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Beyond Gay: The politics of pride

By Dayanışma

Beyond Gay: The politics of pride

We invite everyone to join our screening of the documentary “Beyond Gay: the Politics of Pride” on the 9th of May at Social Space Kaymakκιν, in Kaymakli, at 19:00. Following the screening, there will be presentations from members of antifa λευkoşa, Dayanışma, Queer Cyprus and Syspirosi Atakton on LGBTQI+ activism and pride experiences in Cyprus, continued with open discussion.

Recording:

Αναδημοσίευση: Σημείωμα για την παράτυπη φραγή ...

Αναδημοσίευση: Σημείωμα για την παράτυπη φραγή ιστοσελίδας με εντολές της αστυνομίας

Το Κινηματικό Αρχείο μοιράζεται τις ανησυχίες που εκφράζει το πιο κάτω σημείωμα της Συσπείρωσης Ατάκτων. Αναδημοσιεύουμε από την ιστοσελίδα της οργάνωσης.

Την Παρασκευή 12 Μάη, η αστυνομία έβαλε στο μάτι μια ιστοσελίδα που είναι ξεκάθαρα πλατφόρμα δημοσίευσης για φάρσες. Εσυλλάβαν με την κατηγορία της διάδωσης ψευδών ειδήσεων έναν άτομο που εδημοσίευσεν φάρσα με πρωταγωνιστήν τον εαυτόν του.

Σύμφωνα με τες εφημερίδες, που την Παρασκευή εψάχναν τρόπο να μπλοκκάρουν την ιστοσελίδα για λόγους “δημοσίου συμφέροντος”. Την Δευτέρα είχαν ήδη έτοιμη την λύση: εχρησιμοποιήσαν δύο νόμους που έν έχουν καμιά σχέση με την υπόθεση για να αναγκάσουν τις εταιρίες που παρέχουν πρόσβαση στο ίντερνετ να μπλοκκάρουν ολόκληρη την πλατφόρμα. Πρόκειται για τον νόμο καταπολέμησης της παιδικής πορνογραφίας, τζιαι τζιείνον για τον ηλεκτρονικόν τζόγο. Δηλαδή, ό,τι ήβραν για να τελειώνουν – έτσι τζι αλλιώς ο φαρσέρ ακόμα εν εκαταδικάστηκε, τζιαι φυσικά μια ολόκληρη πλατφόρμα έν μπόρει να φέρει ευθύνη για την ανάρτηση ενός χρήστη της, άρα νομική κάλυψη μηδέν για την απόφασήν τους. Σημειώνουμεν βέβαια ότι μέχρι στιγμής κάποιες εταιρίες αγνοήσαν το αίτημα του κράτους.

Για εμάς τούτη η εξέλιξη εν ανησυχητική. Πρόκειται για περισταστικό λογοκρισίας της ηλεκτρονικής έκφρασης, με αρκήν έναν εύκολο στόχο χωρίς πολιτική σημασία, το οποίο ελπίζουν να περάσει απαρατήρητο.

Αν για το “δημόσιο συμφέρον” ξεκινήσουν να μπλοκκάρουν σελίδες όποτε θέλουν, ίσως φέρνοντας τζιαι νόμους που να τους προσφέρουν νομική κάλυψη στο μέλλον, η διεθνής εμπειρία δείχνει μας ότι το κίνημαν της αντιπληροφόρησης το οποίο η σΑ θεωρεί ιδιαίτερα σημαντικό, αλλά τζιαι της συλλογικής συγγραφής (όπως το έργο της Wikipedia) γίνουνται στόχοι.

Ας μεν συνηθίσουμεν λοιπόν στην ηλέ-αστυνομία ακόμα τζιαι αν πρόκεται για φάρσες, γιατί κάθε μικρή ολίσθηση προς τον ολοκληρωτισμό περνά εύκολα απαρατήρητη την στιγμή που γίνεται.

Ζητούμεν που τα κυπριακά μέσα αντιπληροφόρησης τζιαι ριζοσπαστικής συζήτησης (οργανώσεις τζιαι bloggers) να μεν περιμένουν να γίνει ο χώρος μας στόχος πριν εναντιωθούμεν δημόσια σε τούτες τες πρακτικές.

Beyond Gay: The politics of pride

By Dayanışma

Beyond Gay: The politics of pride

We invite everyone to join our screening of the documentary “Beyond Gay: the Politics of Pride” on the 9th of May at Social Space Kaymakκιν, in Kaymakli, at 19:00. Following the screening, there will be presentations from members of antifa λευkoşa, Dayanışma, Queer Cyprus and Syspirosi Atakton on LGBTQI+ activism and pride experiences in Cyprus, continued with open discussion.

Recording:

Που το Σιάτλ στο Αμβούργο

By Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Μάη 2017

Που το Σιάτλ στο Αμβούργο

Με αφορμή τη συνάντηση των G20 στο Αμβούργο τον Ιούλιο του 2017 και τις κινητοποιήσεις που διοργανώνονται στο Αμβούργο εκείνες τις μέρες, αφιερώνουμε το αυτόνομο σχολείο του Μαίου για να συζητήσουμε την ιστορία των κινητοποιήσεων του κινήματος παγκόσμιας δικαιοσύνης, ξεκινώντας από το Σιάτλ το 1999 και φτάνοντας μέχρι το Αμβούργο.

Ηχογράφηση

Μετακινήσεις και έμφυλες διαφορές

By Μαρία Σαρρή

Μετακινήσεις και έμφυλες διαφορές

Αυτόνομο σχολείο 27 Απριλίου 2017

H Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων οργανώνει για το αυτόνομο σχολείο Απριλίου την εκδήλωση “Μετακινήσεις και έμφυλες διαφορές”.

Στην εκδήλωση θα γίνει προβολή της ταινίας μικρού μήκους “Romeo&Juliet@Freeland” και συζήτηση με τη δημιουργό Μαρία Σαρρή καθώς και εισήγηση απο τον Άκη Γαβριηλίδη: “Είναι η μαντίλα σύμβολο θρησκευτικής καταπίεσης;”.

Ηχογράφηση

Λύσην τωρά! Çözüm Şimdi! Solution now!

By linopampakos


 
1. Ελληνοκύπριοι, Τουρκοκύπριοι, Αρμένηες, Μαρωνίτες, ξένοι τζ̆αι ντόπιοι, που κατοικούμεν τζ̆αι αγαπούμεν τούτον τον τόπον, δηλώννουμεν ότι δεν θέλουμεν να ενωθεί με κανέναν κράτος, ούτε να μείνει μoιρασμένος. Καλούμεν τα ελληνοκυπριακά τζ̆αι τουρκοκυπριακά πολιτικά κόμματα που στηρίζουν την λύση να αναλάβουν πρωτοβουλίες για να το κάμουν γνωστόν τζ̆αι ξεκάθαρον προς τους ξένους τζ̆αι προς τους Κυπραίους ούλλους, ότι τούτον εν η πεποίθηση αλλά τζ̆αι ο στρατηγικός στόχος της πλειοψηφίας του λαού. Είναι η κυριόττερη σύγκλιση για την ασφάλειαν που χρειαζούμαστιν σήμμερα για να ξεπεραστεί το αδιέξοδον, να γνωρίζει τζ̆αι να εμπιστεύεται η μια κοινότητα τους πραγματικούς στόχους της άλλης. Καλούμεν τες πολιτικές δυνάμεις να στηρίξουν την προσπάθειαν των ηγετών για λύσην, δείχνοντας τους έμπρακτα το πολιτικόν υπόβαθρον πάνω στο οποίον θα χτιστεί η ομοσπονδία.

2. Εμάς που υπογράφουμεν την δήλωσην τούτην, δεν επηρεάζεται η σκέψη μας που γόητρα παλιών πολέμων. Δρούμεν μαζίν ορθολογικά για την ειρήνην τζ̆αι το κοινόν μας μέλλον. Καλούμεν τους ηγέτες να απελευθερωθούν που τα όποια γόητρα τζ̆αι να επικεντρωθούν στην δουλειάν να ξεπεραστούν οι δυσκολίες. Καλούμεν τους να σταματήσουν να σπαταλούν ενέργειαν να ρίξει ο ένας τον άλλον που το γόητρον του τζ̆αι να χάννουν τον χρόνον ποιού εν τα φταισίματα, Ο κόσμος χρειάζεται να του δείξουν στην πράξην πως θα λειτουργήσει αρμονικά η αυριανή μας ομοσπονδία.

3. Εμείς μελετούμεν τα γεγονότα για να δημιουργήσουμεν άποψην για το παρελθόν τζ̆αι να εμπνευστούμεν για έναν όμορφον τζ̆αι ειρηνικόν μέλλον. Οι ηγέτες να καλέσουν τους θεσμούς παιδείας των θκυ̮ο κοινοτήτων  να δηλώσουν ότι εν προσηλωμένοι σε μιαν εκπαίδευσην που σέβεται την ιστορίαν σαν επιστήμην τζ̆αι όχι πολιτικόν εργαλείον,  τζ̆αι που σέβεται τους μαθητές σαν αθρώπους ελεύθερους, να έχουν δικήν τους κρίσην για τα γενονότα.

4. Καλούμεν τα κόμματα που λαλούν ότι θέλουν λύσην να δηλώσουν ότι απέχουν που οποιανδήποτε προεκλογικήν δραστηριότηταν μέχρι τζ̆αι 4 μήνες πριν τες εκλογές για να δώσουν χώρον τζ̆αι χρόνον στους ηγέτες να καταλήξει η τρέχουσα προσπάθεια τους, ή να προχωρήσει σε σημείον μη επιστροφής, έτσι που να την συνεχίσει όποιος τζ̆αι να εκλεγεί αν δεν προλάβουν. Καλούμεν τους ηγέτες να προσηλωθούν πάνω στα σημαντικά προβλήματα για να έχουμεν σύντομα τες τελικές συγκλίσεις που θα ορίσουν την λύσην. Επιθυμούμεν οι επόμενες εκλογές να είναι ομοσπονδιακές τζ̆αι να ψηφίσουμεν ούλλοι οι Κυπραίοι τους άρχοντες πον να εφαρμόσουν την λύσην τζ̆αι θα θεμελιώσουν την ομοσπονδιακήν ειρήνην στον τόπον.

5. Προσκαλούμεν τα κόμματα, τες οργανώσεις, τους ενεργούς πολίτες να αναλάβουν πρωτοβουλίες ενημέρωσης του λαού. Όπως φτάννουμεν στα δύσκολα με το θέμαν της ασφάλειας, να οργανωθούν δικοινοτικές συγκεντρώσεις όπου ΤΚ πολιτικοί της λύσης να εκθέσουν στο ελληνοκυπριακόν ακροατήριον την αντίληψην τζ̆αι τους φόβους των ΤΚ για την ασφάλειαν τζ̆αι  ΕΚ πολιτικοί της λύσης, να εξηγήσουν σε τουρκοκυπριακά ακροατήρια την αντίληψην τζ̆αι τους φόβους των ΕΚ. Καλούμεν πρωτοποριακές οργανώσεις της κοινωνίας, πολιτιστικές οργανώσεις, συνδέσμους καλιτεχνών, επαγγελματιών, να τολμήσουν να κάμουν το βήμαν για την πιο ειρηνικήν ένωσην, δημιουργώντας δικοινοτικές ομοσπονδίες, διόντας στες οργανώσεις τζ̆αινούρκαν δυνάμικήν απευθυνόμενοι σε ούλλους τους Κυπραίους.

6. Η σημμερινή κρίση δείχνει ότι τα αδιέξοδα μας στην Κύπρον δεν μπορούν να ξεπεραστούν ούτε με επιβολήν της άποψης μιας αριθμητικής πλειοψηφίας που μιαν κοινότηταν πα στην άλλην, ούτε με το βέτο μιας μειοψηφίας που μπλοκκάρει, ούτε με την προσφυγήν στην βίαν από τρίτα κράτη που διαθέτουν στρατιωτικήν ισχύν, ούτε με τον αποκλεισμόν ή με αποχώρησην της μιας κοινότητας που τες πολιτικές αποφάσεις. Καλούμεν τους ηγέτες να γινούν πιο σοφοί τζ̆αι πολιτικά πιο δυνατοί που τα διδάγματα της κρίσης, για να έβρουν την πολιτικήν βούλησην μιας τελευταίας σύγκλισης για την ασφάλειαν τζ̆αι την διακυβέρνησην αποκλείοντας ότι φοβίζει τους αθρώπους που θα ψηφίσουν την μέλλουσαν συμφωνίαν.

Απαιτούμεν λύσην τωρά! Κύπριοι μπλόγκερ -  
Dayanışma

 
Λύσην τωρά! Çözüm Şimdi! Solution now!


1.  Kıbrıslı Rumlar, Kıbrıslı Türkler, Kıbrıslı Ermeniler ve Kıbrıslı Maronitler, yabancılar ve bu topraklarda yaşamayı seven yerliler olarak bizler, başka herhangi bir devletle birleşmek ya da bölünmüş bir şekilde yaşamak istemiyoruz. Çözümü destekleyen Kıbrıslı Rum ve Kıbrıslı Türk siyasi partilerine inisiyatif almaları ve Kıbrıs’ta ya da dışında yaşayan herkesi bunun halkın çoğunluğunun stratejik amacı olduğu noktasında bilgilendirmelerini istiyoruz. Günümüz çıkmazını aşmamızın tek yolu her iki toplumun da birbirlerinin gerçek hedeflerini bilmeleri ve güvenmelerinden gelir. Siyasi güçleri liderlerin, Federasyonun inşa edileceği siyasi bağlamda gerçek ve belirgin bir yol çizerek çözüme ulaşma çabalarının yanında durmaya çağırıyoruz.

2. İmzası bulunan bizler, düşüncelerimizin eski savaşlarından etkilenmesine izin vermiyoruz. Birlikte ve mantıklı bir şekilde barış ve ortak geleceği hedefliyoruz. Liderleri, gururlarını bir kenara bırakıp halihazırda bulunan zorlukları aşmaları için gerekli çözümlere odaklanmaya çağırıyoruz. Birbirlerini aşağılamaya ve suçlamaya enerji harcamamalarını talep ediyoruz. Halk, liderlerden gelecekteki federasyonun nasıl çalışacağını göstermesini istiyor.

3.Tarihin gerçeklerini öğrenerek geçmişe dair bakış açıları yaratmak ve birlikte güzel ve barışçıl bir gelecek kurmak istiyoruz. Liderler her iki toplumun eğitim kurumlarına seslenip, temel eğitim prensiplerini örnek alarak, tarihi bir siyasi bir araç olarak değil, bir bilim dalı olarak görmelerini ve öğrencilere kendi yargılarını şekillendirebilecek özgür bireyler olarak saygı göstermeleri gerektiğini belirtmelidir.

4. Kendilerini çözüm yanlısı ilan eden partilere, liderlere şu anki çabalarını tamamlamak için bolca zaman verme, ya da geri dönülmeycek noktayı aşmak için yeterli zaman yoksa, çabaların bir sonraki seçilen kişi tarafından devam etmesini sağlamak için seçimlerden 4 ay öncesine kadar hiçbir seçim hareketinde bulunmaması için sesleniyoruz. İki liderin, sorunun zorlu noktalarına odaklanmasını  ve çözümün şeklini belirleyecek olan son noktaya ulaşmasını istiyoruz. Bir sonraki seçimin, tüm Kıbrıslıların çözümü tamamlayacak ve adadaki federal barışı sağlamlaştıracak lidere oy vereceği, federal bir seçim olmasını istiyoruz.

5. Siyasi partilere, örgütlere ve sivil topluma insanları bilgilendirme insiyatifini almaları için sesleniyoruz. Şu anda güvenlik etrafında dönen zorlu problemlerde olduğumuzdan, Kıbrıslı Türklerin çözüm yanlısı siyasetçilerinin Kıbrıslı Rumlara korku ve görüşlerini aktaracağı ve Kıbrıslı Rum çözüm yanlısı siyasetçilerin Kıbrıslı Türklere korku ve görüşlerini anlatacağı iki toplumlu toplantılar olmalıdır. İlerici sivil toplum örgütlerine, kültür gruplarına, sanatçılara ve derneklere, cesaret edip barışçıl birleşme için önemli adımlar atmaları, iki toplumlu federasyonlar yaratarak organizasyonlarına bütün Kıbrıs’a hitap eden yeni bir dinamik getirmeleri için sesleniyoruz.

6. Günümüzdeki kriz bize Kıbrıs’taki çıkmazın ne çoğunluğun fikrini tüm topluma kabul ettirmesi, ne azınlığın vetoyla karar vermeyi bloke etmesi, ne üçüncü ülkelerin askeri gücü, ne de diğer toplumu karar alma mekanizmasından atarak ya da birleşik kurumlardan çekilerek çözülemeyeceğini gösteriyor. Liderlerimize, siyasi olarak daha da güçlenmek için, akıllıca hareket etmeleri ve bu krizden bişeyler öğrenmeleri için sesleniyoruz.


Barışı şimdi istiyoruz! Dayanışma - Kıbrıslı blogcular




Solution now! Çözüm Şimdi! Λύσην τωρά!




1. We Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Armenian Cypriots and Maronite Cypriots, foreigners and locals living and loving this land, state that we don't want it to be unified with any other state or remain divided. We call upon Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot political parties that support a solution to take the initiative to inform everyone abroad and in Cyprus that this is the belief and the strategic purpose of the people's majority. The main convergence necessary to overcome the impasse today is for each community to know and to trust the real aims of the other. We call upon the political forces to stand by the leaders' effort to achieve a solution by manifesting in a real and specific way the political context within which the federation will be built.

2. We the undersigned will not allow our thoughts to be influenced by the glamor of old battles. We act together and rationally aiming for peace and a common future. We call upon the leaders to let go of pride and focus on the work that needs to be done to overcome the existing difficulties. We call upon them to stop wasting energy trying to humiliate each other and blaming each other. The people need to see the leaders actively demonstrate how our future federation can function.

3. We study the facts of history in order to formulate our perspectives about the past and get inspired towards building a beautiful and peaceful future. The leaders should call upon the educational institutions of the two communities to state that they are intent on applying educational principles that respect history as a science and not as a political tool, with respect to students as free humans with their own judgment.

4. We call on the political parties that consider themselves to be pro-solution to declare that they will abstain from any electioneering activity for up to 4 months before the elections, in order to give the leaders ample time to conclude their current effort, or if there's not enough time to get past the point of no return, so that the effort can be continued by whoever is elected. We call on the two leaders to focus on the outstanding issues of the problem so that we can soon arrive at the final convergences that will define the shape of the solution. We desire the next elections to be federal so that all Cypriots can vote for the leaders who will implement the solution and will cement federal peace on the island.

5. We call on political parties, organizations and civil society to take the initiative of informing the people. Aw we move in the difficult issues around security, there should be bicommunal gatherings where Turkish Cypriot pro-solution politicians will explain their fears and perspective to a Greek Cypriot audience and Greek Cypriot pro-solution politicians will explain to a Turkish Cypriot audience their fears and perspective. We call on progressive civil society organizations, cultural groups, artist and professional associations to dare and take the crucial steps towards peaceful reunification, by creating bicommunal federations, giving their organizations a new dynamic by addressing all Cypriots.

6. The present crisis shows that the impasse in Cyprus can be overcome neither by imposing the opinion of the majority of one community over the other, nor by a minority veto blocking decision-making, nor by resorting to the military strength of third countries, nor by ruling out the other community from decision-making or walking out from joint institutions. We call on our leaders to become wiser and learn from this crisis, so as to emerge politically stronger.


We call for a solution now! Cypriot Bloggers - Dayanışma
  • March 15th 2017 at 06:16
  • ↗

By linopampakos



Απαιτούμεν λύσην τωρά! Κύπριοι μπλόγκερ
  • March 13th 2017 at 09:20
  • ↗

UNCERTAINTIES AT THE CYPRUS NEGOTIATIONS

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

In Cyprus, which has been divided since 1974 as a result of the occupation of the northern part of the island by Turkey, a new set of the intercommunal negotiations have been going on since mid-May 2015 between President Anastasiades and Turkish Cypriot leader Akıncı, in order to reunite the island under a federal umbrella, but there are some uncertainties, which draw attention as follows:  


1. The two sides have agreed that the constituent federal states shall have the right to enter into agreements with foreign governments and international organizations on matters falling within their jurisdiction. These areas cover culture (including arts, education and sports), tourism and economic investment (including financial support).


According to the information given to the Turkish Cypriot press, the constituent states may only want the Federal Foreign Office to be in operation, if they need it! But the Greek Cypriot side said the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs will not need to ratify, as the agreements will involve the entire state in a cooperative effort with the constituent state.
Since the education is left to the powers of the constituent states, it is a matter of debate how federal state citizens will be educated in a federalist and unifying manner, whereas the nationalistic prejudices have been strong for many years. This issue is important in the context of the dependencies of the Turkish Cypriot statelet on Turkey in all aspects since 1974.

2. The Turkish Cypriot side has accepted in the past that the proportion of the territory of the constituent federal state in the north could fall from today’s 36% to 29% +. The Greek Cypriot side has prepared two maps, which envisage that 28.5% of the territory will be left to the Turkish Cypriot side, but the talks on territory have not yet ended.

The Greek Cypriot side suggested that if the establishment of cantons in the areas of Karpasia and Maronite villages were accepted, Morfou could also be a special administrative area for the central government.

The Turkish Cypriot does not accept the creation of special territories, mass population migrations and the reduction of the coastline. (According to official data of the Central Command of the British Sovereign Base Areas, 316.19 km of the coastline of Cyprus is controlled today by Southern Cyprus and 420.55 km by Northern Cyprus.) Moreover, it insists that the borderline between the two constituent states must be flat!

3. According to the agreement reached on the population, there will be 800,000 Greek Cypriots in the south and 220,000 Turkish Cypriots in the north. However, the Turkish side wants to add 30,000 Turkish Cypriots living abroad to this 220,000.

An interesting point is that Mr. Anastasiadis, in response to the question put by the Chairman of the Citizens’ Alliance, Georgos Lillikas, about the source of the number of accepted 220,000 Turkish Cypriot citizens, answered that the number of Greek Cypriots registered in the Statistical Office of the Republic of Cyprus was deliberately increased from 667,000 (2011 Census) to 800,000 in order to provide legitimacy to the 100,000, who are Turkish citizens!


According to the latest official census, conducted in 2011 in the occupied territory, the number of permanent residents is 286,257. The number of those born in Cyprus (“TRNC” and Southern Cyprus) was 160,207 (56.0%) and 104,641 (36.6%) were born in Turkey. As it is known, after 1974, Turkey moved population to the occupied territory in order to change the demographic structure of the island and this is contrary to the 1949 Geneva Convention. It is a fact that these settlers, who were granted citizenship of the “TRNC”, also voted for the Annan Plan, but this does not mean that they are legally located in the island.

On the other hand, President Anastasiades said that the number of Turkish Cypriots registered as Cypriot or have a passport or ID card is 117,544 and that there are at least 12,500 Turkish Cypriots, who did not apply or did not sign up, and thus the number of Turkish Cypriots reached 130,000.

