεις θα τους αντισταθουμε,
οποιοι και αν ειναι
οσο δυνατοι και αν ειναι"
Δωρος Λοιζου [ σε μια αλλη εποχη, των τανκς..αλλα τζαι σημερα, την εποχη των banks, των σκανδαλων τζαι των επεμβασεων τους, οι παραλλαγες εχουν τες ομοιοτητες τους..]

Ζουμε σε μια παρωδια που εσιει ξεφυγει πκιον
 τζαι εν τζαιρος να αναλαβει ο καθενας τις ευθυνες του..

Συμπτωματα αθλιοτητας:
Η προσπαθεια να φορτωθει η κοινωνια τις ζημιες των developers: Τον περασμενο Ιουλιο ο Αρχιεπισκοπος τζαι ο Αβερωφ εξαπολυσαν μια επιθεση εναντια στην εισηγηση να διαχωριστει η Τραπεζα Κυπρου σε κτηματικη τζαι εμπορικη ετσι ωστε να μεν φορτωθει η κοινωνια τις ζημιες των ντιβελοπερς..
Υστερα μεσα που τον Συμβουλιο της Τραπεζας [το οποιο ελεγχουν με τους διορισμους της κυβερνησης] ετερματισαν το συμβολαιο με την Αλβαρεζ και Μαρσαλ που εισηγηθηκε την ιδεα.
Επιθεση για να μεν γινεται ελεγχος Διαπλοκης: Υστερα τον Σετερβη επιτεθηκαν στον Διοικητη γιατι εν εδεχετουν να εγκρινει χωρις ελεγχο τα μελη του νεου ΔΣ της Τραπεζας Κυπρου που βασικα εδιορισεν η κυβερνηση.
Καποιοι, στα ΜΜΕ, αντισταθηκαν τοτε.
Διοτι αν τα καπετανατα τζαι ο Γιωρκατζισμος εσκοτωναν κοσμο τζαι εβαλαν πομπες καποτε,
 σημερα η επιθεση γινεται με πρωτοσελιδα.
 Το Μεγα του αρχιεπισκοπου τζαι ο φιλελευθερος που ελεγχεται επισης λ.χ.
Αμα μερικοι αντισταθηκαν, τζαι εν επροχωρησεν τζηνη η επιθεση, εμπηκαν αλλα μεσα.
Η δημοσια εξαγορα του ΔΣ της κεντρικης. Εδιοριστηκαν τζαι αλλα μελη στο ΔΣ της Κεντρικης τζαι εδοθηκεν τους παρακαλω αυξηση τζαι ετσι που 1700 ευρω επεταχτηκαν στα 30, 000..Σε εποχη λιτοτητας κλπ, που οσους φωναζουν κατα τα αλλα για τα "επιδοματα". Τζαι οι δυο εκτελεστικοι θα πιανουν πανω που 100,000 λαλει...τζαι με λιμουζινα παρακαλω..

Σκετη εξαγορα.
Οποτε εβαλαν τα φυσικα με τον Δημητριαδη.
Να αγνοησουμε δηλαδη οτι το μονο μελος που εδιορισεν η προηγουμενη κυβερνηση, καποιος κ. Κωνσταντινου, ξαφνικα αλλαξε θεση;
Μερικους εδωκαν τους τζαι λιμουζινα.

Οταν η Διαπλοκη μιλα για "συγκρουση συμφεροντων" χωρις να ντροπη - τζαι φυσικα προβαλει το ο σταθμος του αρχιεπισκοπου. Υστερα φκαινει το συμβολο της Διαπλοκης , ο Ν. Παπαδοπουλος τζαι κατηγορει την τον Διοικητη οτι εκαμε συμβολαιο με την Αλβαρεζ και Μαρσαλ για να αυξησει τις ζημιες των τραπεζων, τζαι ηταν λαλει "συγκρουση συμφεροντων".. Ο ανθρωπος που εσιει το δικηγορικο γραφειο που μεχρι το 2006 [ενω ο ιδιοκτητης του ηταν τζαι προεδρος] αναφερετουν επισημα στα διαφημιστικα της τραπεζας, σαν δικηγορικο γραφειο της Λαικης,
που εσυνεχισεν τζαι μετα να εν δικηγορικο γραφειο της Λαικης [περα που αλλα συμφεροντα της οικογενειας του στην τραπεζα]
ενω ο ιδιος ο Ν.Παπαδοπουλος ηταν επικεφαλης της επιτροπης οικονομικων της Βουλης
 που εγκρινε τα 1.8 δις για την Λαικη,
που επεβαλε τον κ. Φιλιππου επικεφαλης,
 τζαι που φυσικα εν ερωτησεν ουτε για τον ΕΛΑ ουτε για τις αλλες αναγκες της τραπεζας που εδημιουργησεν ο Ορφανιδης μεσα που την εγκριση της Εγνατιας
η ο Σαρρης μεσα που τον ΕΛΑ.
Τζαι τουτος ο τυπος μιλα για συγκρουση συμφεροντων..
Τελικα η συμφωνια της Κεντρικης εισιεν γινει τον Μαρτη ενω οι αναγκες των τραπεζων ειχαν καθοριστει που την Πιμκο τον Γεναρη..τζαι αφορουσε επενδυσεις που θα μπορουσε να εφερνε η Αλβαρεζ...