Anastasiades said that the total number of Turkish nationals, formed by mixed marriages and their born children, did not exceed 90,000, but later he said that this figure was “a wrong number spelled out” and led to reactions. Anastasiades told that about 40,000 Turkish settlers will stay in the island and that this figure is much less than the Greek Cypriots had accepted in the past.

,In addition, Anastasiades noted that 25,000 Turkish Cypriots living in the United Kingdom have not applied to the Republic of Cyprus and that the number of Turkish Cypriots, included in the figure of 220,000, has increased to 155,000. It was estimated that the total number of mixed marriages and their children was 25,000 this time, making a total of 180,000 Turkish Cypriot population. Thus, he reduced the number of Turkish settlers, who would gain legitimacy, to 40,000.

Akıncı stated that the number of Turkish Cypriot citizens is taken as 220,000 persons, instead of 286,257 as mentioned above and he explained that all the “TRNC” citizens will be citizens of the new federal state and the EU in the future without difference of origin. Underlining that the work permits of the non-citizens will be renewed and they will continue to work, Akıncı emphasized that the work-force required by the economy will continue to be in Cyprus. He stated that the wish of the Turkish Cypriots is that the needed workforce should remain in the island.

The New Birth Party, formed by the settlers from Turkey, directed the following questions to Akıncı: "Anastasiades said 90,000 people will stay. Who are meant by the words, those who originate from Turkey? How are they determined? What is the status of the spouses in mixed marriages and what will happen to the children born in “TRNC”?

According to the Greek Cypriot press reports, it is estimated that between 90 and 120 thousand citizens of the Republic of Turkey will remain in the island. If it is the case, the Turkish Cypriots will be a minority in their own constituent state. In order to find out the real composition of the population, it is necessary to have a census, monitored by UN or another reliable organization.

This issue is important also for the EU. Because, if the composition of the population in the northern federal state is dominated by the settlers of Turkish descent, the impact of Turkey, which is not a member of the EU, may be decisive in Cyprus's foreign policy issues and this will cause dispute within the EU. Already, many bureaucrats in Brussels have asked "Will Erdogan step on to the territory of the EU through Cyprus? Will Cyprus be Erdogan's Trojan Horse?" Moreover, Turkey has demanded that four freedoms should be valid for its citizens in Cyprus that will remain to be a EU country after the solution.

4. The number of Greek Cypriots, who will live in the federal state in the north, has been constrained in terms of four freedoms and the ethnic cleansing after the 1974 war has also become permanent. The Turkish Cypriot side explained that there is difference between the legal domicile and the right of abode, which has no political or other right. Moreover, for any person, who would apply for "internal citizenship", s/he should be able to know and to use the native language in the North perfectly. Apart from the right to stay, for example, there will be no political right to vote. "Domestic citizenship", i.e. legal residence will be entitled maximum up to 20% of the population of the Turkish Cypriot constituent state. It is thought that thus, the majority of the Turkish Cypriot population in its own state will not be threatened in any way.

MORE DISPUTES
There are 183 topics, which have not yet been agreed upon, as reflected in the minutes of the negotiations. Among these are some of the demands of the Turkish Cypriot side:

1. Although there has already been a rapprochement in the idea of a “single ticket” for the election of the President and the Vice-President, the Turkish Cypriot side has clearly indicated during the process of negotiating the subject of “Governance” that "Cross voting" is a package with the subjects of “Rotating Presidency” and the choice of the ministers to be preferred by both communities. Thus a cleavage was formed.

2. The Turkish Cypriot side believes that the subject of Primary Law is not yet closed. However, Peter van Nuffel, EU Commissioner in Charge of the Negotiations, said that the Final Agreement must be approved in the national parliaments of the EU member countries, which is a very difficult argument.


3. The Turkish Cypriot side insisted on the FIR for having two separate air traffic control centres. The Greek Cypriot side did not discuss this and suggested that there should be two control towers for approaching 20 km to the airport.

4. It was agreed that the casinos would be under federal juristiction. However, according to the convergence reached, the operating conditions and rules will not be applied to the existing casino facilities in the occupied area.

5. The Turkish Cypriot side has not yet provided the required data for organizations such as the IMF and the World Bank that are examining the economic aspect of the solution.

FINAL UNDERTAKINGS
After the political agreement is reached there are technical issues that need to be discussed and resolved. Some of them are: The writing of the constitutions of the constituent states and the federal state, which should be in harmony with each other, the list of international agreements, the federal laws and even the detailed writing of the coordinates of the territory. Besides the ones mentioned above, it has been reported that the UN provided a list of 103 items, including flag, anthem, civil servants, demining, etc., which should be realized before the agreement. Of course, once the internal aspects of the Cyprus dispute are resolved in this way, securing the newly established order, if necessary, by the UN or the EU, will be discussed at an international meeting. 


(Published in "In Depth", Bimonthly Electronic Newsletter, Special Issue: The Cyprus Problem, Volume 14, Issue 1- February 2017, © 2016 Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs • University of Nicosia)


  • March 2nd 2017 at 18:10
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Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική ...

Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική Βία στην Κύπρο - Πέμπτη Έκδοση

Το link περιέχει αρχείο PDF που μας στάλθηκε, που αρχειοθετεί περιπτώσεις φασισμού, ξενοφοβίας, εκμετάλλευσης μεταναστών/τριών και προσφύγων στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία την περίοδο 1999-2017 από διάφορες πηγές.

Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική Βία στην Κύπρο - Πέμπτη Έκδοση

Γλώσσα πηγών: Ελληνικά, Αγγλικά. Γλώσσα Τίτλου, Περιεχομένων: Ελληνικά, Ελληνικά/Αγγλικά.

Archive Regarding Fascist, Racist, Xenophobic and Migrant/Refugee Exploitation in the Republic ...

Archive Regarding Fascist, Racist, Xenophobic and Migrant/Refugee Exploitation in the Republic of Cyprus (1999-2017 - 5th Edition)

The following link contains a PDF file we received archiving incidents of Fascist, Racist, Xenophobic and Migrant/Refugee Exploitation in the Republic of Cyprus in the period 1999-2017 from various sources.

Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική Βία στην Κύπρο - Πέμπτη Έκδοση

Language of Sources: Greek, some English. Language of Title - Table of Contents: Greek, Greek/Englsih.

Ριζοσπαστικές Αφηγήσεις για το Κυπριακό

By Κωστής Αχνιώτης

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Φεβράρης 2017: Ριζοσπαστικές Αφηγήσεις για το Κυπριακό που το 1970 τζιαι μετά: Η Άνοδος της Κυπριακής Συνείδησης τζιαι του Δικοινοτικού Κινήματος

Στα πλαίσια του Αυτόνομου Σχολείου του Φεβρουαρίου, η Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων φιλοξενεί συζήτηση με θέμα Ριζοσπαστικές Αφηγήσεις για το Κυπριακό που το 1970 τζιαι μετά: Η Άνοδος της Κυπριακής Συνείδησης τζιαι του Δικοινοτικού Κινήματος με τον εκπαιδευτικό - δημοσιογράφο Κωστή Αχνιώτη τζιαι τον κοινωνιολόγο Αντρέα Παναγιώτου.

Ηχογράφηση:

Biz-Εμείς coverage of the February 2017 School

By Dayanışma

CyBC's Biz-Εμείς coverage of Autonomous School 2nd February 2017: Perspectives on Solution in the Turkish Cypriot Community (Dayanışma)

The next Autonomous School organized by Syspirosi atakton will host Dayanışma on a presentation concerning the perspectives of various political groups and organizations in the north cyprus, in regards to the negotiations for the solution of the Cyprus issue. An open discussion will follow laying the basis of a grass root approach amongst people living in the north and south side of the border. Dayanisma is a Turkish Cypriot activists group. You can find more here: http://dayanismanet.org/

Video:

Perspectives on Solution in the Turkish Cypriot Community

By Dayanışma

Autonomous School 2nd February 2017: Perspectives on Solution in the Turkish Cypriot Community (Dayanışma)

The next Autonomous School organized by Syspirosi atakton will host Dayanışma on a presentation concerning the perspectives of various political groups and organizations in the north cyprus, in regards to the negotiations for the solution of the Cyprus issue. An open discussion will follow laying the basis of a grass root approach amongst people living in the north and south side of the border. Dayanisma is a Turkish Cypriot activists group. You can find more here: http://dayanismanet.org/

Video (Presentation Only):

Audio Recording (Presentation and Discussion):

Η Λύση του Κυπριακού ως Διαρκής Διαδικασία

By Αντιεξουσιαστική Κίνηση

H Λύση του Κυπριακού ως Διαρκής Διαδικασία

Παρασκευή 27 Ιανουαρίου 2017, στις 19:30 στον ελεύθερο κοινωνικό χώρο Nosotros (Θεμιστοκλέους 66, Εξάρχεια).

Ηχογράφηση

2004. 2010. 2017. Το κυπριακό επανέρχεται στην διπλωματική πραγματικότητα και την επιχειρηματική σκακιέρα για να ακονίσει τους αλληλοσυγκρουόμενους εθνικισμούς Ελλάδας και Τουρκίας ταυτόχρονα με την ατσαλένια αποικιοκρατική κυριαρχία.

Με ή χωρίς σχέδιο, η Κύπρος, από τη δεκαετία του ’50 όταν ο ελληνικός εθνικισμός εγκαταστάθηκε για τα καλά στο νησί, με την απαραίτητη συνδρομή της Εκκλησίας, μετατρέπεται σε ιδανικό πεδίο ώστε να ξεδιπλωθούν τα σχέδια του εκάστοτε εθνικιστή: λήσταρχου, τεχνοκράτη, δεξιού και αριστερού πατριώτη. Είτε τον λένε Κοτζιά είτε Ερντογάν. Είτε σκορπά το πατροπαράδοτο δηλητήριο του εθνικισμού της ‘μητέρας-πατρίδας’ είτε το μεταλλαγμένο προϊόν του καπιταληστρικού μέλλοντος. Γρίβας, Γιωρκάτζης, Ντενκτάς, είναι πρόσωπα που συμπυκνώνουν με αιματοβαμμένο τρόπο την ιστορία του κυπριακού ως θέμα διαμοιρασμού της εξουσίας μεταξύ των πολιτικών ελίτ, συγκαλύπτοντας την καταστροφή της κοινής κυπριακής κουλτούρας και των μικρών κοινοτήτων μέσω της συγκρότησης εθνοκρατους, ενός θεσμού που προωθεί την ομογενοποίηση, την ομοιομορφία, την υπακοή, τον μιλιταρισμό. Σε αυτόν τον χορό των εθνικιστών -τεράτων- το διεθνές κεφάλαιο δεν θα έμενε απέξω υποσχόμενο την ‘κόλαση’ του καπιταλιστικού ονείρου.

Οι Κύπριοι/-ες και από τις δυο πλευρές γνωρίζουν όμως καλά ότι υπάρχει λύση, λύση που μόνον η αυτόνομη ακηδεμόνευτη κοινωνική κίνηση μπορεί να επιβάλλει -προωθώντας την αποστρατιωτικοποίηση, ρίχνοντας τα συρματοπλέγματα που διαχωρίζουν το νησί, τα τείχη μεταξύ των ανθρώπων και τα εμπόδια που θέτει η ύπαρξη του Κυπριακού στην κοινωνική πρόοδο και στη ριζοσπαστική δράση. Αναγνωρίζουν τις προοπτικές που θα δημιουργήσει η επίλυσή του και την δυναμική που θα ανοίξει για την υπέρβαση της ηγεμονίας των εθνικιστικών ιδεολογιών και την αναίρεση της γεωγραφικής διαίρεσης του νησιού.

Οι διαδηλώσεις των Τουρκοκυπρίων το 2011, το κίνημα του Occupy μεταξύ 2011-12 και πολλές κοινές αντιμιλιταριστικές, εκπαιδευτικές και περιβαλλοντικές δράσεις κράτησαν τις γέφυρες της επανένωσης ανοικτές.

Σήμερα η πολιτική επίλυση του κυπριακού προβλήματος στη βάση της Διζωνικής Δικοινοτικής Ομοσπονδίας (ΔΔΟ) είναι κάτι περισσότερο από απαραίτητη, μέσα από μία νέα αντίληψη του «κοινού», γεωγραφικού, οικολογικού, ιστορικού, κοινωνικού και πολιτιστικού χώρου, ως χώρου ελευθερίας, όπως επισημαίνει η ‘Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων’.

Με συντρόφους από τη Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων θα συζητήσουμε τη λύση του κυπριακού ως διαρκούς διαδικασίας και τους αγώνες του κινήματος ενάντια στον εθνικισμό, την Παρασκευή 27 Ιανουαρίου 2017, στις 19:30 στον ελεύθερο κοινωνικό χώρο Nosotros (Θεμιστοκλέους 66, Εξάρχεια).

Μια πρώτη παρουσίαση του Αρχείου - Τα slides

Μια πρώτη παρουσίαση του Αρχείου - Τα slides

Στις 3 Γενάρη διοργανώσαμε μια πρώτη παρουσίαση του Αρχείου στον Κοινωνικό Χώρο Kaymakκιν. Στο infobox κατεβάσματος δίπλα μπορείτε να βρείτε τα slides από την παρουσίαση.

Για να επικοινωνήσετε με το Αρχείο, στείλτε ένα email στην διεύθυνση arxeio@riseup.net.

movementsarchive.org: Our new domain name

movementsarchive.org: Our new domain name

We have now moved the Archive to its own domain name, movementsarchive.org. We thank 35-33.com for their offer of a temporary subdomain for the past few months.

Please update your bookmarks to point to our new domain, movementsarchive.org.

Cyprus Movements Archive: A First Presentation

Cyprus Movements Archive: A First Presentation

The Movement's Archive is an attempt to make the history of the Cypriot radical movement throughout the island available, as it is recorded through its publications, with an emphasis on past decades; but without ignoring recent publications. Read more about our goals here.

On the 3rd of January we will present, at social space Kaymakκιν at 18:30, the work that has been done so far, how the archive works, and the ways you can help.

Whispered translation in English will be available.

Κυπριακό Κινηματικό Αρχείο: Μια Πρώτη Παρουσίαση

Το Κινηματικό Αρχείο είναι μια απόπειρα να γίνει προσβάσιμη η ιστορία του κυπριακού ριζοσπαστικού κινήματος σε ολόκληρο το νησί, όπως καταγράφεται μέσα από τις εκδόσεις του, με έμφαση στις προηγούμενες δεκαετίες χωρίς να αγνοούνται οι σύγχρονες δημοσιεύσεις. Διαβάστε περισσότερα για τους στόχους μας εδώ.

Στις 3 Γενάρη θα παρουσιάσουμε, στον κοινωνικό χώρο Kaymakκιν η ώρα 18:30, την δουλειά που έγινε μέχρι τώρα, τον τρόπο λειτουργίας του Αρχείου και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους μπορείτε να βοηθήσετε την προσπάθεια.

ΕΟΚΑ – ΤΜΤ: Πέρα από τους Ήρωες και τους Τρομοκράτες

By Χρίστος

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Δεκέβρη 2016: ΕΟΚΑ – ΤΜΤ: Πέρα από τους Ήρωες και τους Τρομοκράτες

Η Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων φιλοξενεί στο Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Δεκεμβρίου την Παρουσίαση: ΕΟΚΑ – ΤΜΤ: Πέρα από τους Ήρωες και τους Τρομοκράτες.

«Η οργάνωση ΤΜΤ είναι ο κακός δαίμονας για όλους τους κατοίκους της Κύπρου- Έλληνες και Τούρκους.» (Σπύρος Αθανασιάδης, Φάκελος ΤΜΤ) «Η τρομοκρατική οργάνωση της Ε.Ο.Κ.Α. σκοτώνει τους Έλληνες που δεν θέλουν την ένωση με την Ελλάδα, όπως και Βρετανούς και Τούρκους. Έτσι ξεκινούν οι δικοινοτικές συγκρούσεις στην Κύπρο.» (Serter, Vehbi Zeki, Ιστορία της Κύπρου, βιβλίο ιστορίας που διδασκόταν στα σχολεία της Τ/Κ κοινότητας ως το 2005.)

Δυο αναδυόμενοι εθνικισμοί, δυο μητέρες πατρίδες, δυο μεγάλες ιδέες, ένα νησί. Δυο οργανώσεις, δυο αφηγήσεις περί ηρώων, αυτοθυσίας, απελευθέρωσης – ή αλλιώς, περί τρομοκρατίας, δολοφονιών, καταπίεσης.

Μια παρουσίαση που εξετάζει τις οργανώσεις ΕΟΚΑ και ΤΜΤ στα χρόνια 1955-59 πέρα από τον κυρίαρχο εθνικιστικό λόγο, πέρα από τις κατεστημένες ιστορικές αφηγήσεις, πέρα από τους «Ήρωες» και τους «Τρομοκράτες».

Ηχογράφηση:

THE FIRST BI-COMMUNAL MOVEMENT FOR AN INDEPENDENT AND FEDERAL CYPRUS

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com
The first founding meeting of the “Movement for an Independent and Federal Cyprus” took place in Ledra Palace Hotel in Nicosia on 23 and 24 September 1989 with the participation of 25 T/Cs and 36 G/Cs. The participants discussed the ways of rapprochement and more contacts between the two communities in Cyprus. The joint press release of the meeting was published both in the T/C and G/C press and the meeting was flash news at the CyBC-TV.
            The Second Meeting of the Movement took place on 20-21 January 1990, where the participants approved the following basic views and principles, which were later published, in Greek, Turkish and English languages as a leaflet.


MOVEMENT FOR AN INDEPENDENT AND FEDERAL CYPRUS
Views and Basic Principles

1.We are concerned about our future
Every Cypriot citizen in our times is deeply concerned about the future of his country.

We have all lived through the tragic moments of our history – the armed and bloody conflicts, the forced displacement of people, the immeasurable human suffering, the partition of our country.
For years now we all have experienced the consequences of this violent separation – the uprooting, the uncertainty, the lack of contact and communication between Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot citizens.
The separate existence of the two communities and the separate organization of daily life leads them to consider the absence of each other as the norm. The new generation is raised with an image which presents the other community as the enemy – magnifying the crimes of the other side while minimizing the crimes of its own.

2. We acknowledge our share of common responsibilities
We believe that every Cypriot citizen fully comprehends that the root of our problem and suffering are quite complex. Undoubtedly, foreign interests and intervention share a substantial part of the blame.
We believe, however, that every sincere Cypriot also acknowledges a collective blame and responsibility. For it is the internal contradictions and weaknesses of our society that have made outside intervention possible.
The lack of common objectives, the antagonism between Turkish and Greek Cypriots – instead of a common, liberation struggle against colonial rule, undermined the prospect of a free and democratic common future.
The outcome of all this was a Constitution that was imposed on us and a “crippled” independence, where divisions, antagonism and suspicion among Greek and Turkish Cypriots were institutionalised. The final blow came from the persistence of separatist ideologies (Enosis and Partition) even after the establishment of the fragile Independence.

3. We must condemn both the violence and the separatist ideologies of the past.
All Cypriot citizens would agree that foreign meddling in our affairs should be put to an end and that we ourselves should be those to decide our own fate, our own future.
But this alone is not sufficient. In order to be able to proceed together towards a common future, with shared goals, we must begin by acknowledging and condemning whatever separated us in the past.
It is high time that each community acknowledges and irrevocably condemns the violence it used against the other in the past. For the ordinary citizen, the victim of violence whichever direction it came from, this violence was equally painful and caused the same grief.
It is high time each community recognized the consequences of its own separatist ideology and condemned it thereof. What is called for today is not an ideology that separates people, but one that can unite them together, that could form the basis of a common struggle.
This is the only way through which we can “cleanse” ourselves from our bloody and violent past – so that henceforth we may sincerely join forces together bringing about reconciliation and shaping a shared and peaceful future.

4. Federation – our common future
The continuation of separation and antagonism does not promote our own common interests, but only serves the enemies of the independence of Cyprus.
            The struggle for a common future, in a united country, is not a matter of sentimentalism or utopia – but a basic, imperative, historical and political need, a sheer matter of survival.
            In a common country the survival of Greek and Turkish Cypriots crucially depends on the survival of the Turkish Cypriots, and vice-versa.
            All Cypriot citizens have a right to live in a federated and united Cyprus, under conditions of freedom, democracy and security.
A federal solution is, under the present circumstances, the only guarantee for the independence of Cyprus. It should not be looked upon simply as a solution of necessity; it is at the same time our only hope for a just and peaceful common future.
            A federal solution has the potential of transcending our past history of violent conflict, which built the walls of separation between Greek and Turkish Cypriots.

The pursuit of a federal solution constitutes a common goal, a path towards a common future. A future, which will secure some measure of autonomy for each community, whilst also ensuring a unified character for the Cyprus Republic, preventing permanent separation and estrangement.
The future federation, for which we must strive, should be based on the principles of justice and viability. It should establish the right of every Cypriot to live in a democratic system, irrespective of race, ethnic identity, religion, sex or colour, under conditions of security and equal opportunities for development.
Federation is not a magic formula which will be introduced by outside forces, and which will automatically solve all of our problems. No one system or constitution can by itself secure our future. The most important is the good will of the people. Federation should be regarded as the expression of our collective determination for a joint struggle/effort by all Cypriots.

5. The mobilization of citizens is an imperative need
The dangers from the continuing impasse of the Cyprus problem are only too obvious. The reappearance of mistrust and chauvinism, as well as thoughtless pseudo-patriotism on either side, are the consequences of the present stalemate.
            Real and constructive patriotism nowadays means resistance to mistrust, fanaticism and chauvinism.
            Every Cypriot should stand against the reactionary forces in both communities which are attempting to undermine the effort for a common future – expressed, in our days, in the pursuit of a federal solution. It is only with the active participation of the people of Cyprus that independence, democracy and a common peaceful future can be achieved.
            The mobilization of ordinary citizens and the dialogue between Greek and Turkish Cypriots should become a conscious political choice and action, a matter to be undertaken independently – of and beyond any formal and official procedures.
            It is nowadays imperative to cross over from passive awaiting to active political participation in the struggle of shaping our common future.



  • November 29th 2016 at 08:33
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Η πολιτικοποίηση του ποδοσφαίρου στην Κύπρο - η περίπτωση της Θύρας 9

By Θύρα 9

Η πολιτικοποίηση του ποδοσφαίρου στην Κύπρο: η περίπτωση της Θύρας 9

Μέλη της γραμματείας της ΘΥΡΑ 9 θα κάνουν παρουσίαση για τον τρόπο ίδρυσης της ομάδας μας και την ιδεολογική δράση της οργανωμένης μας κερκίδας. Στην συνέχεια θα υπάρξει ανοικτή συζήτηση.