Αλλα η υστερια εν εκατασκευαστηκεν για να απευθυνθει στην λογικη - ο στοχος ηταν η δημιουργια κλιματος υστεριας για να εξυπηρετηθουν τα συμφεροντα οσων εθελαν/θελουν να εχουν ανοιχτο το δρομο για να συνεχισουν να κερδοσκοπουν σε βαρος της κοινωνιας..
Τζαι καποτε η λιστα των δημοσιογραφων που παιζουν σε τουτο το βρωμικο παιχνιδι πρεπει να δημοσιοποιηθει..
Εν μονο οι συμβουλοι που πιανουν ετσι αυξησεις για να ψηφιζουν;

Τζαι ετο τζαι το παιδιν - ο casino banker που επαραιτηθηκεν λογω των σκανδαλων της τραπεζας του στην Βρετανια, εδιοριστηκεν Διευθυνων Συμβουλος της Τραπεζας Κυπρου. Η Διαπλοκη εν αντρεπετραι καν ...Οποτε σε τουτο το κατασκευασμενο κλιμα η Τραπεζα Κυπρου προσλαμβανει παρακαλω τον τραπεζιτου που επαραιτηθηκε που την Royal Bank of Scotland για το σκανδαλο Libor, τζαι που τον ονομαζαν στην Αγγλια  "casino banker"..


 Οποτε ιντα ερευνες τζαι ιντα σκανδαλα εν να ερευνηθουν αμα στην τραπεζα που μας οδηγησεν στη κριση προσλαμβανουν ενα τυπο που κατηγορειται για κομπιναδορος στην προηγουμενη δουλεια του;
Ετσι που την συγκαλυψη του ξεπλυματος, τωρα θα μαζευκουμεν τους υποπτους τραπεζιτες της ευρωπης;
Για τον  "casino banker" λοιπον, τον οποιον αγαπουν φυσικα τζαι ο αρχιεπισκοπος, ο Λεπτος, τζαι ο Αβερωφ, 
λεξη τα ΜΜΕ..
Οξα εν για να το καλυψουν που εκατασκευασαν την υστερια τωρα;
Αν η λεξη "λογοκρισια" σημαινει κατι, ετο τεκμηριο..

Ο στοχος της Διαπλοκης: Σε ετσι κλιμα εν σαφες οτι η υστερια εναντια στον Δημητριαδη εν προσπαθεια συγκαλυψης της δημιουργιας ενος καθεστωτος για να φορτωθει η κοινωνια την επερχομενη ζημια των τραπεζων που τα δανεια των μεγαλο-επιχειρησεων , ιδιαιτερα των developers...
Αμα σκεφτει καποιος τους προηγουμενους 3 τραπεζιτες τζαι τα ιδιωτικα συμφεροντα στα οποια εμπλακηκαν [Αυξεντιου - Χρηματιστηριο, Χριστοδουλου- Βγενοπουλος/αρχιεπισκοπος, Ορφανιδης- Ομολογα/Εγνατιας/Uniastrum/Transilavania/Αξιογραφα] 
ο Δημητριαδης εν ο μονος διοικητης της κεντρικης που εν εμπλεκεται με τα κυκλωματα τζαι τα τζακια των τραπεζων.
Τζαι για τουτον εν στοχος..

Αμα εν μιλησουμεν τωρα..
Θα μπορουσε να πει καποιος,
 "καλα ιντα που σε κοφτει για να ενα τυπο που εστηριξε την συμφωνια για το μνημονιο";
 Εν εχω, ουτε εχουμεν ευρυτερα, την επιλογη για ασπρο-μαυρο. Στα ουσιαστικα ζητηματα,
 ειτε εν το οικονομικο, ειτε το θεμα της τροικα, ειτε το κυπριακο, ειτε οι μαυρες τρυπες τζαι η Διαπλοκη των τραπεζων, 
οι συμμαχιες τζαι οι συγκλισεις εν ετεροκλητες. 
Αλλα μετρουν οι εντιμες προθεσεις.
Συμφωνω λ.χ. με ατομα που εψηφισαν Λιλληκα για την εναντιωση στο μνημονιο, 
τζαι συμφωνω με φιλελευθερους, που εν τζαι υπερ του ευρω, για την λυση του κυπριακου.
Τζαι στο θεμα των τραπεζων,
μεχρι τζαι η Ευρωπη μπορει να βοηθησει μπροστα σε τουτην την διεφθραρμενη αθλιοτητα
που αλλασει τους νομους οπως την βολευκει,
που εξαγοραζει δημοσια ΔΣ,
που μετα που ενω διερευνουνται ταχα μου σκανδαλα των τραπεζων προσλαμβανεται ενας
casino banker..
Τζαι ποιος τεχνοκρατης στην Κεντρικη τωρα εν εν εσιει το θαρρος να τα βαλει με το κατεστημενο;
Ενεν ετσι που εφτασαμεν στην κριση;