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Η ηθικοποίηση του ρόλου των διδασκάλων και των διδασκάλισσων στην αγγλοκρατία

By Κώστας Κωνσταντίνου

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Οκτώβρη 2016

Η ηθικοποίηση του ρόλου των διδασκάλων και των διδασκάλισσων ως μέσο προώθησης της εθνικιστικής ιδεολογίας την περίοδο της αγγλοκρατίας

ΠΑΡΑΣΚΕΥΗ 14/10/2016, ώρα 19:30 στον Κοινωνικό Χώρο Kaymakκιν στο Καϊμακλί: Ο διδακτορικός ερευνητής Κώστας Κωνσταντίνου παρουσιάζει το άρθρο του με τίτλο “Ο ηθικοκοινωνικός ρόλος του διδασκαλικού υποκειμένου ως τεχνολογία εκπολιτισμού και κοινωνικού ελέγχου στην Κύπρο, 1878-1937” που δημοσιεύεται στο 9ο τεύχος της Εντροπίας.

To άρθρο παρουσιάζει τις συγκυρίες κάτω από τις οποίες διατυπώθηκε και θεσμοθετήθηκε ο ηθικός ρόλος των Ελληνοκυπρίων διδασκάλων και των διδασκαλισσών, για την περίοδο 1878-1937. Ειδικότερα, συζητά πώς ο ρόλος αυτός χρησιμοποιήθηκε στον λόγο των διαφόρων πολιτικών και κοινωνικών ομάδων, στην προσπάθειά τους να πειθαρχήσουν και να εκπολιτίσουν τη λαϊκή τάξη επιδιώκοντας την ηγεμονική τους επικράτηση. Ιδιαίτερα παρατηρείται η σύνδεση του εθνικού με τον ηθικοκοινωνικό ρόλο του διδασκαλικού υποκειμένου.

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Poster

Ιδεολογία, Κράτος και Οικονομία στην Τουρκία μετά το πραξικόπημα

By Νίκος Μούδουρος

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Σεπτέβρη 2016

Ιδεολογία, Κράτος και Οικονομία στην Τουρκία μετά το πραξικόπημα

Παρουσίαση – Συζήτηση με τον τουρκολόγο Νίκο Μούδουρο στον Κοινωνικό Χώρο Kaymakκιν (Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου Γ’ 127, Καϊμακλί)

«Ο δεύτερος απελευθερωτικός πόλεμος» Ιδεολογία, Κράτος και Οικονομία στην Τουρκία μετά το πραξικόπημα της 15ης Ιουλίου 2016

Η αποτυχημένη απόπειρα πραξικοπήματος στην Τουρκία την 15η Ιουλίου 2016 καταγράφεται ως ένα από τα σημαντικότερα γεγονότα των τελευταίων δεκαετιών στη χώρα. Είναι εξέλιξη ποικίλων διαστάσεων και συνεπειών. Ως τέτοια απαιτεί προηγουμένως την όσο το δυνατό καλύτερη κατανόηση των πρωταγωνιστών της κρίσης, του ιδεολογικού τους υπόβαθρου και των θέσεων τους. Η παρουσίαση στοχεύει σε μια σφαιρική ενδοσκόπηση της απόπειρας πραξικοπήματος, αλλά την ίδια στιγμή επιδιώκει να αναδείξει τις μετατοπίσεις που σημειώνονται μετά το πραξικόπημα στο ιδεολογικό περιβάλλον της χώρας. Ο στόχος «επανίδρυσης» του κράτους και ο οικονομικός μετασχηματισμός ως συστατικά μέρη της πλατφόρμας του ισλαμικού κινήματος της Τουρκίας, είναι επίσης ανάμεσα στα κύρια σημεία της παρουσίασης.

Η παρουσίαση και συζήτηση θα γίνει στα Ελληνικά με δυνατότητα ψιθυριστής μετάφρασης στα Αγγλικά.

Ηχογράφηση

Πορεία Κυριακή 18/9 ώρα 18:30 πλ.ελευθερίας Λευκωσία. Ο Παύλος ζει τσακίστε τους ναζί

By antifalem

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ΔΕΝ ΞΕΧΝΩ ΤΟΝ ΦΑΣΙΣΜΟ!

Καμία ανοχή στους νεοναζί ΕΛΑΜ – ΧΡΥΣΗ ΑΥΓΗ!

Την νύχτα 17 προς 18 του Σεπτέμβρη 2013, τάγμα εφόδου της νεοναζιστικής οργάνωσης Χρυσή Αυγή δολοφονεί τον αντιφασίστα μουσικό Παύλο Φύσσα, στην Αθήνα. Αυτό συνέβηκε μόλις λίγους μήνες μετά την εκλογή τους για πρώτη φορά στη Ελληνική Βουλή, το 2012.

Η διεθνής κατακραυγή για τη δολοφονία και η ορμή του αντιφασιστικού κινήματος στην Ελλάδα οδήγησαν όλη την ηγεσία της Χρυσής Αυγής – ανάμεσα τους και την κοινοβουλευτική ομάδα – στα δικαστήρια όχι μόνο για τη δολοφονία αλλά και για σύσταση και λειτουργία εγκληματικής οργάνωσης. Η δίκη ακόμα συνεχίζεται.

Αυτή είναι η μητρική οργάνωση του ΕΛΑΜ – της Χρυσής Αυγής της Κύπρου. Δεν το λέμε εμείς – το λένε οι ίδιοι!

Για αυτό, από μόνο του το γεγονός της εισόδου του ΕΛΑΜ στη Βουλή είναι μια πολύ ανησυχητική και επικίνδυνη εξέλιξη που δεν σηκώνει καμιά υποτίμηση. Μα το πιο ανησυχητικό είναι η ασυλία που απολαμβάνει το ΕΛΑΜ από τα ΜΜΕ, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του ΡΙΚ, και το πολιτικό κατεστημένο.

Τα κρούσματα βίας απέναντι στους Τουρκοκύπριους παρουσιάζουν αύξηση τον τελευταίο καιρό από μέλη του ΕΛΑΜ και άλλα φασιστικά στοιχεία που εκτρέφονται από τον ρατσισμό και τον εθνικισμό της κυπριακής δεξιάς.

Στις 15 του Νοέμβρη 2015 αυτοκίνητο με τουρκοκυπριακές πινακίδες δέχθηκε επίθεση από μαθητές, μέλη του ΕΛΑΜ, κατά τη διάρκεια της επετειακής τους πορείας. Στις 15 Μαΐου, στην Μακαρίου, κοντά στα γραφεία του ΕΛΑΜ και το κτήριο του ΑΠΟΕΛ, ομάδα 30 τραμπούκων επιτέθηκε σε Τουρκοκύπριο οδηγό. Στις 2 Αυγούστου, πάλι έξω από το ΑΠΟΕΛ, αυτοκίνητο Τουρκοκυπρίων όχι μόνο δέχτηκε επίθεση αλλά και κυνηγήθηκε στο δρόμο. Και αυτές είναι μόνο οι καταγραμμένες περιπτώσεις.

Πριν λίγες εβδομάδες, οι δύο βουλευτές του ΕΛΑΜ μαζί με τέσσερις βουλευτές του ΔΗΣΥ και με ένα της Αλληλεγγύης μαζί με «αγανακτισμένους» πατατοπαραγωγούς, στην περιοχή Αμμοχώστου, τραμπούκισαν και απείλησαν ελληνοκύπριο επιχειρηματία που συνεργάζεται με Τουρκοκύπριο πατατοπαραγωγό μέσα στα πλαίσια του Κανονισμού της Πράσινης Γραμμής.

Είναι φανερό ότι, αφού δεν μπορούν να επιβάλουν το κλείσιμο των οδοφραγμάτων, προσπαθούν να δημιουργήσουν κλίμα φόβου και τρομοκρατίας ανάμεσα στους Τουρκοκύπριους ώστε να μην τα διασχίζουν.

Δεν πρέπει να αφήσουμε τα νεοναζιστικά στοιχεία να δρουν ανενόχλητα!

Δεν μπορούμε να ανεχόμαστε αυτές τις επιθέσεις χωρίς καμιά αντίδραση!

Δεν πρέπει να τους αφήσουμε να επαναλάβουν τις συγκρούσεις του 63-67!

Αντιδρούμε τώρα!

Δεν πρέπει να επιτρέψουμε ξανά ο ΣΩΒΙΝΙΣΜΟΣ και η ΜΙΣΑΛΛΟΔΟΞΙΑ να επικρατήσουν στο νησί με αποτέλεσμα ένα νέο αιματοκύλισμα και την οριστική διχοτόμηση!

Καμία ανοχή στους νεοναζί ΕΛΑΜ – ΧΡΥΣΗ ΑΥΓΗ!

Νέα Διεθνιστική Αριστερά (ΝΕΔΑ)
Πρωτοβουλία Ενάντια στην Φασιστική Απειλή
Αντιφασιστικό Δίκτυο Λεμεσού
Εργατική Δημοκρατία
ΚSP – Σοσιαλιστικό Κόμμα Κύπρου
YKP – Κόμμα Νέα Κύπρος

THE DEVELOPMENT OF TURKISH CYPRIOT SECULARISM AND TURKISH CYPRIOT RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com


Ahmet Djavit An

The origins of today’s Moslem population on the island
After the conquest of the Cyprus in 1570-71, the Ottoman commander Lala Mustafa Pasha left a small garisson on the island.  The official Ottoman sources refer to a total of 3,779 soldiers, many of whom, later, brought also their families.[1] Some of them even married the widows or daughters of the fallen Latin notables; an example is the last Lusignan Cornaro Lady of Potamia Castle who married the cavalry soldier Ibrahim Menteshoglou; their family has survived to the present day with the families of Menteshoglou and Bodamializade.
A census, taken shortly after the conquest, revealed a taxable population of some 85,000 Greeks, Armenians and Maronites, as well as 20,000 Turkish settlers, mostly campaign veterans, who were given land by Mustapha.[2] According to the Ottoman Register Book of 1572, 905 villages were inhabitated and 76 villages were deserted.[3] Thus the Ottomans did not build new villages and inhabited the empty ones, which mostly kept their old names while a few were given new Turkish names. The Sultan, realizing that the island needed human resources for labour, issued a firman which was sent to the Kadıs (local judges) of six Anatolian provinces: Karaman, Ichel, Bozok, Alaiye (Alanya), Teke (Antalya) and Manavgat. One in every ten families living in those provinces was ordered to transfer to the island, which meant a total of 5,720 families; at the end, only 1,689 families settled in Cyprus.[4]

According to the Register Book of 1581, there were plans to transfer 12,000 families, but eventually only 8,000 families were transported. In the following years, other Turkish families from Konya, Kirsehir, Chorum, Samsun, Chankiri, Eskisehir, Ankara, Darende and Ushak settled in the towns,[5] which were surrounded by fortified walls or had castles (Nicosia, Famagusta, Limassol, Paphos and Kyrenia), and in the deserted Latin villages.

Later the Anatolian settlers, who were mainly Turkmen artisans and villagers, intermingled with the Greeks of the island and cooperated with them in every field of life. Although the two communities belonged to different religions and had dissimilar ethnic distinctive features, they lived harmoniously, influencing each other as they worked side by side in the rural and urban areas.[6] In the course of 300 years of coexistence, during the Ottoman domination, some Christian Greeks converted to Islam in order to avoid high taxation. In some other cases, some Anatolian Moslems converted to Christianity.[7] Analysing the situation, Ronald C. Jennings wrote:


In the decades following the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus many of the island’s Christians converted to Islam.Contemporary observers and modern scholars have attributed that conversion to official compulsion, but no contemporary local sources substantiate that view except a few travelers embarrassed at the circumstances (as Venetians or Christians) who had no way of guessing how the new converts really felt. Although the level of conversion cannot be measured precisely, there are several indicators of its extent. In 1593-1595 32% of the adult male Muslims whose names and fathers’ names were cited as legal agents (vekil) were converts, as were 28% of those names as witnesses to legal cases and 41% of those named as instrumental witnesses. More than a third of such Muslims appearing in court at that time were converts. What the highest proportion ever reached was or when it was reached can only be conjectured, but obviously the intensity was temporary.[8]


There was another category of Cypriots, called Linobambaki that they were Crypto-Christians. This community of Cypriots was living in villages like Louroudjina (originally Laurentia), Potamia, Monagria, Ayios Sozomenos and some villages of Tylliria that were formerly estates of the Latins, who converted en masse to Islam.[9] Theodoros Papadopoullos gave an example of conversions from Christianity into Islam between 1825 and 1832, when in 16 villages, the percentage of the previously Christian population changed into a Moslem religion. By 1960, nine of them (Marki, Givisilin, Melounda, Kouklia, Sinda, Prastio, Malunda, Kantou, Platanissos) were all Moslem, two villages (Skoulli, Monagri) were all Christian, and the remaining five villages (Denia, Flasou, Palekithro, Syngrasi, Moniatis) had one third of their village population as Moslems.[10]

            Paschalis M. Kitromilides pointed out that the names of Christian Saints borne by several Turkish villages, especially in the Paphos and the Karpasia regions, offer a convincing indication of Islamization. These are the following Turkish Cypriot villages: in Paphos district, Ayyanni (Agios Ioannis), Aynikola (Agios Nikolaos), Ayyorgi (Agios georgios); in Limassol district, Aytuma (Agios Thomas); in Nicosia district, Aybifan (Agios Epiphanios); in Famagusta district, Ayharida (Agios Chariton); in Karpassia; Hirsofu (Agios Iakovos), Ayandroniko (Agios Andronikos), Ayistar (Agios Efstathios), Aysimyo (Agios Symeon).[11] Kitromilides notably wrote:


It should be made clear in this connection that this sort of evidence is not cited here in order to question the Turkish Cypriots’ Turkishness – which as is the case with modern national identity generally, has to do more with the states of consciousness and less with the ‘purity’ of ethnic origins.[12]

The Moslem identity of the Turkish Cypriots
After the conquest of Cyprus in 1571, the traditional Ottoman settlement system brought a new ethnological and cultural element to the island. The Anatolian Moslems had a different religion, language and culture than the island’s Christian population. The Latin Catholic Church did not oppress the Orthodox Christians anymore, and the Latins (Lusignans and Venetians) were allowed to stay in Cyprus if they would choose the religion of the conqueror, Islam, or the religion of the local Cypriot Orthodox people.[13] According to the Ottoman millet system, there were two millets in Cyprus. One was the Moslem millet and the other was the (Christian) Rum[14] millet. The Orthodox Christian Church and its Archbishop was responsible from the Christian population and later he was given the right to collect the taxes for the Ottoman governor. 

The Moslem community was mainly Sunni-Islam following the Hanefi sect. There were a Muftü for religious affairs, a Chief Kadı appointed from Istanbul for judicial matters, and a Mulla as the deputy of the Ottoman Governor.  From 1571 up to 1839, when a legal reform (Tanzimat) was proclaimed, the Moslem sacred Sheri Law was applied for the Moslem population; the Sheri Laws derived mainly from verses of the Koran and from traditions of Prophet Mohammed. Sometimes the Orthodox Christians themselves applied to the Sheri Courts in order to solve their disagreements with the Moslems in Cyprus. The Anatolian settlers believed in Islam, but they were not all following strictly the Sunni sect; some followed other sufi orders. For example, the tanners in Nicosia had their own lodge, called “Ahi Revan Dede”, a kind of “lonca” (professional syndicate). 

Right after the Ottoman occupation of Cyprus in 1570, various Vakfs[15] were created for the assistance of the Moslem community in their religious, social and cultural needs. Since the Ottoman conquerer of Cyprus, Lala Mustafa Pasha, was a devotee of the Mevlevi order, a Tekke[16] was built in Nicosia, near the Kyrenia gate, soon after the conquest; the Mevlevi Tekke functioned until the beginning of the 1950’s. Another Tekke of the Jelveti order was built in Famagusta, which had a library founded by Kutup Osman Efendi, the Grand Şeyh of this order. Aziziye Tekke, within the municipality market of Nicosia, founded in the name of the Müftü of the Ottoman Army that conquered Nicosia in 1570, was following the Rifai order. C. F. Beckingham wrote in 1955:


The dervish orders, which still have secret adherents in Turkey, were not strong in Cyprus. At present there is one Mevlevi tekke in Nicosia. […] Most Cypriot Muslims would prefer to close the tekke and use its income for the repair of mosques, the payment of hocas and religious education. It is felt that the Mevlevi ritual has lost all religious significance and has become, as one Muslim said, ‘a floor-show for tourists’.[17] (The text continues with a new paragraph here)

Formerly other dervish orders had a few adherents. There were Qadiris in Nicosia at the time of British occupation and there was once a small Bektaşi community in Larnaca; these have now disappeared. In Turkey many of the dervish orders were, or became, xenophobe. Their comparative absence from Cyprus, doubtlessly, helped the spread of modern ideas. The general character of Cypriot Islam is liberal and tolerant, and in this the Mufti reflects the attitude of the community. The social changes associated with Ataturk’s revolution were introduced into Cyprus without encountering the opposition of mullas, as they did in some parts of Turkey. (17) [Is this your text or Beckingham’s text? Quoted from Beckingham, same article, word by word]
When the British occupation began in 1878, the administration of Evkaf (Moslem pious organization) was entrusted to two delegates; a British, and a Moslem Turk who was appointed by the “Sublime Porte” (Ottoman Empire). The annexation of Cyprus (1914) and the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) brought a change in the status of the island; when the post of the Turkish delegate vacated in 1925, after the death of Musa İrfan Bey, the appointment was made by the British authorities (Colonial Office), which was subsequently confirmed by a British Order-in-Council in 1928.[18] The Moslem members of the Legislative Council, led by Hacı Hafiz Ziyai Efendi, protested to the British colonial government and claimed that the Caliph should appoint the director of Evkaf, and that the Cyprus Kadı should be considered as the head of Evkaf.

Vedjhi Efendi, who was the Kadı of Cyprus, supported this thesis. Already in 1902, the governor of Cyprus informed the Kadı by telegram that the management of the Evkaf would be carried out by the Kadı of Cyprus; advocate Fadıl Korkut wrote that he was among the congregation when this telegram was openly read in the Agia Sophia Mosque in Nicosia. Vedjhi Efendi was not able to take the necessary steps to implement the transfer of administration to Evkaf, since he got a mental disease; eventually Hacı Hafız Ziyai Efendi withdrew from the Legislative Council and become the Müftü of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriot delegate of Evkaf, Musa İrfan Bey, who was appointed in 1903, started to behave as the leader of the Moslem community by using his authority at the Evkaf. He also adopted a policy of allocating the Moslem memberships of the Legislative Council to the candidates of the Evkaf. He gave 10,000 pounds credit to the candidates from the Evkaf Treasure, but later there were difficulties to get the Evkaf money back.

When Numan Efendi was appointed to the post of Kadı of Cyprus in 1907, he demanded again to get the administration of Evkaf to his office. It was in this year, when Dr. Hafız Djemal Bey (Lokman Hekim) settled in his own country and started to publish a newspaper and more than 20 booklets for the enlightenment of the Turkish Cypriot community. He also opened his Cyprus Industrial School in Nicosia, where young boys were taught various handworks and they used to sell their products in the Friday Market. In the evening classes, people were taught foreign languages. But the reactionary circles fought against him until he left the island for good in 1909.  

A National Council (Meclis-i Milli) convened under the leadership of Müftü Ziyai Efendi on 10 December 1918 in order to raise the demands of the Turkish Cypriots in the Paris Conference, where the Greek Cypriots would participate. We read from its resolution that Müftü Ziyai Efendi was elected as the head of the millet (reis-i millet), defining the Müftü for the first time as the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community. But the British local government did not allow him to go abroad.
When the “Organization of Islam Community” (Cemaat-ı İslamiye Teşkilatı) was established in 1924, as the first political association of the Turkish Cypriots, it demanded that the administration of the Evkaf should be handed over to a commission to be elected among the community. There was no positive outcome and when Münir Bey was appointed as the Turkish delegate of Evkaf in 1925, after the death of İrfan Bey, the government had two delegates, instead of one. Evkaf should have been handed over to its real owner, the Turkish Cypriot community, but the Lausanne Agreement had already abolished the Cyprus Convention, which provided for the British Administration to appoint one of the Evkaf delegates.[19]

            In 1928, the Evkaf Department was established by a decree issued by the colonial government, which gave special privileges to the director of the department. After the Lausanne Agreement, the Evkaf properties in the Balkan countries and Palestine were to be administered by a commission and this was not done in Cyprus and therefore there was no say anymore on the administration of the Evkaf properties by the Turkish Cypriot community. On the other hand, the Greek Orthodox Church continued to administer the Church properties in Cyprus.

Starting from 1923, when the Republic of Turkey was declared, there was no Califdom and no Minister for Religious Affairs anymore in modern Turkey. The British Colonial Government abolished the post of Müftü, starting from 19 November 1928, and this was an important event, since the Moslem population had this institution since 1571. Instead of Müftü, the post of Fetva Emini was created under the Evkaf Department and Hürremzade Hakkı Efendi was appointed there. He was supporting the Kemalists and also made a meeting together with the teacher for replacing the Arabic alphabet with the Latin at the schools. Now the authority of the Evkaf director was reinforced and Münir Bey was regarded as the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community and was invited as such to the Royal Garden party in London in 1928.
The Sheri Courts were in a deplorable state, functioning in Cyprus as if the island was still in Ottoman 19th Century. In 1927, the Cyprus Courts of Justice Order-in-Council limited the jurisdiction of the Sheri Courts to strictly Moslem religious matters and provided for appeals from them to the Supreme Court. This was done in conformity with the view of a report prepared by three leading Turkish Cypriots, Münir Bey, M. Raif and M. Shevket. Cingizzade Mehmet Rifat wrote a series of open letters to the British Governor of Cyprus, between 10 December 1932 and 11 March 1933, in his newspaper Masum Millet for the modernization of the Sheri Courts, and the Inheritance Law, similar to the reforms made in Turkey since 1926, as well as the matters of Müftü and Evkaf. 

            In 1930, Münir Bey lost his seat at the Legislative Council to the Kemalist leader Necati Bey, who voted later in April 1931 against the Customs Tax Law together with the Greek Cypriot members. In May 1931, Necati Bey convened a National Congress, where a new Müftü was elected for the Turkish Cypriots, but this was not recognized officially by the colonial government. When the British appointed in 1951 Yakup Celal Menzilcioğlu, aged 72, as temporary Müftü from Turkey, his preaching was strongly criticized by the Kemalists of the Turkish Cypriot community; uncoincidentally, after six months the anti-Kemalist Menzilcioglu resigned and left Cyprus. Necati Özkan supported again another candidate from Turkey, Mahmut Kamil Toker, for the post of Müftü against the candidate of the National Party of Dr.Küçük, Dana Efendi. But Toker was forced to withdraw his candidacy before coming to the island and the only candidate from Paphos, Dana Efendi was elected on 30 December 1953 as the new Müftü of Cypriot Muslims.    


Religious Education
Eleven “Sibyan” schools were opened between 1571 and 1600 for the elementary education. In 1632 “Büyük Medrese” and in 1640 “Küçük Medrese” were founded for the young people, who wanted to acquire religious and legal knowledge. These schools were started by rich philanthropic Turkish Cypriots, who made vakıf for the financing of these institutions, therefore the schools were under the administration of the Evkaf. From the Vakf Registers, we can see that some of these philanthropics belong to religious orders that they appointed their own care-takers for these vakıf properties for financing their activities.[20]

The first modern secondary school (Rüştiye) was opened in 1862 and in 1897 the first modern gymnasium (İdadi) followed. In 1922, it was called “Sultani”, but after the foundation of Turkey, the name was changed into “Cyprus Turkish Lycee”. The British colonial government appointed in 1937 an English headmaster to the Lycee, Mr. Wood, who changed the name all of a sudden into “Cyprus Islam Lycee”. The Turkish Cypriot community could use the original name only in 1950, when a Turkish Cypriot Headmaster was appointed to the Lycee. In 1932 a Moslem Theological School was established by Münir Bey in order to replace the Büyük Medrese, which was demolished. Advocate Mehmet Rifat (Con Rifat), who was one of the supporters of the Kemalist populist movement, criticized in his newspaper Masum Millet [Innocent Nation] the establishment of a Theological School in Cyprus.

In the first year, there were only two students and three teachers. From 1932 until 1949, in 16 years, only 8 imams graduated from this school. To be exact, in addition, two persons, one coming from Solia and the other from Tilliria also took a short course. If we bear in mind that there were about 300 mosques over the island, the qualified imams were not over two dozens. Many mosques were without imams and prayers were officiated there only at great intervals, twice a year by qualified persons. This Moslem Theological School in Nicosia was closed in 1949.[21]

            The Interim Report on Turkish Cypriot Affairs was prepared in 1949 by exclusively Turkish Cypriot members, who collected data on all relevant subjects (Evkaf, Müftü, Family Laws, Sherie Couts, Schools) from official and non-official quarters, and five public meetings were held in all towns of the island other than Kyrenia. The Turkish Cypriot press gave also considerable prominence to its deliberations. Therefore, these recommendations had gained general approval and represented a fair reflection of the desires and opinions of the Turkish Cypriot community. Thus the Turkish Family Courts Law and Marriage and Divorce Law came into force in 1951 and later amended in 1954.[22] There were reactions by Şeyh Nazım Hoca, who published a leaflet “Family Law is contrary to the Sheria”, but he was attacked by Dr. Küçük in Halkın Sesi, on 25 May 1950. Another political opponent of Dr.Küçük, Necati Özkan, wrote a series of articles in his own newspaper İstiklal (28 May-11 June 1950). The Turkish Religious Head (Müftü) Law was enacted in 1953. It provided an indirect election, that the Turkish Cypriot community elected in 1954 Dana Efendi as the Müftü for the first time after 27 years. The transfer of the Management of Evkaf properties was made officially on 14 April 1956. The administration of the Turkish Cypriot schools was handed over to the Turkish Cypriot community on 9 June 1959. 


The traditional Turkish Cypriot mosques
After the conquest of the island in 1571, the Ottomans were impressed with the Latin cathedrals in Nicosia and Famagusta and they converted them into mosques by adding minarets and other Islamic elements. Besides these and other conversions, mosques were built by the Turks in various periods in Ottoman style. Those of architectural interest are Arabahmet, Sarayönü and Turunçlu in Nicosia, Seyit Mehmet Ağa and Hala Sultan in Larnaca, Haydar Paşazade Mehmet Bey in Lapithos, Cafer Paşa in Kyrenia and Camii Cedid in Limassol. The mosques in the villages have tiled roofs, carried by one or two rows of high arches, giving the interior a spacious atmosphere.[23] Most of the mosques in rural areas did not have minaret, because they were modest buildings for the villagers built by Evkaf. Some writers insist that they represent the Alevite sect in Cyprus; but they have nothing to do with the “Cemevi”, where the Alevites perform their rituals.


The Islamization of the northern part of the island
There has been a religious movement among the Turkish Cypriot community, which was mainly represented by Şeyh Nazım Hoca, a Turkish Cypriot follower of the Nakshibendi order, which was active especially between the years 1945 and 1949 and later in 1954. Those activities were well documented by one of his followers, Hüseyin Mehmet Ateşin, in his book Dr. Fazıl Küçük and Şeyh Nazım Kıbrısi, (İstanbul, 1997). The book reflected the ideological struggle between Dr. Fazıl Küçük, (who was supporting Kemalism and modern Turkey in Cyprus in his activities for winning the leadership of his community) and Nazım Hoca, (who was an anti-Kemalist.) The same writer wrote also the history of the Islamic Movement among the Turkish Cypriots in Kıbrıs’ta İslami Kimlik Davası [The case of Islamic Identity in Cyprus] (İstanbul 1996).[24]

Islamization activities of the occupied parts of the island started right after the invasion and the occupation in 1974. Churches were transformed into mosques in the main towns and villages. Religious propaganda went parallel with the increasing activities of the religious parties in Turkey. When Müftü Dana Efendi retired on 1 September 1971, his deputy, Dr. Rifat Mustafa was appointed as Müftü. The Turkish Cypriot Islam Association was founded already in 1971 with a publication of a fortnightly newspaper Her şeyde ve her yerde milli ve dini NİZAM [National and religious ORDER in everything and at everywhere], on 5 February 1971, which ceased its publication with issue 38 on 19 July 1974. Right wing and religiously oriented columnists from Tercüman newspaper, Ahmet Kabaklı and Ergun Göze, were invited to Cyprus in February 1974; it was a kind of revival of the Şeyh Nazım movement.
A second religious association “Cyprus Turkish Islam Cultural Association” was re-activated after 1974. One of its activities was a conference organized in Kyrenia in June 1977. The chairman of the Association accused the Turkish Cypriots as being “Gavur” (infidel to Islam): “Unless Islam disseminates now or in the future in Cyprus, they shall stay as Gavur as they are today”.[25] The insult provoked Dr. Fazıl Küçük to reply in a series of articles in his daily Halkın Sesi for five days, under the title “Tongues with spikes”. On 12 July 1977 he wrote:


They have given permission to those members from the Koran courses that are spreading across the island and they are practicing as imams and preachers. The administration should be more sensitive in their duties. […] We are embarrassed from the words of those, who came from mountain or forest villages. They don’t know how to walk properly on the street, with their wide trousers. They are chewing the sentence ‘You are bastards of the British, gavurs, without any religion’ and they passed the limits of tolerance. We don’t know what will happen and what will be the result, when there will be no tolerance for these curses. […] Our arms are open for the Ataturkist imams and preachers and we can share our bread with them. These associations have become hearths of disaster. These Islam associations should be closed without any further delay. Although everyone is free to open an association according to the constitution, but the government has the right to close them, when they engage in dangerous activities. […] There is no authority today, who will force them to withdraw their long tongues back into their mouth, who says ‘We shall make you, the gavur Turks, Moslem’.[26]

He further wrote that he had received a letter about the activities of Süleymanist missioners, who were employed by the Müftü Mustafa Rifat that they were teaching Arabic to the youth in Famagusta and giving conferences without getting permission in the villages, where they accused the Turkish Cypriots of not being religious enough. Halkın Sesi reported one year later, on 11 August 1978, that Koran courses were organized in a mosque in Famagusta and the children were told not to watch TV, because it was a sin; small boys were not allowed to wear short trousers and they could not learn by heart to sing the prayers properly at the minarets.


The growth of mosques and Islam in occupied Cyprus
There were approximately 300 mosques in Cyprus before 1974. Many of them in the rural areas did not have minarets and between 1968 and 1974 minarets were built to some mosques like the ones at Krini, Fota and Agridi. At the end of 1991, there were 141 mosques in the occupied areas, but 58 of them did not have imams for performing the religious prayers. Βy 1999 the Department for Religious Affairs – with a personnel of 13 – employed 135 imams in all the mosques (only 5 of them were graduates of a Theological Faculty), plus 56 imams were appointed from Turkey. According to the official numbers, there were 199 mosques in the ‘TRNC’ at the end of 2012, excluding those in construction; in these mosques, 255 imam and muezzin were employed. Furthermore, there were another 103 imams, who were paid by the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia. Thus the total number of imams – including the three imams working in the southern part of the island – is 361 of whom only ten are are permanently employed while the rest are on a contact basis.[27] In 2014, there were 260 imams, who were paid from the budget of the Prime Ministry of the TRNC, but only 13 of them were on permanent staff- list. Another 120 imams received their salaries from the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia.[28]

Nine mosques were built between 1974 and 2002 in various towns and villages in the occupied areas with the finances of the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia. One of them is the big mosque, built in Anatolian style in Kyrenia in 1999 and it was named after Nurettin Ersin Pasha, the Turkish commander of the 1974 invasion forces. It was followed, in 2003, by another big mosque that was built in Famagusta and was named after Fazıl Polat Pasha, the Turkish commander who occupied Famagusta in 1974. In the summer of 2005, there were a total of 173 mosques and a budget of 3.5 million TL was allocated in order to build 12 new mosques. During the AKP government, starting with the year 2002, out of 39 newly built mosques, 37 were in occupied Greek Cypriot villages; they were all reduced-size copies of the big mosque built in Kyrenia, either with one or two minarets.[29]

The Turkish Cypriots perceive these Islamization activities with concern. For example the Trade Union of Turkish Cypriot Teachers (KTÖS) issued a statement and criticized the ongoing Koran courses and new schools for religious education:

There are 192 mosques in the TRNC, whereas there are 160 schools, 21 health centres and 17 hospitals. Each university wants to build a mosque and these plans increased the controversies. […] They say that they got permission from the Ministry of Education, but there are Koran courses ongoing in the mosques, without permission and controls. If the government does not have the power to control these places, they should resign.[30]


The Trade Union of the Turkish Cypriots Secondary School Teachers (KTOEÖS) protested for a teacher that was appointed from Turkey, at the Polatpaşa Lycee, because the pupils did not like the way he was teaching the lesson of “Religious Culture and Ethics”.[31] The parents’ association of the same school made a demonstration and criticized the Ministry of Education that there was no inspection how the teachers for religion perform their duties.[32] The chairman of KTOS, Semen Saygun, remarked that there were 2,000 pupils, who were participating at the Koran courses during summer season in 2012 while in 2015 the number increased to 5,000. She said that it was not pedagogically appropriate for the immature children to have these courses instead of playing games, resting or spending time with their own families.[33]


Turkish Cypriot reaction

The majority of the Turkish Cypriots does not like that that religious belief is mixed with politics in a show off and are against using religion for political purposes.  Therefore they do not approve mass propaganda for Islam, done by the various religious associations, mainly set up by Anatolian settlers and students. There have always been religious people among the Turkish Cypriot community, but they were in minority and not so fanatic. Some religious Turkish Cypriots formed in cooperation with Turkish settlers some political parties, which were based on religious programs, but they did not have any success: “Reform and Welfare Party” (1979), “Our party” (1998). When the followers of Şeyh Nazım convened on 22 December 1996 in Nicosia at a meeting under the name “Great Islam Congress”, Şeyh Nazım defined the Turkish Cypriot as “a different kind of human, who is clever and has many demonic ideas. There is a need to have someone, who can imprison the demon in a bottle. Those imams, who are sent from Turkey, do not know the Turkish Cypriots. I can convince millions, but in the last 60 years, I got tired of trying to convince this millet (of Turkish Cypriots)!”[34]

            Since the population of the Anatolian settlers is more than the local Turkish Cypriots in the occupied areas at the moment, religious events and activities are organized mainly for them by various associations and organizations that are financed by the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia or some reactionary Arabic countries, and enjoy the support of the ‘TRNC’ government. Last year the Evkaf distributed 5,000 packages of food, sent by the General Directorate of the Vakıfs in Turkey. During the Ramadan month, when the Moslems do not eat or drink anything during the daytime, 100,000 persons had the chance to have dinner on 14 meeting-points in various towns and villages, under the organization of the “Red Crescent Association of Northern Cyprus” with the support of the Turkish Embassy Aid Department in Nicosia. Since 2005, it has been a traditional event. Similar dinners were given also by the Evkaf Department, the Turkish Cypriot Islam Association and Universal Love and Brotherhood Association (ESKAD).[35]
            At the moment there are 600 students at the two theological faculties, one at the Near East University (YDU) and the other one at the University of Social Sciences [Sosyal Bilimler Üniversitesi], while another 800 pupils attend the Theological Colleges. Almost all of the students and teenage pupils are from Turkey who came to the occupied areas with scholarships while a small number are the children of the Anatolian settlers; the teachers are all coming from Turkey. The newly established Hala Sultan Theological College is part of the big complex with a boarding house, a large mosque, conference rooms and shops that will cost 80 million dollars. The Hala Sultan Mosque with its four tall minarets – a small replica of the Selimiye Mosque in Edirne – will be ready by 2017 at a total cost of 30 million dollars. Another large mosque with six minarets is being constructed at the Near East University and is expected to be completed by 2017.

            It is interesting to note that an Anatolian settler, professor Talip Atalay – also an unsuccessful AKP candidate at the 2015 general elections – who settled with his family in occupied Famagusta in 1975, when he was 7 years old, was appointed by Ankara, in 2010, as the Muftü of Cyprus. His employment as the Director of the Religious Affairs, was accompanied by the purchase of two Mercedes and three BMW cars for his Department, which caused criticism by the Trade Union “Hizmet-Sen” in the Turkish Cypriot press.[36] Talip Atalay, a professor of theology, represents the Turkish Cypriot community in its relations with the Cyprus Greek Orthodox Church and he is welcomed by the authorities of the Republic of Cyprus, although he is not a local Turkish Cypriot. The Anatolian settlers can visit now the Hala Sultan Tekke during Moslem Holidays. Since 2014, four such visits were organized with the participation of more than one thousand visitors in each time, comprising mainly of the Turkish citizens![37]

(Published in “EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN POLICY NOTE • No. 8 • 10 July 2016, Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs, University of Nicosia)






Dr Ahmet Djavit An, MD, is a historical researcher, activist and author of 24 books about the Turkish Cypriot political, religious, communal and social affairs. Among his books about the history of the Turkish Cypriots and the Cyprus Problem are: Kıbrıs’ta Fırtınalı Yıllar (1942-1962) [The stormy years in Cyprus (1942-1962)], (Nicosia: Galeri Kultur, 1996); Kıbrıs Türk Liderliğinin Oluşması: Dinsel Toplumdan Ulusal Topluma Geçiş Süreci (1900-1942) [The formation of the Turkish Cypriot leadership: the process of making a national community out of a religious community (1900-1942)], (Nicosia: Galeri Kultur, 1997); Kıbrıslılık Bilincinin Geliştirilmesi [Notes on the development of Cypriot awareness], (Nicosia: Galeri Kultur, 1998); Kıbrıs Nereye Gidiyor? [Quo Vadis Cyprus], (Istanbul: Everest, 2002); Küçük Adada Büyük Oyunlar: Kıbrıs’ta Ayrılıkçılık, Federal Çözüm ve AB Üyeliği [Big games on a small island: separatism, federal solution and EU membership of Cyprus], (Istanbul: NK Publishing, 2004); Kıbrıs Türk Toplumunun Geri Kalmışlığı (1896-1962) [The under-development of the Turkish Cypriot community (1892-1962)], (Nicosia: Shadi Publishing, 2006)

[1] Cengiz Orhonlu, The Ottoman Turks Settle in Cyprus (1570-1580), in Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi (14-19 Nisan 1969) Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri, Ankara 1971, p.100
[2] Ibid, p.97
[3] According to the 1572 census 76 villages in the Mesaoria and Mazotos regions were empty: Cengiz Orhonlu, Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri, p.93. Quoting B. Sagredo in des Mas Latrie, Histoire De L’Ile de Chypre, III, Paris 1855, p. 542, Halil İnalcık wrote that “in 1562 there were 246 villages belonging to the State and were described as ‘Real’ while those belonging to the mobility and the Church numbered 567”: Halil İnalcık, Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri, p. 64.
[4] Cengiz Orhonlu, ibid, p.94
[5] Ibid, p.100
[6] Ahmet Djavit An, “Origins of Turkish Cypriots”, Cyprus Today, Vol. XLVI, No. 2, April-June 2008, pp.13-21.
[7] Letter of Mehmet Ziyai Efendi to Sublime Porte (“Bab-ı Ali” in İstanbul) dated 22 February 1910, quoted by Mustafa Haşim Altan, Kıbrıs’ta Rumlaştırma Hareketleri [Movements for Greek convertions in Cyprus), 2nd edn (Kyrenia: Milli Arşiv, 2000), pp. 9-10; also M. Nabi, “Nüfus Sayımı-2”, Hürsöz newspaper, 15 June 1947.
[8] Author’s emphasis; Ronald C. Jennings, Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640, New York University Studies in Near Eastern Civilization XVIII (New York: New York University Press, 1992), p. 137.
[9] Alkan Chaglar, Toplum Postası newspaper, London, 5 August 1981.

[10] Cyprus Today, July-December 1967 and January-March 1968.
[11] Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “From coexistence to confrontation: the dynamics of ethnic conflict in Cyprus”, in Cyprus Reviewed, ed. by Michalis Attalides (Nicosia: New Cyprus Association, 1977), pp 35-70 (37).
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ahmet An, ‘Changes in the ethnic and cultural structure of Cyprus after 1571’, in Kıbrıs Türk Kültürü Üzerine Yazılar [Articles on the Turkish Cypriot Culture]; (Nicosia: Ateş Matbaacılık, 1999), p.15.
[14] [“Rum” is related to Eastern Roman Empire and all the Greek speaking Orthodox Christians, who were living in Anatolia, were called as “Rum” in Turkish language. The Greek Cypriots used to be citizens of the Eastern Roman Empire, therefore they were called also as “Rum”, i.e. “Kıbrıslı Rumlar” (Rums of Cyprus).  For example, those Rums, who were living in the Black Sea region, were called as “Trabzonlu Rumlar” (“Rums of Trebizun”= Pontians). On the other hand, “Yunan” means (Ionian in Arabic) and it is used for a citizen of the state of “Yunanistan” (Land of Ionians= Greece) after 1829. Therefore the Greeks, living outside the boundaries of Greece, are called “Rum” as the ex-citizens of Eastern Roman Empire, not being the citizens of Greece.  Could you please explain in this footnote why the Christians in Cyprus were called Rum and not Υunan]
[15] Evkaf is a religious institution in Islam. The legal definition of Vakf (Evkaf is the plural of Vakf) is the tying up of the property for the sake of God and to earn the Divine Mercy, with ultimate imposition of interdiction on its transfer to persons contrary to the conditions of dedication. The term is equivalent of “dedication”.
[16] A Tekke (convent) is a place where Dervishes belonging to a cult used to stay and carry out their prayers and religious ceremonies. 

[17]  C. F. Beckingham, “Islam in Cyprus”, The Islamic Quarterly, vol. II, no. 2, July 1955, p. 140.
[18] M. Kemal Dizdar, “Cyprus Evkaf”, in Milletlerarası Birinci Kıbrıs Tetkikleri Kongresi, 14-19 Nisan 1969 Türk Heyeti Tebliğleri (Papers of the Turkish delegation to the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies) Ankara: 1971, p. 211.  

[19] Advocate Fadıl N. Korkut, 31 Mart 1947 tarihinde Kıbrısta Mevcut Türk Kurumları Namına Ekselâns Valiye Takdim Edilen Arizada Hükûmetten Talep Edilen Haklarımızdan 2ncisi EVKAF, Hür Söz Basımevi, (Lefkoşa), (Evkaf, The second of our rights, being demanded from the government in an application given to his Excellency the Governor in the name of the existing Turkish institutions in Cyprus on 31 March 1947, Hür Söz Printing House (Nicosia).

[20] Ali Süha, ‘Turkish Education in Cyprus’, in Papers of the Turkish delegation to the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies (Ankara: 1971), pp. 235-237.
[21] 1949 Interim Report of the Committee on Turkish Affairs [in Turkish], Nicosia 1950, p.70.

[22] Ahmet An, A Short Overview on the Past of the Turkish Law Institutions in Cyprus, Articles on Turkish Cypriot Culture, Nicosia, 1999, p.89.

[23] Hakkı M. Atun, “The Influence of Ottoman Architecture in Cyprus”, in Papers of the Turkish Delegation to the First International Congress of Cypriot Studies (Ankara: 1971), pp. 262-263.

[24] Ahmet An, “The role of religion in Turkish Cypriot community” (in Turkish), Kıbrıslı Turkun Sesi dergisi, 27 September 1996, http://can-kibrisim.blogspot.com.cy/2014/01/kibris-turk-toplumunda-dinin-yeri.html; Ahmet An, “Religion and society in the 2000’s” (in Turkish), Kıbrıslı Turkun Sesi dergisi, December 1997, http://can-kibrisim.blogspot.com.cy/2014 /01/2000li-yillarda-din-ve-toplum.html.
[25] Halkın Sesi, 11 June 1977.
[26] Dr Fazil Küçük, “Dikenli diller” [Tongues with spikes], Halkın Sesi, 12 July 1977, p. 1

[27] Havadis, 6 December 2012.

[28] Afrika, 18 August 2014.
[29] Mete Hatay, “‘Direniş’ Minarelerinden ‘Vesayet’ Minarelerine”, Afrika, 17 October 2014, p. 19.
[30] KTÖS Press release, Kıbrıslı, 5 August 2012.
[31] Yenidüzen, 29 December 2015.
[32] Kıbrıs, 16 February 2016.
[33] Kıbrıs, 11 July 2015. 

[34] Quoted by Ahmet An, Kıbrıs Türk Toplumunda Dinin Yeri [Place of Religion in Turkish Cypriot Society] Kıbrıslı magazine, 27 September 1996, no.14.
[35]  Kıbrıs, 18 June 2015.
[36] Afrika, 5 March 2014, p. 3.
[37] Kıbrıs, 11 December 2015.

  • July 23rd 2016 at 23:53
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THE CURRENT POLITICAL CRISIS IN TURKEY

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

 The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi=AKP) has been in power in Turkey in the last 14 years and it has already made big steps forwards in order to legitimize the establishment of an Islamic State in Turkey. The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1924 by Kemal Ataturk and until 1990’s, Kemalism has been the state ideology of modern Turkey.  

The AKP originated from the religious movement, started by the National Order Party (MNP) of Necmettin Erbakan, who broke apart from the traditional right wing Justice Party (AP) in 1970 and started a separate political party in order to represent independently the political Islamism in Turkey. Erbakan’s political movement continued under various parties, which succeeded each other after the proscription of the previous one: National Order Party (1970-1981), National Salvation Party (1983-1998), Welfare Party (1983-1998), Virtue Party (1997-2001), Prosperity Party (2001-today). Those, who did not want to join the Prosperity Party, established the AKP on 14 August 2001 and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was the chairperson between 2003 and 2014.  The AKP won 34.28% of the votes in the general elections in 2002, 46.58% in 2007 and 49.83% in 2011. In June 2015, the AKP won 40.89% of the votes under its new chairperson Ahmet Davutoğlu, who could increase the percentage in November 2015 up to 49.50%. Davutoğlu was previously the Foreign Minister in Erdoğan’s cabinet and he initiated the so-called “Zero-problem with the neighbours” policy, which proved later to be an enemy maker policy for Turkey.    