Ο Δημητριαδης στην μεχρι τωρα θητεια του ετολμησεν τζηνο που εν ετολμησεν κανενας ως τωρα  - να διερευνησει τζαι να ανοιξει στο κοινο την εικονα 
για την διαπλοκη τζαι το κατεστημενο στις τραπεζες.
Οποτε εγυρισαν το στο φτηνο γιωρκατζισμο.
Εν τζαι θεμα υπερασπισης ενος ατομου, εν τζαι θεμα υπερασπισης ενος θεσμου που την υστερια.
Τζαι η παρουσια του μετα τον Μαρτη ηταν τζαι ενι σαφως καθοριστικη για να μεν καταρρρευσει η οικονομια την ωρα που αλλοι εσκεφτουνταν μονο τα συμφεροντα μιας κλικας τραπεζιτων..
Τζαι σημερα εν ο μονος τζημεσα που μπορει να θεσει θεματα μη διαπλοκης..
Τζαι φυσικα μερικοι μπορει να μεν του συγχωρουν οτι εν εκαλυψεν τους "συμπεθερους" τζαι τους αλλους.. Η ξερουν οτι εσιει ακομα πολλα μυστικα η υποθεση "εκροων πριν το κουρεμα" τζαι καμνουν επιθεση για να συγκαλυψουν..

Τωρα η αντιπαραθεση ομως εν πολλα παραπανω για τον πληρη ελεγχο της τραπεζας τζαι την επιβολη μεσω της των συμφεροντων των λλιων..

Εν θεμα Δημοκρατιας -
Οποιος εν σεβεται την ανεξαρτησια των θεσμων τζαι εξαγοραζει ετσι χυδαια διοικητικα συμβουλια,
παει πισω σε ενα γιωρκατζισμο..
Τζαι οποιος εν μιλα, εσιει ευθυνη...
Αλλα εν τζαι θεμα ταξικο..
Καποιοι θελουν να μας φορτωσουν την ζημια τους.
  • October 23rd 2013 at 21:03
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Η υποσχεση μιας τουρκυπριας φεμινιστριας...

By linopampakos

Κοιτα να δεις που εσυγκινηθηκα στα 50 μου τζαι μεσα στον Αουστο...
"Υποσχομαι...
να εργαστω στο τουρκοκυπριακο κοινοβουλιο 
για ουλλους οσους κατοικουν την Κυπρο, ανεξαρτητα που την  γλωσσα τους, την θρησκεια τους, τη φυλη τους, το χωρο γεννησης τους, την κοινωνικη τους ταξη, την ηλικια τους, την φυσικη τους ικανοτητα, το φυλο τους η την σεξουαλικη τους κατευθυνση,
 με στοχο να δημιουργηθει ενα περιβαλλον δικαιοσυνης τζαι ισοτητας, 
που θα αντικαταστησει την κουλτουρα της συγκρουσης τζαι της βιας με μια κουλτουρα βασισμενη στην ειρηνη τζαι την συμφιλιωση, 
ενω θα μεινουμεν ταυτοχρονα αφοσιωμενοι στις αρχες της Δημοκρατιας, της Κοινωνικης Ευημεριας, των Ανθρωπινων Δικαιωματων τζαι Ελευθεριων, τζαι της θεσμοθετησης μιας Ομοσπονδης Κυπριακης Πολιτειας."
 Dogus Deya's, "στελεχος του φεμινιστικου κινηματος" που εκλεγηκε τουρκοκυπρια βουλευτης.
Στην "ορκομωσια" της νεας τουρκοκυπριακης βουλης,στις 12 Αυγουστου 2013 
επροτιμησεν να δωκει την δικη της υποσχεση στην κοινοτητα της τζαι στον υπολοιπο πληθυσμο της χωρας, αντι το καθιερωμενο ορκο...

Εσυγχιστηκαν μερικοι λαλει τζαι εσταματησεν καπως τζαι η διαδικασια..
Ειπωθηκεν μια αληθκεια τζαι ενα οραμα..
Ενα βημα μπροστα.
Ιστορικο.
  • August 12th 2013 at 17:08
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