The Islamic religious communities have been very active since 1973 in Turkey and the most influential one of them was Fethullah Gülen’s movement. Gülen supported Erdoğan’s AKP, starting from the general elections of 1994 until 2009. During the power of the AKP, the state apparatus was not anymore supporting the Kemalist principles of the founder of the Republic of Turkey. It was already under the influence of a Turkish-Islam synthesis, which could be defined as a kind of fascism with Turkish flavour. It is not only anti-communist and anti-democratic, but also anti-humanist and anti-enlightenment. The ideology of the AKP is oppressive and against the classic liberalism in the sense of political rights and freedoms.

After the military regime of 1980, the Turkish state establishment did not disturb the so-called “moderate” religious movement of Gülen, organized as companies, associations and foundations. The security bureaucracy of the Turkish State, like the Ministry of National Education and the Directorate of Religious Affairs were already indocrinated with the Turkish-Islam synthesis, as well as the Intelligence Services (MIT), the police and the army. It is not possible to find Kemalist persons anymore, working in the Ministries of National Education or Internal Affairs or among the Security Bureaucracy.  

Starting with the military ultimatum on 28 February 1997, the political Islam in Turkey took a neo-liberal course, which brought Turkey to participate in the Great Near East Project of the USA, to start relations with the EU, to implement the programme of the IMF and to privatize the big state enterprizes. The big monopolies of Turkey have accumulated a lot of capital during the power of the AKP and they bought almost all of the state properties and benefited from extraordinary subsidies.

According to a survey, done by the Ministry of Family and Social Policies, published at the beginning of 2013, Turkey is one of the countries at the top of the list with inequal division of national income. The division of national income is unjust and inequal. 95% of the households live below the poverty line (3.200 TL) and 60% live below the limit of hunger (1.200-1.000 TL). Out of 19.7 million families, the richest 100 were getting 30% of the national income with their wealth of 216 billion dollars. The income of the richest 10% of the population in Turkey is 12.6 times more than the 10% of the poorest population. According to the numbers from 2015, Turkey is the fifth OECD country after Mexico, Chile, USA and Israel and the first in Europe.

According to the study of Research Institute on Turkey, which was based on the Global Wealth Report of the Credit Suisse, the richest 1% of the population in Turkey, used to get 39.4% in 2002, but they got 54.3% in 2014. The remaining 99% got in 2002 60.6% of the total wealth, reduced to 45.7% in 2014.  Erdoğan’s family, alone, has accumulated in the last 10 year a wealth of 128 billion dollars, which makes 16% of the national income.

The Gülen Movement had 88 foundations, 20 associations, 128 private schools, 218 companies and approximately 500 boarding houses in Turkey. It was also well organized in the mass media with 17 newspapers and magazines, several TV and radio stations. The Gülen imperium, which is supposed to have the support of the CIA, has in 92 countries, approximately 500 elementary and secondary schools and 6 universities, plus many education and language centres. The movement educate more than 100.000 persons worldwide. The schools, which operate in the foreign countries, are all private and enroll the children of the middle and the upper classes.

In November 2013, Erdoğan decided to break his cooperation with the Gülen Movement and and get the whole power in his own hand in Turkey. Therefore he started by preparing a bill for the closure of the preparatory classes for the universities. This was a big challenge for his long-time collaborator, the Gülen Movement, which was recruiting young members to the movement through these preparatory classes for the universities. The “Zaman” daily newspaper of the Gülen Movement reacted strongly against this decision of the AKP government by saying that this was not done even during the Kemalist military regimes in Turkey. This was a big economic and political blow to the Gülen community, because 60% of all the preparatory classes (4.000 of them registered, 2.000 - 5.000 unregistered) belonged to Gülen Movement and 80% of the publishing materials for the preparatory classes.   

Gülen Movement reacted on 17 December 2013 by making some operations, where 80 persons were detained and  among them was an Iranian businessman, Rıza Sarraf, who sold the Iranian petrol during the years of embargo and gave the money back to his partner in Iran in gold.  The mass media was given some recorded telephone conversations about the corruption of four cabinet ministers, who were bribed by Sarraf. This ended up with their resignation on 24 December, because the sons of  Zafer Çağlayan, Muammer Güler, Erdoğan Bayraktar were involved. During the police operations, 4.5 million dollars were found, hidden in shoe-boxes in the house of the director of Halk Bank and a money-counting machine was found at the bedroom of Minister Güler’s son! Erdoğan Bayraktar told to the press that what he had done was according to the orders of Premier Minister Erdoğan! But he negated this statement later.  On 25 December 2013, a second operation for the arrest of 30 suspected persons for money laundering could not be realized, because the security forces did not implement the order of the state attorney. From that day on, the AKP started to restructure the legal system in Turkey with its own supporters. 

Later, the events on 17 and 25 December 2013 were seen as a civil coup d’Etat of Erdoğan, whereas the accused ministers should have been before court, in order to have a clarification, if they did something against the law or not, but the AKP stopped the legal procedure!

In January 2014, the MIT officers did not allow the state attorney to search lorries carrying guns and ammunition for the ISIL. The Minister for Internal Affairs stated on a TV programme that during 35 days, after the incident on 17 December, 5,000 policemen and many state attorneys were appointed to other posts. On 25 February 2014, another voice-recording was popular on the social media and Youtube which was recorded on 17 December 2013. The PM Erdoğan was informing his son, Bilal, about the police operation at the homes of the sons of some ministers and he told his son to get rid of the money, hidden at their own home. Bilal Erdoğan has been accused of involvement in illegal oil smuggling in Syria  and Iraq.

After the corruption scandals were made public, Erdoğan decided to abolish the court decisions on Ergenekon case and the similar ones, which made a big blow on the strength and authority of the Turkish Army. Now the Army was a reliable partner of Erdoğan, who wanted to avoid his cornered position.

The AKP was able to collect 44% of the votes in the local elections on 30 March 2014 and Erdoğan declared war on the Gülen Movement, which he defined as a “parallel state within the Turkish state.” On 12 June 2015, 37 judges and attorneys were expelled from their professions.  

Erdoğan started also a revenge attack on the Kurdish cities and people in South-Eastern provinces, where his party could not win, but the Democratic Party of the Peoples (HDP) was very successful. Erdoğan broke the alliance with the Kurdish movement, which costed 40.000 lives in 35 years and 6.000 people were killed only in 8 months time!

According to a report, prepared by the TU for Education Labourers (Eğitim-Sen), when the AKP came to power in 2002, the number of students attending 450  Imam Hatip schools were 71,100.  In the school year 2014-2015, the number of the Imam Hatip Schools was 1,017 with an increase of  90% to almost 750,000 children, aged between 10 and 18, or 9% of all students. (Hürriyet, 13 June 2015) Government officials, many of them former Imam Hatip pupils themselves, have since argued that the schools’ revival responds to demand by Muslim families, who felt discriminated against after 1997.

The Turkish Directorate for Religious Affairs, which employs 120.000 personnel, in a total of 84,684 mosques (emlakwebtv.com, 18 June 2015), had a budget of  more than 3 billion Euros (6.5 billion TL) for 2016 and the whole amount, spent on religious activities between 2006 and 2015 makes a total of approx. 12 billion Euros. (haber.sol.org.tr, 27 January 2016) In the summer of 2015, more than 3 million children (4-6 year-olds included) went to Koran courses, organized in 60.000 mosques. More than 1 million visited other places than mosques for Koran education. 929 persons and many other associations and foundations organized 16.958 Koran courses in 2013-14. (Birgün newspaper, 31 March 2016)

In Turkey, there are 107,000 doctors and 1,250 hospitals, whereas there are 122,000 imams and almost 85,000 mosques. Every year only 9,000 doctors graduate, whereas there is a need of 105,000 doctors more. On the other hand, there are 122,000 imams and every year 60,000 imams graduate and they are in surplus. (Yılmaz Özdil, Sözcü newspaper, 8 January 2015)

The AKP is very happy with the majority of the media, including some 32 newspapers and 22 television channels, using them in order  to dominate the news coverage and attack on opposition parties. 

Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu was forced to announce on 5 May 2016 that he was resigning as head of the ruling AKP and giving up the premiership. President Erdogan continued to concentrate the whole power of the state in his own hands and obedience to him within the AKP was openly praised as a virtue and required as a duty.

On the other hand, the country faced now serious challenges on the security and economic fronts. Turkey failed to protect the city of Kilis on the border with Syria, where ISIS attacks with missiles that took lives of 21 people, including eight Syrian refugees, and wounded scores of others. Many buildings have been devastated. One columnist wrote that Kilis is a clear testimony to Turkey’s powerlessness in its ambition to be recognized as a regional power.

Erdogan and his party AKP are among the major actors in the ordeal that Syria has been going through since 2011, alongside with Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Erdoğan strives to assume the leadership of the Sunni masses of the Middle East and return to Turkey the glory of its Ottoman past. This is one of the reasons why the AKP government supported ISIL until very recently and continue to support other Islamist groups fighting against the Assad regime in Syria, where he flamed the hatred of war between the Sunni and the Alevi. The Alevites are a minority denomination in Islam and they are closer to the Shia than the Sunni. The AKP does not have good relationship with the Alevites in Turkey. Another problem for the AKP government is the formation of the Kurdish cantons on the Syrian border. The USA asked Turkey to cleanse the line Cerablus-Azez from the ISIL, but Erdoğan does not want that the Syrian Kurds would put these areas under their control. Russia and Syria prefer the Kurdish authority rather than the ISIL.

The relationship between Turkey and Russia have deteriorated significantly since 24 November 2015, when a Turkish fighter jet shot down a Russian warplane in Syria. Russia declared economic sanctions against Turkey and the trade between the two countries contracted 25% in 2015. Since the beginning of 2016, Russia has put restrictions on the supplies of vegetables, fruits and other goods from Turkey and these restrictions included also a ban on hiring of Turkish citizens. It is estimated that the embargo could cost the Turkish economy more than 3 billion dollars.         

Erdoğan does not act as an independent President, but continue to govern the AKP as its leader, getting involved in goverment affairs and breaching the Constitution, which is punishable with life-long imprisonment. He should have cut his relationship with his AKP on the day he was elected as President. On the contrary, he succeeded the resignation of the Premier Minister, who won the elections with 23 million votes. Erdogan intervened also the internal party affairs of the oppositional National Movement Party (MHP) in order to secure the continuation of the party’s support for his power. 

The new chairperson of the AKP, Binali Yıldırım, who would be the Prime Minister of Turkey, is a well-known close friend of Erdoğan and one of the founders of the AKP in 2001. He was appointed to the Ministry of Transport in 2002 and served the longest term in the history of Turkey at that post. During his term of office, a lot of corruption allegations were published in the media and many state enterprizes were sold cheaply under the guise of privatization. Yıldırım’s family owns 17 companies, 28 cargo-ships and 2 super-yachts, but others allege that the real number of ships are higher than this. Now that Erdoğan has a puppet Prime Minister, he would try to get rid of the MP’s of the Democratic Party of the Peoples (HDP) in the Turkish Grand National Assembly by removing their immunity, nut not those from his own party, AKP. The Republican People’s Party (CHP) has lost its Kemalist ideology on one hand and takes a nationalist position in the Kurdish question like the MHP. Erdoğan is now a monarch!  

 

(Published in IN DEPTH bimonthly electronic newsletter • Volume 13 Issue 3 • June 2016
© 2016 Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs • University of Nicosia)




  • July 17th 2016 at 22:02
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Αντιφασιστική – Αντιρατσιστική εκδήλωση Σάββατο 16/7 στην Λεμεσό

By antifalem

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Η Συνέλευση για την δημιουργία Αντιφασιστικού Αντιρατσιστικού Μετώπου (στην οποία συμμετέχει και το Αντιφασιστικό  Δίκτυο Λεμεσού μαζί με άλλες ομάδες, συλλογικότητες και άτομα) διοργανώνει Αντιφασιστική και Αντιρατσιστική εκδήλωση με συζήτηση και συναυλίες στο Θεατράκι του Μόλου στην Λεμεσό (Επίχωση) το Σάββατο στις 16 Ιουλίου και ώρα 19:00.

 

Πρόγραμμα Εκδήλωσης:

 

Συζήτηση: Το παρελθόν και το παρόν του Φασισμού στην Κύπρο και πως απαντάμε.

Ομιλητές: Αλέξης Αλέκου, Γιώργος Χαραλάμπους

 

Συναυλία: Αρχή Δια Του Ρεμπέτικου, Μπερτέδες, Julio Κομπολόι, Στέλιος Πελλάρας

 

Tο κείμενο της Συνέλευσης:

Σε μια περίοδο που η διεθνής οικονομική κρίση φαίνεται να μην έχει τελειωμό, παρά μόνο να βαθαίνει όλο και περισσότερο, η ακροδεξιά και οι φασίστες δυναμώνουν σε όλη την Ευρώπη αλλά και σε άλλες χώρες μέσα από την αναγωγή του ρατσισμού και του εθνικισμού σε επίσημη πολιτική των κυβερνήσεων όπως την είδαμε να εκδηλώνεται και στην περίπτωση των προσφύγων που ζητούν καταφύγιο στην Ευρώπη.

Στην Κύπρο, ο φασιστικός λόγος έχει διαχυθεί σε πολλά επίπεδα της δημόσιας ζωής και η φασιστική συμμορία του ΕΛΑΜ είναι πια μέσα στη βουλή, πράγμα που τους δίνει τη δυνατότητα να λειτουργούν και με βούλα του «δημοκρατικού» κόμματος. Εκείνοι οι οποίοι χτυπούν Τουρκοκυπρίους και ακτιβιστές, που είναι αδελφό κόμμα με τους ναζί δολοφόνους της Χρυσής Αυγής, εκείνοι που ονειρεύονται αναγέννηση της ΕΟΚΑ Β’, οι νοσταλγοί του Άουσβιτς, δεν έχουν καμία θέση σε καμία δημοκρατική κοινωνία.

Το κράτος στηρίχτηκε από τη δημιουργία του στον επιθετικό εθνικισμό και στην μισαλλοδοξία απέναντι στους Τουρκοκύπριους, κάτι που αποτέλεσε και αποτελεί ακόμα ένα παράγοντα που άνοιξε το δρόμο για το δυνάμωνα των φασιστών. Σε ένα κράτος όπου οι φασιστικές ιδέες εκφράζονται μέσα από ρατσιστικές, σεξιστικές και ομοφοβικές δηλώσεις και συμπεριφορές στελεχών και άλλων κομμάτων, σε ένα κράτος που έχει βασιστεί από τη δημιουργία του στον εθνικισμό και τη μισαλλοδοξία, που όχι απλώς επιτρέπει και ενθαρρύνει τη διάχυση φασιστικών ιδεών αλλά σκορπά το ίδιο τις ιδέες του μίσους σε όλα τα επίπεδα: Με την ενίσχυση του στρατού και του μιλιταρισμού, με ένα εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα που διδάσκει τα παιδιά μας ότι «ο εχθρός παραμονεύει», μέσω των σχέσεών του με την εκκλησία, της οποίας ο ηγέτης δηλώνει ότι χάρηκε που μπήκαν οι φασίστες στη βουλή χωρίς να αντιμετωπίζει συνέπειες για αυτό. Με την ηρωοποίηση και συγκάλυψη φασιστών τύπου Γρίβα.

Όλα αυτά τα ζητήματα, μας φέρνουν αντιμέτωπους με μια ιστορική αναγκαιότητα: Να χτίσουμε ένα μαχητικό αντιφασιστικό μέτωπο, που θα είναι ικανό να αντιπαρατεθεί στο ρατσισμό, να μην επιτρέψει στους φασίστες να επιβάλουν ένα κλίμα φόβου και τρομοκρατίας μέσα στην κοινωνία και να τους στείλει στη θέση τους, δηλαδή στους υπονόμους της ιστορίας.

Οι ομάδες, συλλογικότητες και άτομα που απαρτίζουν αυτή τη συνέλευση, αποφασίσαμε να δουλέψουμε προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση και σαν πρώτο σταθμό διοργανώνουμε μια εκδήλωση στις 16 Ιουλίου, με στόχο να θεσμοθετηθεί ένα ετήσιο αντιρατσιστικό φεστιβάλ, αρχής γενομένης από το ερχόμενο φθινόπωρο.

Η επιλογή της συγκεκριμένης μέρας δεν είναι τυχαία. Φιλοδοξούμε να αποτελέσει μια πρώτη πολιτική απάντηση στους φασίστες αλλά και στις εθνικιστικές και ρατσιστικές εκδηλώσεις της επίσημης πολιτείας με αφορμή τις επετείους της εισβολής και του πραξικοπήματος. Μια εκδήλωση όπου θα συζητήσουμε όχι μόνο την ιστορία, προβάλλοντας έναν διαφορετικό τρόπο μνήμης αυτής της περιόδου. και την σημερινή άνοδο του φασισμού (και του ΕΛΑΜ στην Κύπρο) αλλά και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους μπορούμε να την ανατρέψουμε.

Καλούμε όλους/ες όσοι θέλουν να παλέψουν ενάντια στο φασισμό, το ρατσισμό και τη μισαλλοδοξία, στην εκδήλωση στις 16/7, στο θεατράκι του μόλου Λεμεσού.

Γλώσσες και Διάλεκτοι Α - Συζήτηση για την κατάσταση στην Κύπρο

By Ιάκωβος Χατζηπιερής

Αυτόνομο Σχολείο Ιούνη 2016

Παρουσίαση του Κοινού Ελληνοκυπριακού-Τουρκοκυπριακού Λεξικού και συζήτηση για την γλωσσική κατάσταση στην Κύπρο

ΠΑΡΑΣΚΕΥΗ – 10 ΙΟΥΝΗ 2016 στις 19:30 στον Κοινωνικό Χώρο Kaymakκιν, Αρχ. Μακαρίου 127 Καϊμακλί (Info & Χάρτης: kaymakkin.org & fb.com/kaymakkin)

Με τους Ιάκωβο Χατζηπιερή (ένας από τους συγγραφείς του Κοινού Λεξικού) και Φοίβο Παναγιωτίδη (Γλωσσολόγος, Πανεπιστήμιο Κύπρου)

Αργότερα τον Ιούνη: Το Μέρος Β θα καταπιαστεί με τις έμφυλες διαλέκτους και την ελληνική γκέι αργκό

Ηχογράφηση

Poster

Για την επίθεση που δεχτήκαμε από νεοναζί

By antifalem

Την περασμένη Κυριακή 08/05/2016 διοργανώσαμε αντιφασιστική πορεία με αφορμή την επέτειο της αντιφασιστική νίκης των λαών κατά του ναζισμού, αλλά και ενάντια στην αυξημένη και αποθρασυμένη παρουσία φασιστών-νεοναζί στην Λεμεσό, ιδιαίτερα τώρα ενόψει βουλευτικών εκλογών.

Κατά την διάρκεια της προσυγκέντρωσης μας, στην πλατεία Διοικητηρίου και προτού καταφθάσει ο κύριος όγκος των συντρόφων και αλληλέγγυων, δεχτήκαμε οργανωμένη και προσχεδιασμένη επίθεση από 30 περίπου μέλη νεοναζιστικών κομμάτων και οργανώσεων του ευρύτερου ακροδεξιού χώρου, εφοδιασμένων με κράνη, σιδερολοστούς, πτυσσόμενα γκλοπ και αλυσίδες.

Είναι χαρακτηριστικό ότι παρόλο που αρκετά από αυτά τα άτομα προέρχονται από διαφορετικά κόμματα και οργανώσεις, έδρασαν από κοινού και συντονισμένα εναντίον μας, κι αυτό αποδεικνύει ότι λειτουργούν σαν συγκοινωνούντα δοχεία.

Παρά τον αιφνιδιασμό και την αρχική υποχώρηση μας από την επίθεση του τάγματος εφόδου των φασιστών, καταφέραμε να ανακόψουμε στη συνέχεια την προσπάθεια τους να μας κτυπήσουν και να μας διαλύσουν, αλλά και με την άφιξη περισσοτέρων συντρόφων/φισσων μας στο χώρο, να ανασυνταχθούμε και να κυνηγήσουμε τους φασίστες, αναγκάζοντας τους εν τέλει σε φυγή.

Παρά την θρασύδειλη επίθεση που δεχτήκαμε από τα παρακρατικά μαντρόσκυλα του συστήματος, καταφέραμε να οργανωθούμε και πραγματοποιήσαμε την προγραμματισμένη μας πορεία με συμμετοχή 80 ατόμων, εισπράττοντας παράλληλα θετικά σχόλια από απλό κόσμο και περαστικούς.

Αξιοσημείωτη η στάση της αστυνομίας, αφού συγκάλυψαν εντελώς τη φασιστική επίθεση εναντίον μας, αφήνοντας απόλυτα ελεύθερο το πεδίο σ αυτούς να έρθουν να μας κτυπήσουν εντελώς ανενόχλητοι.

Όμως όταν ανασυγκροτηθήκαμε, έκαναν έντονη την εμφάνιση τους, περικυκλώνοντας ασφυκτικά την πορεία. Μάλιστα ένας αστυνομικός φωτογράφιζε και βιντεογραφούσε σε ολόκληρη την διαδρομή της πορείας.

Ήταν τόσο απροκάλυπτη η στάση τους που εμφανίστηκαν ακόμα και δημοσιεύματα σε συστημικά ΜΜΕ, που έκαναν λόγο για αδιαφορία της αστυνομίας, ενώ είχαν πληροφορίες για οργανωμένο κτύπημα ενάντια στην αντιφασιστική πορεία.

Τονίζουμε ότι η επίθεση που δεχτήκαμε, όχι μόνο δεν μας τρομοκρατεί, αλλά μας πεισμώνει ακόμη περισσότερο να συνεχίσουμε τον αγώνα μας. Η αποφασιστικότητα μας και η δυναμική που είχε η πορεία ήταν η καλύτερη απάντηση, με ενισχυμένη την αλληλεγγύη και συμμετοχή στο αντιφασιστικό κίνημα.

Θα αντισταθούμε και δεν θα ανεχτούμε τη στοχοποίηση, χτυπήματα και απειλές κατά συντρόφων μας. Καλούμε όλους τους αντιφασίστες/τριες, αλλά και τον κάθε ανυπότακτο άνθρωπο, να συσπειρωθούν και να ενωθούν μαζί μας, για να συνεχίσουμε όλες και όλοι μαζί πιο μαζικά και δυναμικά τον αγώνα ενάντια στον φασισμό και το σύστημα που τον εκτρέφει.

ΟΥΤΕ ΛΕΜΕΣΟ ΟΥΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΥΘΕΝΑ ΤΣΑΚΙΣΤΕ ΤΟΥΣ ΦΑΣΙΣΤΕΣ ΣΕ ΚΑΘΕ ΓΕΙΤΟΝΙΑ

ΑΝΤΙΦΑΣΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ ΛΕΜΕΣΟΥ

Πορεία Κυριακή 8/5 ώρα 19:00 πλ.διοικητηρίου

By antifalem

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ΑΝΤΙΦΑΣΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΠΟΡΕΙΑ ΚΥΡΙΑΚΗ 8/5 ΩΡΑ 19:00 ΠΛΑΤΕΙΑ ΔΙΟΙΚΗΤΗΡΙΟΥ

Στις 9 Μαΐου 1945, με την συνθηκολόγηση της ναζιστικής Γερμανίας, ήρθε το τέλος του πιο αιματηρού πολέμου στην ιστορία της ανθρωπότητας, του Β” Παγκοσμίου, που στοίχισε τη ζωή σε 80 εκατομμύρια ανθρώπους. Σήμερα, δυστυχώς, η φρίκη του ολοκληρωτικού πολέμου και του φασισμού – ναζισμού δεν είναι μια εικόνα από το μακρινό παρελθόν, αλλά η σκληρή πραγματικότητα που ζούμε γύρω μας, με άλλη μορφή και μέσα.

Η καπιταλιστική κρίση, όχι μόνο δεν καταλαγιάζει, αλλά βαθαίνει, κι αυτό κάνει τα κράτη και το κεφάλαιο να δρουν ακόμα πιο επιθετικά απέναντι στους εργαζόμενους και τα φτωχά λαϊκά στρώματα, επιχειρώντας να επιβάλουν ένα σύγχρονο κοινωνικό και εργασιακό μεσαίωνα. Αυτή η κρίση παράλληλα, οξύνει τις πολεμικές συγκρούσεις και τους ιμπεριαλιστικούς ανταγωνισμούς, με την Συρία δίπλα μας και την Μέση Ανατολή να είναι στο επίκεντρο των αντιπαραθέσεων, κάτι που ασφαλώς δεν μας αφήνει ανεπηρέαστους.

Μέσα σ αυτές τις συνθήκες υπάρχει άνοδος της ακροδεξιάς και των νεοναζιστικών κομμάτων και οργανώσεων, κι αυτό δεν είναι καθόλου τυχαίο. Στις κρίσιμες στιγμές οι φασιστικές συμμορίες και τα κόμματα είναι τα πιο χρήσιμα δεκανίκια του συστήματος. Στηρίζουν την εργοδοσία και τα αφεντικά ώστε να καταστείλουν τις όποιες εργατικές αντιστάσεις, αφού απ αυτούς χρηματοδοτούνται. Μην ξεχνάμε ότι τον ίδιο ακριβώς ρόλο έπαιξαν στην Κύπρο, όταν πρωτοεμφανίστηκαν στην εποχή των πιο άγριων απεργιών, το 1948.

Παράλληλα προωθούν το ρατσιστικό μίσος και την στοχοποίηση προσφύγων και μεταναστών ώστε να βοηθήσουν τους καπιταλιστές να ρίξουν τα μεροκάματα συνολικά για όλους τους εργαζόμενους, αλλά και για να μην υπάρχει ενότητα και αλληλεγγύη στη εργατική τάξη.  Γιατί είναι ευκολότερο να σπάσεις το κεφάλι του διπλανού σου για να πάρεις τη θέση του, παρά να ανατρέψεις την εξουσία του κεφαλαίου.

Επιβάλλουν έτσι τον κοινωνικό κανιβαλισμό, το αίσθημα της απελπισίας και την καταφυγή στην εξόντωση του ‘’άλλου’’. Ο  ‘άλλος’’ στην αρχή είναι ο μετανάστης, ο αλλόθρησκος, ο ‘’παρεκκλίνων’’ σεξουαλικά ή ηθικά. Μετά είναι ο δημόσιος υπάλληλος. Έπειτα ο συνδικαλιστής και ο αριστερός ή αναρχικός που στηρίζει τους ‘’άλλους’’. Και μετά είναι ο οποιοσδήποτε, ο ίδιος μας ο εαυτός.

Στο ζοφερό πολιτικό τοπίο και την προεκλογική περίοδο που διανύουμε στην Κύπρο, επιχειρούν να εμφανιστούν ως κάτι το διαφορετικό, το καθαρό, το ελπιδοφόρο απέναντι στις κυρίαρχες πολιτικές δυνάμεις και τα καθεστωτικά κόμματα. Κανένας δεν πρέπει να ξεγελιέται από τον λαϊκισμό και την προσπάθεια του ελαμ και άλλων  να παρουσιάσει ένα φιλολαϊκό πρόσωπο με κινήσεις “φιλανθρωπίας”. Που κι αυτές φυσικά είναι μόνο για Έλληνες. Τα ίδια έκανε και η Κου Κουξ Κλαν και ο Χίτλερ για να αποκτήσει την κοινωνική αποδοχή και να ανέλθει στην εξουσία. Βλέπουμε και την μητρική τους οργάνωση, την χρυσή αυγή τι κάνει στην ελληνική βουλή. Στήριξη στην ασυδοσία του τραπεζικού κεφαλαίου, υπεράσπιση των φοροαπαλλαγών των εφοπλιστών και των ιδιωτικοποιήσεων. Τα ίδια που προωθεί και η κυπριακή κυβέρνηση!

Ο κόσμος ας μην έχει αυταπάτες στις εκλογές για κανένα κόμμα, παλιό ή καινούργιο, ή δήθεν ανεξαρτήτους. Παρά τις όποιες επιμέρους διαφορές τους όλοι υπηρετούν με ευλάβεια το πολιτικοοικονομικό σύστημα και την άρχουσα τάξη.

Η ελπίδα δεν βρίσκεται στις κάλπες άλλα στους ανυποχώρητους κι ακηδεμόνευτους αγώνες των εργαζομένων και της νεολαίας για την κοινωνική ανατροπή. Κανένας πολιτικός σωτήρας δεν μπορεί να  αναλάβει» για μας, μόνο με αυτοοργάνωση και αλληλεγγύη μπορούμε να σώσουμε τις ζωές μας.

Αυτά προσπαθήσαμε να προτάξουμε με την μέχρι τώρα δράση μας, με κινητοποιήσεις και παρεμβάσεις αλλά και διαφορές εκδηλώσεις.

Ενδεικτικά συμμετείχαμε σε κινητοποιήσεις εναντία στις  εκποιήσεις σπιτιών, στον δρόμο αλλά και με συγκεντρώσεις αλληλεγγύης σε κατοίκους που κινδύνευαν άμεσα με έξωση. Σε εργατικούς αγώνες, στην πρωτομαγιά μαζί με τους Κούρδους συντρόφους προωθώντας  έμπρακτα την διεθνιστική αλληλεγγύη και ενότητα. Προβάλαμε την μάχη που δίνουν οι ίδιοι όχι μόνο για αυτοδιάθεση αλλά και για μια άλλη κοινωνία, με την αυτοοργάνωση των κοινοτήτων στη Ροζάβα, όπως και το αντίστοιχο παράδειγμα των Ζαπατίστας στα βουνά του Μεξικού. Πραγματοποιήσαμε εκδήλωση για την γυναικεία χειραφέτηση, με ιστορική αναδρομή στους αγώνες των γυναικών στην Κύπρο, την Ελλάδα και διεθνώς. Ακόμα για το προσφυγικό και για την ιστορία, τους αγώνες και την προοπτική του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο.

Όλα αυτά ήταν φυσικό να ενοχλήσουν τους φασίστες, γνωστούς θρασύδειλους που έμαθαν να δρουν μόνο μέσα στο σκοτάδι. Έτσι στοχοποίησαν την συλλογικότητα μας και συντρόφους/φισες. Μάλιστα μόλις πριν λίγες μέρες προσπάθησαν με ύπουλο τρόπο να τρομοκρατήσουν και να κτυπήσουν συντρόφους όταν αποχωρούσαν μόνοι από εκδήλωση μας. Η προσπάθεια τους έπεσε στο κενό χάρη στη αποφασιστικότητα άλλων συντρόφων που με τη άμεση κινητοποίηση και παρουσία τους απέτρεψαν τα χειρότερα και τους ανάγκασαν να διαλυθούν χωρίς να συμβεί το παραμικρό.

Ας το βάλουν καλά στο μυαλό τους ότι όχι μόνο δεν τρομοκρατούμαστε, αλλά θα συνεχίσουμε ακόμα πιο δυναμικά τον αγώνα μας. Ο αντιφασιστικός και αντικαπιταλιστικός χώρος θα υπερασπιστεί με κάθε τρόπο τους αγωνιστές του, θα απαντήσει μαχητικά μέσα από μαζικές μορφές και διαδικασίες σε κάθε προσπάθεια τρομοκράτησης, που προέρχεται από την φασιστική και παρακρατική βία.

ΣΤΟΝ ΔΡΟΜΟ ΝΑ ΣΠΑΣΟΥΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΤΡΟΜΟ

ΑΝΤΙΦΑΣΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ ΛΕΜΕΣΟΥ

COEXISTENCE IN THE DISAPPEARED MIXED NEIGHBOURHOODS OF NICOSIA

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

During the mediaeval period, the Pedios river used to run in the middle of Nicosia. When the Venetians decided to build the walls surrounding the town in 1567, the river’s bed was diverted for strategic reasons outside the walls, following its present course through the Greater Nicosia. The old river-bed within the present city walls from Paphos Gate to Famagusta Gate was covered in 1882 by the British in order to serve as the city’s principal drainage system. This line follows today’s Paphos Street and the Ermu Street, which were both lively centres for trade. There were four bridges on this river-bed: First one was near the Paphos Gate, the second was at the place, where we call now Lokmadji Gate, the third was at the junction, where the Goldsmithstreet near the Municipality Bazaar crosses the Tricoupis Street and this was called Köprübaşı (Head of the Gate) and the fourth one was at Tahtagala Neighbourhood.   



At the time of the Ottoman conquest of Nicosia in 1570, the town was originally divided into 12 neighbourhoods and the 12 generals in command of the divisions of the Ottoman Army, which conquered the island, were posted to these neighbourhoods, so that the names were said to be derived from these 12 generals, like Arab Ahmet Paşa, İbrahim Paşa and Mahmut Paşa.



Later the old city Nicosia was divided into 24 neighbourhoods. Each neighbourhood was organized around a mosque or a church, where mainly the respective Moslem and Christian communities lived. It was natural to have a church near a mosque or mesdjit and the hodja’s call for the prayers could get mixed with the sound of the church bells. For example behind the Dükkanlarönü Djami on the Paphos Street, there were the Armenian and the Catholic Churches or the Ayios Loucas Church was near the Akkavuk Mesdjit. Near the Phaneromeni Church was the Araplar Mosque, which was used until 1951.  



In some neighbourhoods, the majority population were Turkish Cypriots and in the others the Greek Cypriots. In the Arab Ahmet and Karamanzade neighbourhoods, the Armenian Cypriots were the majority. Almost all of the Nicosians were living mixed, in other words the Mohammedans or the Turkish Cypriots and the Christians or the Greek Cypriots and the other ethnicities used to live as neighbours side by side.



In the census of 1946, the population of Nicosia was 34,485 and in this census report, the distribution of the population was given for the first time not as “Moslems” and “non-Moslems”, but according to their ethnic origins, such as Turks, Greeks, Armenians, Maronites etc.



In 1946, there were 10,330 Turkish Cypriots, 20,768 Greek Cypriots and 3,387 persons of ethnic origin living in Nicosia.



Population in Nicosia in 1946

Neighbourhood                      Christian         Moslem           Others            Total

1. Abdi Çavuş                         74                    799                  29                    902

2. Akkavuk                             107                  1094                1                      1202

3. Arab Ahmet                       576                  846                  1195                2617

4. Aya Sofya                          632                  1239                65                    1936

5. Ayii Omoloyitadhes           1678                9                      123                  1810

6. Ayios Andreas

    (Tophane)                           2224                152                  636                  3012

7. Ay.Antonios                        2045                   7                    38                    2090

8. Ay.Ioannis                          1375                  57                    4                      1436

9. Ay.Kassianos

      (Kafesli)                            1061                115                  1                      1177

10. Ay.Loucas                         263                  536                  7                      806

11. Ay.Savas                          1211                39                    16                    1266

12. Haydar Paşa                     45                    334                  6                      385

13. İbrahim Paşa                    650                  1539                145                  2334

14. Karamanzade                   124                  61                    412                  597

15. Chrysaliniotissa                865                  29                    7                      901

16. Korkut Efendi &


      İplik Pazarı                       116                  232                  208                  556

17. Mahmut Paşa                    61                    713                  101                  875

18. Nöbethane                        438                  19                    63                    520

19. Ömerge                             917                  249                  27                    1193

20. Phaneromeni                    1065                10                    13                    1088

21. Tahtakale                          902                  518                  13                    1433

22. Tabakhane                         701                  20                    36                    757

23. Tripiotis                            2982                27                    238                  3247

24. Yeni Cami                          656                  1686                3                      2345
Total:                                      20,768             10,330             3,387               34,485


Within the walls:                    24,967

Outside the walls:                    9,518 in quarters like Köşklüçiftlik (part of Arab Ahmet Neighb.), Yeni Kapı (New Gate-part of Yeni Djami N.) and Yeni Şehir (Neapolis-part of Ibrahim Pasha N.).


In the outskirts of  the old city Nicosia, there were 9 villages, where a total of 18,839 persons were living. These villages were Ayios Dhometios (Incirli), Eylenje, Hamit Mandraları, Büyük Kaymaklı, Küçük Kaymaklı (Omorphita), Ortaköy, Pallouriotissa, Strovolos and Trakhonas (Kızılbaş).

(Source: Report by D.A.Percival, Cyprus: Census of Population and Agriculture, 1946, Report and Tables, London 1949)

ARAP AHMET NEIGHBOURHOOD



Arab Ahmet neighbourhood was the most prestigious residential area of Nicosia, where the Turkish high-ranking officials and the Kadis and the Pashas had their homes. First of all it was near the old Ottoman Saray (previously Lusignan palace) and easy for the high-ranking officials to go to their work on foot. Secondly it was the coolest place in the evening during the summer. Because it could get the best of the evening breeze, coming from the west, from the direction of the Morphou Bay into the Mesoira plane.

When the Turks arrived, they confiscated the houses, the churches and the other properties of the Latins and settled mainly in the towns and in the empty Latin villages. The Greek Cypriots, the Armenians and the Maronites continued their living in their traditional quarters of the towns and the villages.



The Armenian Cypriots did not like the Latins and it was recorded that they opened the Paphos Gate and helped the Ottoman soldiers to enter into Nicosia during the siege of the town on 9th September 1570. Later the control of the Paphos Gate was given to the Armenians as a gift, together with the Benedictine Monastry, which was used by the Latins. With a special firman of the Ottoman Sultan, the Armenians could use for their religious services both the Monastry and the Church near the Paphos Gate.



Many other Armenians, who escaped from the massacre in Anatolia, settled in the Arab Ahmet neighbourhood and lived there until the inter-communal troubles of 1963, when they were forced by the TMT, the Turkish Cypriot fascist organization, to leave to the south of the Green Line.



Since most of the Armenians, who came from Anatolia could speak the Turkish language, they preferred to live side by side with the Turkish Cypriots, using the same language. The Armenians were known as tradesmen and they were famous especially in the fields of jewelry, tailory, photography and carpet-selling.



During the Ottoman period, the Lusignan Palace in Sarayonu Square was taken over by the Turkish governor of the island and until the British demolished it in 1905, one could see its last remains. The British built there in 1901 the present Law Courts. The only remains of this Lusignan Palace is a unique carved window in Gothic style, common to cathedrals in the 15th century, which is kept now in the Lapidary Museum near Ayia Sophia Mosque.



Until the inter-communal troubles started in 1956, there were a lot of law offices around the Nicosia Sarayonu Law Courts, belonging to the famous Greek Cypriot lawyers like John Clerides, the father of Glafkos Clerides. The Nicosia main police station was also near Sarayonu Square during the British rule.



TOPHANE NEIGHBOURHOOD



Tophane was another prestigious neighbourhood, where Turkish, Greek and Armenian Cypriots used to coexist together with the Latins. Tophane means literally in Turkish the cannon’s house or the store for artillery ammunition. The mediaeval building near the Paphos Gate, Casteliotissa, was originally a part of the second Royal Palace of the Lusignans and it was used as a munitions-store by the Ottomans. Tophane gave the name of the nearby neighbourhood.



The Turkish Cypriot writer Hizber Hikmetagalar describes in his book “Heighbourhoods and Memories from old Nicosia” some Turkish and Armenian families from the Tophane neighbourhood, where Turkish Cypriots, Greek Cypriots, Armenians and Latins were living side by side until 1950’s.



In September 1945, the Ottoman name of the Tophane neighbourhood was changed into Ayios Andreas. The nearby small neighbourhoods of Tabakhane and Nöbethane were abolished and attached to the Ayios Andreas neighbourhood, which after this had two muhtars, a Turkish Cypriot and a Greek Cypriot.


The Turkish Cypriot daily newspaper Yankı wrote that a new church was to be built further to that neighbourhood near the Pedios river and Ayios Andreas would be the name of this church. Yankı was complaining on 17 September 1945 that there were Turkish Cypriot villages in Paphos district with the names of the Christian saints, like Ayios Nicholas, Ayios Yannis and that these names were never tried to be changed by the Turkish Cypriots. The daily Halkın Sesi reported on 16 October 1945 that all the three Turkish Cypriot members of the Nicosia Municipality Council gave a protest letter about this alteration to the Nicosia Commissioner on 15 October 1945, to be handed over to the British Governor.



The columnist Yavuz wrote in Halkın Sesi on 19 Ekim 1945 that the name of the Alemdar (Bairaktar) Street, used for 370 years, had been changed previously into Tricoupis Street. Hasan Fahri Uzman wrote on the same issue in Yankı newspaper on 29 October 1945 that the name of a historical Turkish neighbourhood was changed with the stroke of a pencil and that the British still use the Tophane as a store for armaments, which gave the name to the neighbourhood.



Ouzunian was the only Armenian street name in the Tophane neighbourhood. When Dikran Ouzunian bought the garden of a Turkish Cypriot, named Hadji Sofu, he parcelled the garden. The new street passing through the plot was given after his name. Nearby was the Tophane Mesdjidi.



No Turkish Cypriot was living in this neighbourhood after 1960 and the last Turkish name of the Tophane Mesdjidi Street, which was mainly resided by the Turkish Cypriots, was changed into Granikou Street after 1963.



Nöbethane was the headquarters of the Ottoman soldiers, patrolling the town. Until he died in 1956, Hodja Salih Efendi used to open the Nöbethane Mesdjit at the corner of the Pygmalion (previously Çizmeci) Street and the Paleon Patron Germanou (previously Usta Kadi) Streets. Artemis Street was previously called Nöbethane Street. Several shops were built in the garden of the mesdjit, hiding the main building behind them.



Tabakhane (the tannery) Mesdjit was on the Pericleus Street (previously Kalkancı Street), where Musa Nami Efendi used to live. He was a Turkish Cypriot village judge and one of the founders of the Nicosia Turkish Bank. His son Şevket Nami was also a village judge, later a tradesman on the Ledra Street as the general distributor of many trademarks for Cyprus like Quink, Parker, His Master’s Voice, Singer and Hilmann. Musa Efendi’s other son, Reşit Nomer was a judge in Istanbul. His daughter Nezire Hanım lived in their family house in the Pericleous Street until she died in 1960, as the last Turkish Cypriot, living in this neighbourhood.



Famous Turkish Cypriot tanners, who used to work at the tannery and live nearby within the walled city at the Tabakhane Neighbourhood, were Hallumazade Tabak Hacı Salih Ağa, Tabak Hacı Mehmet Bektaş Efendi, Debbağ Fellah Efendi, Tabak Emin Efendi (Grandfather of Kemal Rustem) and Tabak Mulla İsmail Ağa. Pharmacist Hasan Hilmi Bey, who was the father of Mrs. Şefika Durduran, used to live in the Megalu Aleksandru (Ahmet Efendi) Street. Old police chief Ali Raci Bey had to move to Izzet Efendi Street near Ayia Sophia, because his children were being harassed by the Greek Cypriot boys. He was the next door to Prof. Dervish Manizade’s home, whose family were living also in the same Vasilis Vulgaroktonou (Behçet Efendi) Street.



The famous bar of Antonaki was also on this street, serving all the ethnic communities of Nicosia like the other well-known bar, which belonged to the Armenian Cypriot Gamavor.



MUNICIPAL OR PUBLIC GARDEN (MİLLET BAHÇASI)

Tannery was a traditional Turkish artisanship and the working place was just outside the Paphos Gate. After the British took over the administration of the island in 1878, they decided in 1890’s to move the tannery away from the town, to Köşklüçiftlik (old name was Tabana=Tabakhane), near the Pedios river. Later, when Koskluciftlik was populated with Turkish and Armenian houses, starting from 1930 onwards, the tannery was moved to another place near Piroyi village in 1953.



The site of the original tannery near Paphos Gate, which was Evkaf property, was turned into a public garden by the Nicosia Municipality, according to a proposal of the then British Delegate of Evkaf. Later this garden became the most popular and respected place for strolling Nicosians. When the Nicosia General Hospital was built in 1925 on a nearby plot, the importance of the Public Garden grew. There was a wooden pergola in the middle of the garden. Every Sunday the police band would give an open air concert under this pergola and the people used to go and listen to them as a weekend entertainment.



According to an article published in Hürsöz of 19 July 1953 under the title “Ahirevan Dede?”, the  grave of the master of the old tanners was kept in the Public Gardens until the beginning of the 1950’s. This grave, which was supposed to belong to a certain “Vah Veli” (like the Grandfather Ahirevan-Shieh of the Tannery Guild), used to be visited by the newcomers to the profession as a respect. The Hürsöz writer was complaining that some Greek Cypriots hanged a picture there and started to call this grave as “Ayios Dimitrios”. He called the Evkaf Administration to take action against the decision of the Municipality Council, headed by the Greek Cypriot nationalist Dr. Dervis that changed the name.



TAHTAKALE



Tahtakale is the neighbourhood, near the Famagusta Gate. The Ottomans named it as “Taht-el-kale”, meaning the lower part of the fortress, i.e. Famagusta Gate. But the word was corrupted as “Tahtakale or Tahtagala”, meaning wooden fortress. The street going from the gate to the west was called Çarşı (Market) Street, now the Ammohosto Street.



Tahtakale was one of the biggest mixed neighbourhoods of Nicosia with a population of 518 Turkish Cypriots and 902 Greek Cypriots. Now the only sign of this coexistence is the Tahtakale Mosque and the Koran School, which were built in 1826 by the Ottoman Governor Es-Seyyid Mehmet Ağa, at the same place of the old mosque. There were also a small graveyard and a koran school for the minors, which had its first teacher appointed in 1594. The Evkaf Administration built shops on the site of the graveyard in the 1950’s. In 1881, there was a fountain near the mosque, which Salvatore draw a picture of it, but it did not survive today. The original minaret was cracked in 1936 and it was rebuilt in 1948.

Hasan Karabardak Ağa was one of the most popular personalities of Tahtagala neighbourhood, where several Turkish Cypriot butchers and cattle-dealers used to live. Karabardak was one of the rich Turkish Cypriots, who were imprisoned during the First World War in the Kyrenia Castle, because they were accused of helping the Germans.



The imam of the Tahtagala Mosque was Ratip Efendi until 1935. He was the father of Ahmet Ziyaeddin Bey, the owner of first Turkish Cypriot macaroni factory. The signboard-maker Cahit Usta was the son of Ahmet Efendi, the muezzin of the Tahtagala Mosque. In front of the mosque was a Greek Cypriot businessman, making gyps-powder out of the baked gyps masses. Behind his shop was the mosaic factory of Pittarilli, that had its entrance from the Ermu Street. The first Turkish Cypriot cheese producers, Ahmet and Hüseyin Efendi brothers, were also among the well-known inhabitants, that had later their workshop in Kaimakli.



The Turkish Cypriots living in the Tahtagala neighbourhood were forced to leave their home twice, in 1958 and in 1963. That is why the younger generations do not remember Tahtagala as a Turkish Cypriot settlement.



OMERIYE


In the southern part of Nicosia and again near the Archbishopric there is another neighbourhood, called Omeriye with a population of 249 Turkish Cypriots and 917 Greek Cypriots in 1946. The Omeriye Mosque was the second biggest Christian place of worship after Ayia Sophia Cathedral in Nicosia, which was turned into a mosque by the Ottomans after the conquest of Nicosia. It was believed that Chalif Omer prayed in the sofa of this Chapel of St.Marie des Augustin. After the conquest, Lala Mustafa Pasha turned it into a mosque.



The last muhtari and muezzin of Omeriye Mosque was Ahmet Seyfi Efendi, who was addicted to snuffing. His daughter, Peyker Hanım was killed by the EOKA fighters, who asked from her a glass of water and as she went to bring it, she was shot from behind.  



The Omeriye Mosque, which has two balconies like the one in Peristerona, is used today by Moslems other than the Turkish Cypriots and the Turkish Bath Omeriye is renovated and is used as a tourist attraction that won a Europa Nostra Prize. The street near the hamam was called Soutsos Street,which was out of bounds as there were borthels, where Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot women were serving the men from both communities. Karannaki was famous helping the youngsters with his syringe after their visits to the borthels. 



Among the Turkish Cypriot big landowners in this neighbourhood, we can name Galip Bey, the shopkeeper; Ata Dayanç, the manifacturer; Ali Riza Efendi, the tradesman; Osman Mısırlızade and others.



WOMEN’S BAZAAR (KADINLAR PAZARI, YENEKOPAZARO)

The Women’s Bazaar was on the east side of the Makri Dromo (Uzun Yol) which is called today Ledra Street and it used to convene on every Friday. It was established in 1850 by the Ottoman governor of Cyprus, Mehmet Ali Pasha, whose aim was to promote the trade within the island. He also established the weekly “Animal Bazaar” outside the Kyrenia Gate. It was originally convened every September for fifteen days and the villagers from far villages used to bring their animals to be sold there. There were also people coming from the neighbouring countries to buy animals and to shop in the Women’s Bazaar. (Ses, 26 February 1937, No.:82)



According to Kevork K.Keshishian, the courtyard of the extensive square block of shops and offices within Ledra, Liperti, Phaneromeni and Nicocles Streets, which belonged to the Phaneromeni Church, was used as Women’s Market. This area was known as the Garden of Orta Odası with a Persian well in the middle (alakadi in Greek and dolap kuyusu in Turkish). The owner lived in Istanbul and in 1893 the Phaneromeni Church Committee bought the place for 1100 Ottoman pounds through the intermediary of Michali Papadopoulos of Istanbul.



AYIOS LOUCAS NEIGHBOURHOOD



Many Greek Cypriots used to live in this neighbourhood around the Ayios Loucas Church in the northern part of Nicosia until the first inter-communal clashes in Nicosia in 1956. Ayios Loucas Church was dedicated to St.Luke and was built in 1758 in dressed limestone during the Ottoman period.



18th October was the day of festivities in the name of  Ayios Loucas, which was the most famous fair (panayiri) within the walls of Nicosia. A four-day- and- four- night-fair was organised annually in honour of Ayios Loucas, during which local products and seasonal fresh fruits and dried fruits, almonds and walnuts were sold, together with delicious shamishi and lokmades. The sweets, called pastellis, were brought in wooden boxes from Kazafani and the sudjuko, paluze and koefteri from the villages of Paphos.



However, by 1956, when the EOKA and later the TMT intensified their terror activities, the Greek Cypriot inhabitants of the Ayios Loucas neighbourhood were forced to leave their homes and also the church was evacuated. The Ayios Loucas Church remained in ruins until it was restored in 1986 and it was allocated to the Turkish Cypriot Folklore Association (HASDER).  



PARTITION POLICY DIVIDED NICOSIA FIRST IN 1956

After the attack of the EOKA on the Turkish Cypriot villagers in Vasilia and the killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman, who was chasing two EOKA fighters, the inter-communal violence intensified. On 27th April 1956, the Turkish Cypriot newspaper Halkın Sesi wrote in its main title the following:

“Curfew was declared and applied in Nicosia yesterday afternoon from 5 o’clock until 4 o’clock this morning... During the 11 hours of curfew, the town was divided into North and South Nicosia, like East and West Berlin. The street from Paphos Gate until the Famagusta Gate remained closed at all.”

Halkın Sesi wrote in its edition on 28th April 1956:

“The Greek Cypriots, who had their homes, offices or shops in the Turkish neighbourhoods, have started to look for places in the Greek Cypriot neighbourhoods, so that they could abandon their previous dwellings.”

Bozkurt daily newspaper wrote on 3rd June 1957 about the first step of the partition policy of the Turkish Cypriot leadership: “Yesterday, after a meeting of the Cyprus is Turkish Party, the Turkish Cypriot councillors in the Municipalities of Nicosia and other districts gave up their resignations all together.” 


Bozkurt reported on 24th June 1958 that Dr.Tahsin S.Gözmen was named by the T/C leadership as the Turkish Cypriot mayor of the Turkish Cypriot Municipality of Nicosia. The others were named later.

Then came the TMT provocations, when the Turkish Information Centre of the Turkish Consulate in Nicosia was bombed by the TMT on 7th June 1958, after which the Greek Cypriot properties and houses were attacked and put on fire in the mixed neighbourhoods by the Turkish Cypriot terrorists. This was followed on 12th June by the Gönyeli provocation of the British police, where 8 Greek Cypriots were killed.


In June 1958, 600 Greek Cypriot families were forced to leave their traditional neighbourhoods, where they used to live side by side with the Turkish Cypriots. The grocery shops of the Greek Cypriots in the municipality market near the Ayia Sophia Mosque were looted by the Turkish Cypriot terrorists and on 26th June 1958 the municipal market was left to the Turkish Cypriot sector of the divided municipality by the British colonial government.  



The partition line of Nicosia, drawn two years ago in 1956, was running through the Paphos, Ermu and Famagusta Streets and the same line was used in summer 1958 in order to divide the Turkish Cypriot and the Greek Cypriot sector of  Nicosia with the barbed wires, which left the people from either community to the mercy of the other. This so-called Mason-Dixon line was used originally in 1767, because of the border disagreement between the States of Maryland and Pennsylvania in the USA.



It was the same line used again as the basis for the Green-line drawn by a green pencil in December 1963 during the inter-communal clashes. As you know the line dividing Nicosia, which was about 4 miles long (6.4 km) was extended through the whole island along the 180 km. in the summer of 1974, completing the imperialist partition plan of the Anglo-Americans.    



Resources:



1. An, Ahmet, The Values Cyprus Cultivated, Volume: 1 (1782-1899), Ankara 2002 (Turkish)

2. An, Ahmet, The Political History of the Turkish Cypriots (1930-1960): The Forgotten Political

    History of the Turkish Cypriots and the Struggles for the Leadership in the Mirror of the Press,

    Nicosia 2006 (Turkish)

3. Gürkan, Haşmet M., Nicosia of Yesterday and Today, Nicosia 1989 (Turkish)

4. Hikmetağalar, Hizber, Eski Lefkoşa’da Semtler ve Anılar, İstanbul 1996 (Turkish)

5. Keshishian, Kevork K., Nicosia, Capital of Cyprus, Then and Now, Nicosia 1978

6. Kyrris, Costas P., Peaceful Co-existence in Cyprus under British Rule (1878-1959) and

    after Independence: An Outline, Nicosia 1977

      
(This paper was read at the conference, “Nicosia: The Last Divided Capital in Europe”, organized by the London Metropolitan University on 20th June 2011)



  • April 29th 2016 at 08:38
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By antifalem

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Την Τετάρτη 27 Απριλίου, ώρα 19:30, στο καφενείο Στο Δρόμο, θα γίνει εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση, για την ιστορία, τους αγώνες και την προοπτική του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, με αφορμή και την επέτειο της εργατικής πρωτομαγιάς. Θα γίνει παρουσίαση και ιστορική αναδρομή από τον κοινωνιολόγο και ερευνητή της ιστορίας του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, Αντρέα Παναγιώτου.

Εκδήλωση 27 Απριλίου: Εργατικό κίνημα στην Κύπρο

By antifalem

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Την Τετάρτη 27 Απριλίου, ώρα 19:30, στο καφενείο Στο Δρόμο, θα γίνει εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση, για την ιστορία, τους αγώνες και την προοπτική του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, με αφορμή και την επέτειο της εργατικής πρωτομαγιάς. Θα γίνει παρουσίαση και ιστορική αναδρομή από τον κοινωνιολόγο και ερευνητή της ιστορίας του εργατικού κινήματος στην Κύπρο, Αντρέα Παναγιώτου.

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Προσυγκεντρωση ώρα 10:00 π.μ στο οίκημα της κουρδικής κοινότητας, οδός Ναυαρίνου 10.

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By antifalem

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Προβολή – συζήτηση με την συμμετοχή της Κουρδικής κοινότητας στην Λεμεσό.  Την Πεμπτη 7 Απριλίου, ώρα 19:30, στην καφετέρια Στο Δρόμο, οδός Γενεθλίου Μιτελλά, Λεμεσός

Μέσα στα σύνορα της Τουρκίας, η κουρδική αντίσταση άντεξε στην σκληρή κρατική τρομοκρατία και στους μαζικούς εκτοπισμούς από το στρατοκρατικό καθεστώς. Στο πλευρό τους η επαναστατική αριστερά καθώς και αναρχικοί. Μάλιστα πριν λίγες μόλις μέρες, 10 κομμουνιστικές οργανώσεις στην Τουρκία μαζί με το PKK (Εργατικό Κόμμα Κουρδιστάν), ανακοίνωσαν την ίδρυση του Ενιαίου Λαϊκού Επαναστατικού Κινήματος, για να συντονίσουν τη δράση τους.

Στις κουρδικές περιοχές της Συρίας όμως γίνεται πραγματικά μια επανάσταση. Ο αγώνας ενάντια στους τζιχαντιστές είναι μονάχα μια πτυχή της Ροζάβα, η άλλη πτυχή είναι το κοινωνικό πείραμα που βρίσκεται σε εξέλιξη. Η αυτόνομη περιοχή της Ροζάβα, που συστάθηκε το 2011 ως τρία αντισυστημικά αντικαπιταλιστικά καντόνια, αποτελεί ένα εγχείρημα διαφυλετικής και διαθρησκευτικής κοινωνικής αυτοδιεύθυνσης πέρα από κρατικά σύνορα. Η ανάληψη της πολιτικής ισχύος από τις τοπικές συνελεύσεις (κομμούνες, όπως έχουν ονομαστεί) δημιουργούν μια βάση για την κατάργηση των εκμεταλλευτικών σχέσεων, την αναθεώρηση των αναγκών, την αναδόμηση της παραγωγής, την συλλογική αναδιοργάνωση της εργασίας. Να αναφέρουμε ως παράδειγμα, ότι η Ροζάβα είναι το μοναδικό μέρος στον κόσμο όπου το πετρέλαιο βρίσκεται στην συλλογική διάθεση των κατοίκων.

Η κοινωνική επανάσταση στην Ροζάβα και η διαρκής εξέγερση στην Τουρκία ανοίγουν δρόμους για τον επαναστατικό αγώνα σε όλη την γη. Ήδη διεθνιστές, οργανώσεις, ομάδες από διάφορες χώρες, βρίσκονται στη Ροζάβα και συμμετέχουν στη διαδικασία ή έχουν ενωθεί σε διεθνιστικά τάγματα και πολεμούν στο αντάρτικο των YPG-YPJ.

Όλα αυτά θα δούμε σε εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση μαζί με την Κουρδική κοινότητα στην Λεμεσό. Η αλληλεγγύη το όπλο μας, επαναστατική αυτοοργάνωση παντού!

Εκδήλωση για την γυναικεία χειραφέτηση. Το παράδειγμα της Ροζάβα

By antifalem

Untitled

Την ερχόμενη Τρίτη 15 του μηνός ώρα 20:00 στο καφενείο Στο Δρόμο θα γίνει εκδήλωση με προβολή και συζήτηση, αφιερωμενη στον αγώνα για την γυναικεία χειραφέτηση

Θα υπάρχει παρουσίαση και ιστορική αναδρομή στους αγώνες των γυναικών στην Κύπρο, την Ελλάδα και διεθνώς.

Θα γίνει ειδική αναφορά στο κίνημα στη Ροζάβα, εκεί όπου ιδρύθηκε από τις Κούρδισες μαχήτριες ο πρώτος καθαρά γυναικείος αντάρτικος στρατός στο κόσμο, με το σύνθημα:

«Η επανάσταση δεν θα σώσει τις γυναίκες, αλλά χρειάζεται τη σκέψη, τη δράση και την οργάνωση των γυναικών. Η Επανάσταση χρειάζεται το χρώμα της γυναίκας»

Θα μιλήσει αγωνίστρια από την Κουρδική κοινότητα στην Λεμεσό!

THE HISTORY OF PARTITION OF CYPRUS AND HOW TO AVOID IT THROUGH FEDERALIZATION?

By myislandcyprus.blogspot.com

Nowadays almost half of the world’s population lives in the countries, where the constitution and the structure of the state are federal. If we put aside the socialist federalism, implemented in the former socialist countries (e.g. the USSR, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia), the bourgeois federalism is being implemented today in 28 developed and developing countries.
Especially after the Second World War, the former colonialist countries like Great Britain and France practised a new policy of federalism. In this new period of the capitalist general crisis, this federalization of the colonies was realized by bringing federative elements into the constitution of those countries and by making detailed legal arrangements. Through this, the possibility of influencing the character, the structure and the form of the new states, which were about to become independent soon, emerged as an element of the new colonialism. The aim of this new strategy of the imperialist powers was to keep the old colonial territories under their sphere of influence as long as it was possible and to protect their economic and strategic interests under the specific conditions of each region.[1]
  As it will be remembered, this policy was tried to be practised under “self-government” in Cyprus in 1948, but it was not successful, because of the ambition of the Greek Cypriots for enosis[2]. It was in the same year, when the radio monitoring facilities of the British and the Americans were transported from the Middle East to Cyprus[3] and the Great Britain spent 50 million pound sterling for the construction of the two military bases at Dhekelia and Akrotiri villages in Cyprus.
 There are enough archieval material in Claude Nicolet’s book “United States Policy Towards Cyprus, 1954-1974” about the strategic interests of the USA and Great Britain on the island of Cyprus[4]. Both countries have used the policy of “divide and rule” in the past and today. The British are still willing to keep their “sovereign base areas” on Cyprus[5] and the Americans are still willing to keep under security their communication facilities on the island, which they have been using since 1949.[6]
  Prof. Nihat Erim, who was teaching Inter-state Law and Constitutional Law in the University of Ankara, was asked in 1956 by Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes to prepare a report on the Cyprus issue and to help the government in shaping the Turkish policy on Cyprus. Erim was also informed by Menderes that a retired American general, who was a friend of President Eisenhower, was sent to Ankara and he suggested partition, which was accepted as positive.[7]
  Prof. Erim’s first report to the Turkish government had the date of 24 November 1956 and he underlined: “The optimum form of solution is partition of the island of Cyprus. The idea of partition was discussed between the governments of Turkey, Greece, England and America in some secret, official or semi-official negotiations… In view of the probability of the acceptance of the partition proposal, authorized experts should determine as of today how Cyprus would be partitioned, so that it would serve the benefit of the Turkish population in the island and also to the military and economical aspect.” [8]
   We already know that there was an American expert on geography, Dr. Alexander Melamid of the New York University, who was sent to Cyprus after the USA warned England that the threat of communism was increasing in Cyprus. Dr. Melamid made a field research on the island and published his findings in the “Geographical Review” journal in July 1956 under the title “Geographical Distribution of the Communities in Cyprus”[9] The same expert published another article in March 1960 under the title “Partitioned Cyprus: A class study in applied political geography”, proposing two lines for the division of the island, the first one dividing the island as northern and southern parts and the other as eastern and western parts.[10]
  In June 1956, the US President Eisenhower asked his Foreign Minister Dulles during a meeting if it is possible to put an end to the conflict by partitioning the island, shifting the Turkish Cypriots to the northern part?[11] When the US President met British Prime Minister Macmillan in March 1957 in Bermuda island, he told him during the four-day meeting: “The military bases are enough for us. They can divide the rest among themselves.”[12]
The architect of the Turkish policy on Cyprus, Prof.Nihat Erim, suggested in a speech in Ankara on 14 January 1958 that a Turkish state with a population of 120 thousand could be established in Cyprus.  On the other hand, the Turkish Cypriots started to attack the British for the first time on 27/28 January 1958 in order to force the implementation of the partition plan. The common demonstrations of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots on 1 May 1958 against partition and the terror events were followed by a series of murder and intimidation attacks on the progressive Turkish Cypriot workers.[13] In summer 1958, the TMT staged many provocations in order to show that the Turkish Cypriot community should be regarded as one of the main players in the Cyprus problem.
  Nicolet writes: “Zorlu had told Dulles in Washington that the Turkish idea of partition did not necessarily need to include a geographical division of the island. It may be enough, the Foreign Minister had said, “that the two communities ... be given the idea that neither was being governed by the other.” This concept sounded surprisingly compatible with the status of independence of the island.”[14] Thus the Republic of Cyprus, which declared its independence in 1960, was the result of a diplomacy, which was driven “towards some form of partition of Cyprus, if not geographically, then at least in terms of administration.”[15]
According to an evaluation by Prof.Stanley Alexander de Smith, the most complicated and detailed constitution of the world after the constitution of Kenya was prepared in Cyprus. As the rights of the communities were to be controlled through guarantees and limitations and to be balanced, constitutionalism was parallel with communal egoism.[16] Through long and complicated precautions, it was planned to avoid the misuse of the rights by the both sides, but an influential organization of a state was not realized.
           
THE CONFLICT IN 1963 AND THE TURKISH THESIS
When Makarios declared his 13 points of amendments to the Constitution on 6 December 1963, they were immediately rejected by Turkey, since the amendments would give some minority rights to the Turkish Cypriot community.
On 21 December 1963, intercommunal clashes started and the underground organizations, which had their connections with the foreign powers, became influential again in both communities. The Greek Cypriot leadership was aiming the union of the island with Greece and the Turkish Cypriot leadership was planning to create the conditions for the partition of the island. Now Cyprus problem was once again on the international arena.
From Nicolet’s book we read that in a working paper, prepared by Donald A. Wehmeyer, a US legal adviser, on 11 December 1963 that a Treaty of Joint Sovereignty between Greece and Turkey was proposed. Wehmeyer added to his memorandum “Outline of Possible Cyprus Settlement” an important ingredient for a solution, which would be more attractive to Turkey: Cyprus should be divided into provinces. Certain provinces would be administered mainly by Turkish Cypriots and this would create an illusion of partition or federation.[17]
Salahi R.Sonyel writes that the British government hit upon an interesting solution, which was the reconstruction of Cyprus as a federal solution: “Thus on 3 January (1964), Sir Francis Vallat asked H.G.Darwin, a constitutional expert, to produce a paper examining the possibility of dividing Cyprus into a Turkish and a Greek area, which might be formed into a federal state. Even if such a plan was feasible a number of problems were foreseen in its application. Darwin composed a memorandum, in which he suggested a federation of two states, one predominantly of Greek, and the other of Turkish populations. He also suggested an exchange of population in order to realise the Turkish state. The capital of the Turkish state would be Kyrenia.”[18]  
In Summer 1964, Makarios rejected the Acheson Plan, which was discussed in Geneva and which envisaged the union of Cyprus with Greece on the condition that a military base would be given to Turkey in Karpas peninsula. President Makarios was re-elected in 1968 with his new policy of “feasible solution”, instead of enosis.
We read again from Nicolet’s book: “Acheson was fully indulging himself in studying the different proposals that had emerged in Washington throughout spring of 1964. In Brands’ words, “he was ready to devise a plan that would eliminate the Cyprus problem by eliminating Cyprus.” A suggestion he was particularly intrigued with was Don Wehmeyer’s scheme of 24 April, providing enosis with an illusion of partition or federation to the Turks by the establishment of certain provinces to be administered by Turkish Cypriot eparchs, as he cabled to Ball on 8 July.[19] And this was finally realized with a so-called “controlled intervention”[20] in summer 1974, which was decided by the Deputy Foreign Minister of Greece, Christos Ksantopoulos-Palamas and the Turkish Foreign Minister, Osman Olcay. The two ministers met on 3-4 June 1971 during the NATO ministerial meeting in Lisbon and discussed how to get rid of Makarios and put an end to the independence of the Republic of Cyprus by partitioning the island through  “double enosis”.
   
IMPERIALIST CONSPIRACY IN 1974
A de facto situation was created by an aborted coup d’Etat against President Makarios, organized by the fascist Greek junta and its military forces in Cyprus on 15 July 1974. This created an opportunity for Turkey to intervene five days later to the internal affairs of Cyprus. Turkey occupied the 37% of the northern part of the island and on 16 August 1974, on the 16th anniversary of the foundation of the Republic of Cyprus, the island’s territory was partitioned into two regions, one in the North for the Turkish Cypriots and the other in the South for the Greek Cypriots. With the transfer of population across the partition line, a bi-regional ethnically cleansed geographical division was attained de facto. It remained to form a de jure central government for the “federation”, which was the aim of the Turkish government since 1964. 
In a declassified Secret Memorandum sent from Helmut Sonnenfeld, Counselor of the US State Department to Secretary Henry Kissinger on 14 August 1974, the order was this: “...assuming the Turks quickly take Famagusta, privately assure Turks, we will get them a solution involving one third of the island, within some kind of federal arrangement.”[21]
After two further days of fighting, the Turkish military occupied the approximately 37 per cent of Cyprus that it still holds today, according to a plan that had existed since at least 1964, possibly even since the 1950’s.” [22]
Five rounds of intercommunal talks took place in Vienna from 1975 to 1976 and a summit meeting between G/C Leader Makarios and T/C leader Rauf Denktash declared in 1977 their agreement on four guidelines for a solution of the constitutional problem on a bi-communal federal basis. The intercommunal talks continued also after the unilateral declaration of independence in 1983 under the name “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”, which was recognized only by Turkey.

THE WAY TO UNITY IN CYPRUS PASSES FROM REAL FEDERALISM
Some circles seem to accept a federal Cyprus state, which will have a central government with weak authority, when they speak of re-unification of the two separate regions created de facto after 1974. But the official Turkish perception of a federation has the same meaning of a confederation, which envisages the partition of the island. One has to bear in mind here what the former Prime Minister of Turkey, İsmet İnönü spoke about the Turkish policy on Cyprus in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 8 September 1964.
He underlined: “In order to be within the legal framework, we started to discuss instead of saying officially partition, we say a form of “federation”![23]
This official form of federation is synonymous with confederation, which envisages the partition of the island. Therefore, this statement is very important for the understanding of today’s Turkish policy on Cyprus.
Under the circumstances existing today on our island, the only way out is to transform the existing unitary or functional federal state into a bi-communal, bi-zonal federal state in order to gain the reunification of the state and the island of Cyprus. Therefore the following prerequisites are valid for a federal government, which the British Constitutional expert Sir Kenneth Wheare writes in his book “Federal Government”.[24]   
I quote from Ramesh Dutta Dikshit’s book “The political geography of federalism-An inquiry into its origins and stability” (New York 1975), where he refers to Wheare and writes that Wheare has tried to isolate various factors for union and separation, which appear to him as necessary factors in the origins of federalism. He enumerates the following half-dozen factors, all of which operated in the U.S., Switzerland, Canada and Australia, to produce a desire for union among the communities concerned[25]. Those factors are the following: [26]
1. Need for common defense: Is there a need for common defense for the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, who have lived over 400 years side by side on this island? Of course there is such a need against imperialism and its aggressive organization NATO, which wishes the partition of the island and to stop the struggle of the people of the island for social liberation. It is imperative for the leaderships of both communities to follow a policy of peaceful coexistence consistently and to put Cyprus out of the sphere of influence of NATO.
2. Desire to be independent of some foreign power and a realization that only through union independence be achieved: From the point of view of the progressive and democratic forces, which have understood that the way to the complete independence of Cyprus is through unity, the demand for being independent from the imperialism and its military bases as well as from the “motherlands” are valid as ever.
3. Expectations of economic advantages from union: Expectations of economic advantages from union are very wide especially among the Turkish Cypriot working masses.
4. Some political association of the units involved prior to their federal union: From the point of view of certain political parties with class approach, there is an association of political aims of the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots before the federal union. This association of political aim will be crystalized better in a democratic system.
5. Geographical neighbourhood: Geographical neighbourhood is the most appropriate in Cyprus, where the small island is divided into two.
6. Similarity of political institution. Although there is a similarity of the political institutions on both sides, there is a difference in the level of maturity of the democratic life. But this can be developed with mutual solidarity and especially with the elimination of the anti-democratic elements, without any outside interference. Moreover, there will be common political organizations based on class approach rather than on ethnic-national origin.
It will be noted that Wheare excludes from this list of prerequisites for union, factors such as community of language, of “race”, of religion or of nationality.
To these six prerequisites Wheare adds one more: “Leadership or statesmanship at the right time” which is the most wanted patriotic merit that we need nowadays from all the political leaders in Cyprus.
Another point of view, which should not be overlooked is that the solution of the problem in the concrete conditions of Cyprus depends on one hand on the elimination of the influences of imperialism and neo-colonialism and the military bases and on the other hand to decide how to solve the internal question of nationalities, which I see as the main issue. But the determining factor is not the difference between the two communities. On the contrary, it has to be stressed that the class struggle in the whole country and in the international arena will be decisive.[27]
It seems that the following fear of the imperialists is still valid, first mentioned in the 1989 International Yearbook of Communist Affairs: “If the north and the south of Cyprus will be united in a future “Federal Cyprus”, the electoral power of the Greek and Turkish communists can win the majority of the votes in any Presidential elections of such an unusual government.[28] But here the crucial problem is not, as the bourgeois circles suggest, “which community will govern the other one”, but “which class will have the power in his hand on the whole of the island.” This is my evaluation.

(This paper was read at the two-day Conference entitled “The Cyprus Problem, its Resolution and the Broader Implications” organized by The Center for European and International Affairs” at the University of Nicosia, on 11 and 12 March 2016.)


[1] W.G.Grafski-B.A.Straschun, Federalism in the developing countries of Asia and Africa, Moscow, 1968, quoted in Ertan Yüksel, Federal Solution in Cyprus, Ortam newspaper, Nicosia, 22-23-24 January 1985
[2] Greek word for union of Cyprus with Greece
[3] New York Times, 17 May 1949
[4] Claude Nicolet, Removing the Greek-Turkish Bone of Contention, Mannheim und Möhnesee 2001. For a review of the book, see Ahmet An, The origins of Cyprus Conflict in the light of the American Documents, Yeni Çağ newspaper, Nicosia, Three articles on 21 and 28 March 2003 and 4 April 2003.
[5] Nicolet, ibid, p.87
[6] Nicolet, ibid, p.141
[7] Nihat Erim, Cyprus  as I know and I have seen, Ankara 1975, p.18
[8]Erim,  ibid, p.22 and 24
[9] Vol.46, No.3, New York 1956, s.355-374
[10] Vol.59, March 1960, Chicago, s.118-123
[11] Nicolet, ibid, p.92
[12] ibid, p.101
[13] Ahmet An, The victims of the TMT, Nicosia 2008, pp.25-39
[14] ibid, p.133
[15] ibid, p.133
[16] Prof. S. A. de Smith, The Common­wealth and its Constitutions, London 1964, p.285
[17] Nicolet, ibid, p.226 and 229
[18] Cyprus, The Destruction of a Republic and its Aftermath, British Document 1960-1974, Extended second edition, Ankara 2003, pp.78-78
[19] Nicolet, ibid, p.257
[20] Nicolet, ibid, p.213
[21] Cyprus Weekly, 10 August 2007
[22] Nicolet, ibid, p.452
[23] Dışişleri Belleteni, October 1964, Number:2, p.63
[24] Sir Kenneth Wheare, Federal Government, London 1953
[25] ibid, p.37
[26] ibid, pp.220-222
[27] See also Ertan Yüksel, The way to unity in Cyprus passes not from a confederal, but from federal state, Ortam newspaper, 20-21 December 1984
[28]  p.530, see also Ahmet An, How the USA look at the Turkish Cypriot Left? Socialist Observation, Nicosia, October 1993, No.5


  • March 13th 2016 at 11:38
  • ↗

Τζαι αν η Κύπρος κουβαλά μιαν σοφία ως αποτέλεσμα της θέσης της στα σύνορα του Χώρου τζαι του Χρόνου, που πρέπει να ανακαλύψουμεν, τζαι να πρ

By linopampakos


Σαν εθκιέβαζα για την αποκάλυψη των προβλημάτων της Deutsche Bank αθθυμήθηκα την Τράπεζα Κύπρου – που εγόραζεν ομόλογα που έθελεν να ξηφορτωθεί η γερμανική τράπεζα το 2009 [με μίζες από ότι ακούστηκε, αλλά έσιει γερούς προστάτες η τέως τράπεζα τους Τριανταφυλλήδιες – Πολυβίου[1][1]], τζαι ύστερα ήρτεν το 2012 για να μας ζητήσει μισό δις, γιατί είσιεν προβλήματα ανακεφαλαιοποίησης. Εν εμπορούσαν οι "καλλύτεροι τραπεζίτες" να τα υπολογίσουν τα γέρημα. Στο ράδιο έπαιζεν ο Αβέρωφ να ωρύεται τζαι να απειλά ότι εν να φύουν οι εταιρείες να πάσιν Ισραήλ γιατί οι Σκαλιώτες αντέξαν τους εκβιασμούς τζαι αρνηθήκαν να δεχτούν την μετατροπή της πόλης τους σε αποθηκευτικό βιομηχανικό χώρο. Ίνταλως τον ανεχούμαστεν τον Αβέρωφ να παιζει τούτα τα καμώματα εν άλλη ιστορία. Όπως τζαι να έσιει. Άτε ρε Αβέρωφ, πιάστε τες εταιρείες που εκπροσωπάς τζαι πήαινε μαζίν τους Ισραήλ. Με δικά τους έξοδα τούτην την φορά. Τζαι άμα ξυπνήσουν τζαι οι Ισραηλινοί τζαι θκιώξουν τον Νετανιάχου, πηαίνετε μαζί.. Είσαι τυχερός που εν εστιάζει ακόμα η κοινωνία στο παράξενα κόλπα σου  κάθε φορά που οι ξένοι πιέζουν.. Ξαφνικά εβρέθηκες στις ΗΠΑ [με το ΔΝΤ;] τότε με το κούρεμα, για να μεν αθθυμηθούμεν ότι εκτυπιέσουν πάλε πάνω κάτω το 2011 πριν τες εκλογές για να υποβαθμιστεί η οικονομία. Για λλίους ψήφους. Τζαι ύστερα ξύπνησες το 2012 τζαι είδες τα ερείπια της πολιτικής σου το 2013 άμα έκλεισεν η Λαϊκή τζαι εγοράσαν τις τράπεζες των φίλων σου οι ξένοι..

Σε ένα τόπο που εισβάλουν οι Ιστορίες, οι ιθαγενείς γαντζώνονται που την Γεωγραφία σαν ύστατη άμυνα, τζαι υποσυνείδητη ελπίδα..
Αλλά η εικόνα έφυεν γλήορα που την λεπτομέρεια Αβέρωφ. Για κάποιο λόγο ήρτεν μου ξαφνικά στο νου, οι στίχοι του Β. Μιχαηλίδη που ξεκινούν την «9η Ιουλίου»:

«Αντάν αρκέψαν οι κρυφοί ανέμοι τζαι εφυσούσαν..
..τζαι που τες τέσσερις μερκές τα νέφη εκουβαλούσαν..
..είσιεν σγιαν είχαν ούλλοι τους τζι η Τζύπρου το κρυφόν της
μεσ’ τους ανέμους τους κρυφούς είσιεν το μερτικόν της..»

Εν ενδιαφέρον που τούτον το «εθνικό» ποίημα των ελληνοκύπριων ξεκινά με μιαν γεωγραφική εικόνα σαν μεταφορά για το πολιτικό κλίμα των μεταμορφώσεων. Όπως εν ενδιαφέρον επίσης ότι στην ίδια αρχήν του ποιήματος εμφανίζεται ένας καλός τουρκοκύπριος, ο Κκιόρογλου, «που ήταν καλή, πολλά καλή η ψυσιή του».. Εκάμαμεν εισαγωγή τα έθνη [το ποίημα γράφτηκε, έτσι τζαι αλλιώς, τη «στιγμή» της μετάβασης που την θρησκευτική ταυτότητα του Ρωμιού, της Ρωμιοσύνης «που εν φυλή», στην εθνική], αλλά ένα κομμάτι μας, εν βαθύ συλλογικό εγώ, έμειναν ριζωμένο στη γη, την γεωγραφία. Τζαι τούτη η γεωγραφία επεριλάμβανεν τζαι τον Κκιόρογλου… Στην μετάβαση μας στο κόσμο των εθνών που διεκδικούσαν αποκλειστικότητα, να εν μόνοι τους κλπ, η γεωγραφία, όπως τζαι οι άνεμοι που φυσούν, αθθύμιζεν μας, ότι είμαστε γείτονες με Άλλους..

Στα σύνορα του Χρόνου τζαι του Χώρου σήμερα…
Σήμερα είμαστε σε μιαν άλλη μετάβαση. Λέξεις πολλές σαν τους αέρηες τζαι τα νέφη του Βασίλη – μεταβιομηχανική κοινωνία, παγκοσμιοποίηση, ηλεκτρονική εποχή..Αέρηες.. Είσιεν δίκαιο, λαλούν, ο Αϊνστάιν ότι τα gravitational waves παράγουν  cracks στα σύνορα του χωροχρόνου.. Αλλά ίντα που σημαίνει τούτο για την βιωμένη εμπειρία μας; Ο χώρο-χρόνος της Φυσικής εν εντελως διαφορετικός που τον χωροχρόνο της Εμπειρίας; Τζαι έστω μεταφορικά, αφού εν φτάνουμε ακόμα σε μια «ενιαία θεωρία», ποιοί εν άραγε οι συνειρμοί; Αλλά είπαμεν είμαστε στην αρχή μιας εποχής.. Στην μετάβαση..Τζαι «τα νέφη» κουβαλούν.. Δυτικά μας τζήνοι που εφεύραν τα έθνη σαν μορφές πολιτικής οργάνωσης, μάχονται τώρα να κάμουν ομοσπονδία στην Ευρώπη, τζαι να αφήκουν τα έθνη πίσω τους.. Ενώ ανατολικά ένα μιτσήν γαρύφαλλο στην Τυνησία τζαι το Κάϊρο το 2011, οδήγησαν σε μια τέτοια καταστολή που εν σαν να εμπήκεν ολόκληρη η περιοχή σε «εμπειρία τσουνάμι»..Η καταστολή επήραν την μορφή της κατασκευής κινημάτων για να ανατρέψουν όσους εν εθέλαν οι τέως αποικιοκράτες τζαι το καθεστώς που αφήκαν σαν τοπικό χωροφύλακα του χθες – την Σαουδική Αραβία. Γιατί, εμείς δαμαί, αθθυμούμαστεν την Ιστορία του χώρου. Όταν εδολοφονήθηκεν ο Καντάφι, η καταστολή έθελεν πανηγυρισμούς – για να ξεχαστεί η συμμαχία των δυτικών αεροπλάνων με τους ισλαμιστές. Αλλά «οι άνεμοι εν θα κοπάσουν», όπως λαλεί τζαι η κινεζική παροιμία. Η απόπειρα καταστολής επαρήγαγεν χάος, όπως τζαι στο Ιράκ το 2003 – σαν απρόσμενη συνέπεια. Τζαι μέσα στο χάος ανασυντάσσεται η αντίσταση του μέλλοντος σε μια περιοχή «γέφυρα των πολιτισμών». Για όσους εν εκατάλαβαν ακόμα ότι το κοκκαλούιν δαιμονοποίησης που τους επέταξαν τα δυτικά τζαι μοναρχικά ΜΜΕ για το «καθεστώς Άσσαντ» ήταν μια ακόμα προσπάθεια νομιμοποίησης επεμβάσεων. Τώρα στα δυτικά νοιώθουν τα ρεύματα των πολέμων που ξεκίνησαν οι ίδιοι, με την μορφή των ρευμάτων των προσφύγων. Τζαι τωρά εν θέλουν «ανοιχτά» σύνορα.. Εκφραστικό..:)..Τζαι που την άλλη η κρίση των τραπεζών που εχρησιμοποιήθηκεν για να επιβληθεί μια κεντροευρωπαϊκή ηγεμονία στη Μεσόγειο, φακκά γυρόν τζαι επιστρέφει..στο Βερολίνο..

Τζαι αν τα σύνορα του ΧωροΧρόνου της βιωμένης εμπειρίας, εκτός που cracks, παράγουν τζαι σοφία που χρειάζεται λέξεις για να αρθρωθεί;
Τζαι εμείς δαμαί στον ρότσο μας..Τούτες τες εποχές που φαίνεται να τελειώνει/μεταλλάσεται μια εποχή στην οποία είμαστεν τζαι νάκκον ανωμαλία [χώρα χωρίς έθνος αλλά με ένα βαθύτατα ξεροτζέφαλο τοπικισμό, μια μιτσιά ποσότητα ανθρώπων σε ένα πανάκριβο γεωστρατηγικό οικόπεδο/φιλέτο στο παγκόσμιο σύστημα που εκαταφέραμεν μάλιστα να παίξουμε τζαι ρόλο σαν παίκτες με «κυπριακή ιδιοκτησία» - επιτέλους], είμαστεν μπροστα σε μιαν εποχή, που ίσως να απαιτά που εμάς πολλά παραπάνω από την επιβίωση – όπως προηγούμενα. Σήμερα ίσως η κρυφή σοφία που παράγει αναπόφευκτα ένας χώρος όπου συναντιούνται ιστορικές αφηγήσεις τζαι μορφές βιώματος του χρόνου, να απαιτά που εμάς να γινούμεν πρότυπο. Γιατί εμείς ξέρουμε ότι το αποικιακό βλέμμα κατασκεύασε βαρβάρους τζιαμαί που υπήρχαν αιώνες συμβίωσης. Για τούτον άλλωστε παρά τους πολέμους μας, άμα άνοιξαν τα οδοφράγματα το 2003, σε τζήνη την πρώτη μεταμοντέρνα μας εξέγερση ενάντια στα ΜΜΕ τζαι τον ηγεμονικό λόγο, εδιασταυρώσαμεν φιλικά, σαν παλιοί γείτονες, το σύνορο του χώρου αλλά στο ασυνείδητο μας εδιασταυρώναμεν τζαι το σύνορο του χρόνου [οι ε/κ εγυρεύκαν το παρελθόν, οι τ/κ το μέλλον – που ένοιωθαν χαμένο τζαι οι θκυο].  Κουβαλούμεν μια σοφία τζαι λείπουν μας οι λέξεις. Η συνείδηση της εμπειρίας. Τζαι ένεν μονο στο κυπριακό όπου ο παγωμένος χρόνος φαίνεται όντως πιο σοφός μπροστά στο διαρκή πόλεμο που απλώνεται γυρόν μας. Για όποιον/α εν ζει με αυταπάτες, η επιστροφή των τραπεζών σαν πρόβλημα εν απλά σύμπτωμα – ότι το υπάρχον οικονόμο σύστημα όπως επήεν να απλωθεί παγκόσμια μετά το 1980, έφτασε σε σημείο που απαιτείται πκιον ο έλεγχος του κεφαλαίου – πάλε. Τζαι ίσως πκιον αποφασιστικά. Μπορεί ένα είδος σαν το δικό μας που εκατάκτησε την Φύση τζαι τώρα ανακαλύφκει τα όρια των παρεμβάσεων του, να αφήσει ένα δικό του κατασκεύασμα, όπως τα χρηματιστήρια, οι τράπεζες, οι αγορές κλπ, να συμπεριφέρονται σαν ανεξέλεγκτα «νέφη που κουβαλούν»; Μπορούμε να ακούσουμε τα  gravitational waves τζαι εν μπορούμεν να προγραμματίσουμε ορθολογικά την οικονομία; Να βάλουμεν τους φυσικούς να  σχεδιάσουν την οικονομία, καλο..:) Όταν κουβαλούν τα νέφη οι αθρώποι φτιάχνουν χώρους προστασίας. Τζαι το αντίθετο διαλεκτικά – αντιστέκονται για να αλλάξουν τις συνθήκες στις οποίες βρίσκονται. Όποιος/α  εν καταλάβει ότι ενεν τυχαία η εμφάνιση πολιτικών όπως ο Κόρμπυν, ο Σάντερς τώρα, οι μεσογειακές εκλογικές εξεγέρσεις του 2015 κοκ. εν θωρεί ότι οι «κυπριακές ανωμαλίες» του εχτές, μοιάζουν με πρότυπο των εξελίξεων του μέλλοντος. Παγκόσμια.

Υ.Γ. Τζαι για σους/ες βουρήσει η γλώσσα τους τζαι πουν «μα ίντα σοφία σιόρ, με τους Χαμπουλάες κοκ, η απάντηση εν απλή: έχουμεν τζαι εμείς το «μερτικόν μας».

Υ.Γ. 2: Το κειμενο δημοσιευτηκεν για πρωτη φορα στην Δεφτερη Αναγνωση [στις 14/2/2016]..
Δαμαι εν τζαι ο "φυσικος του τοπος"...:)
αφου υπογραφετουν που τον Λινο..
Το προηγουμενο κειμενο για την Ελληνικη εμπειρια αντιστασης [με βαση το βιβλιο του Κουφοντινα "Γεννηθηκακα 17 Νοεμβρη"] , εμεινεν για πολλην τζαιρον..εν μερεις γιατι εβουρουσαμεν τζαι αλλα γραψιματα,
εν μερει ισως τζαι εταιρκαζεν ..σαν συνοδευτικο ιστορικης αυρας για την "ελληνικη ανοιξη" [την αντισταση τζαι την εξεγερση του 2015] που αλλαξεν το κοσμο με τροπους που ακομα ενεν κατανοητοι με το ματι του εφημερου..
Θα φανει στο χρονο τζαι το ανοιγμα που εδημιουργησεν η ρηξη τζαι η ανοιξη..σαν γοητεια..τζαι οπως θα λειτουργει σαν νοσταλγια..
Ωσπου να δικαιωθει..
Τζαι στα Βαλκανια..τζαι Ευρυτερα, αφου ανοιξε πκιον το παιχνιδι,
τζαι ετσι..
  • March 7th 2016 at 10:37
  • ↗

Εκδήλωση 1 Μαρτίου: Αλληλεγγύη σε πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες

By antifalem

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Από τις αρχές του 2016 και μέχρι τις 5 Φεβρουαρίου τουλάχιστον 374 άνθρωποι έχουν πεθάνει προσπαθώντας να φθάσουν σε ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος, σύμφωνα με τον Διεθνή Οργανισμό για τη Μετανάστευση (IOM). Οι περισσότεροι από αυτούς στο Αιγαίο.

Την ίδια στιγμή οι κυβερνήσεις και η ΕΕ προωθούν και εφαρμόζουν ρατσιστική πολιτική με κλειστά σύνορα, απελάσεις και εγκλεισμό των προσφύγων σε στρατόπεδα και φυλακες. Η εμπλοκή του ΝΑΤΟ στο Αιγαίο φερνει ακόμα περισσότερο θάνατο και πολεμους. Την απάνθρωπη πολιτική της ΕΕ ακολουθεί και η κυπριακή κυβερνηση με τα κεντρα κράτησης, τις φυλακίσεις και απελάσεις.

Απεναντι σ αυτούς εμείς εκφράζουμε αλληλεγγύη σε πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες και παλεύουμε για δικαιώματα, ελευθερίες και κοινή πάλη των εργαζομενων στην Κύπρο.

Να γκρεμίσουμε την «Ευρώπη-φρούριο», τις φυλακες, τα σύνορα. Κοινή πάλη των λαών ενάντια στους ιμπεριαλιστές, το ΝΑΤΟ, την φιλοπόλεμη και ρατσιστική πολιτική της ΕΕ και των κυβερνήσεων.

ΟΙ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΕΣ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΓΗΣ ΟΙ ΚΟΛΑΣΜΕΝΟΙ, ΚΥΠΡΙΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΞΕΝΟΙ ΕΡΓΑΤΕΣ ΕΝΩΜΕΝΟΙ

Το παρελθόν και το μέλλον της Μαρωνίτικης κοινότητας στην Κύπρο

By Μάρω Εμμανουήλ

Επίσκεψη στον Κορματζιήτη

Το παρελθόν και το μέλλον της Μαρωνίτικης κοινότητας στην Κύπρο

Στες 14 του Φεβράρη εβρεθήκαμεν στον Κορματζιήτη, το Μαρωνίτικο χωρκό στην επαρχείαν Τζερύνειας. Στον σύλλογον του χωρκού εσυζητήσαμεν με Μιχάλη Χατζιηρούσσο τζιαι την Μαρία Εμμανουήλ για την ιστορία τζιαι τα θέματα που αντιμετωπίζει η Μαρωνίτικη κοινότητα ειδικόττερα στο πλαίσιο του Κυπριακού. Ακούστε τες εισηγήσεις τζιαι την συζήτηση πιο κάτω:

Μιχάλης Χατζιηρούσσος

Μάρω Εμμανουήλ

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