Ο Υπουργός Εσωτερικών καταφεύγει πλέον ανοιχτά στην υπόθαλψη του ρατσισμού, τη ρητορική μίσους και τη δημαγωγική παραποίηση των στοιχείων με στόχο να δημιουργήσει ένα τέτοιο κλίμα στην κοινωνία που καθιστά αδύνατη τη νηφάλια και δημοκρατική συζήτηση στα θέματα ασύλου και μετανάστευσης. Ταυτόχρονα, στοχεύει στον εκβιασμό της Bουλής ώστε να προχωρήσει άμεσα και χωρίς ουσιαστικό διάλογο στην υιοθέτηση των νομοσχεδίων που κατέθεσε η κυβέρνηση, τα οποία αποσκοπούν στην κατάργηση ακόμη και συνταγματικών δικαιωμάτων και των προβλεπόμενων από το ευρωπαϊκό και διεθνές δίκαιο διαδικαστικών εγγυήσεων στον τομέα του ασύλου, όπως το θεμελιώδες δικαίωμα σε πρόσβαση σε αποτελεσματικό ένδικο μέσο.
Ενδεικτικά, η ΚΙΣΑ αναφέρει τα ακόλουθα:
Η ΚΙΣΑ θεωρεί ότι η κατασταλτική πολιτική και η ξενοφοβική ρητορική δεν επιλύουν τα προβλήματα που έχουν συσσωρευτεί. Γι’ αυτό, καλεί τον Υπουργό Εσωτερικών να εγκαταλείψει τη δαιμονοποίηση των αιτητών ασύλου μέσα από ψευδείς και ατεκμηρίωτους ισχυρισμούς, τη ρητορική μίσους και τη στοχοποίηση των ΜΚΟ. Χρειάζεται μια εποικοδομητική δημόσια διαβούλευση με στόχο την τροχοδρόμηση μέτρων για ολοκληρωμένη μεταναστευτική πολιτική και αποτελεσματικό και δίκαιο σύστημα ασύλου.
Διοικητικό Συμβούλιο
by Alice Claire, Christian Frings and John Malamatinas. Originally published in German on Analyse & Kritik. English translation by Angry Workers for Fever Struggle.
The wildcat strike of Romanian agricultural workers in Bornheim shows that struggles are possible even under conditions of racist super-exploitation. Originally published on akweb.de.
On Friday, 15th of May, some of the 250 seasonal workers of the Spargel Ritter company in Bornheim (North Rhine-Westphalia) stopped working in the asparagus and strawberry fields and informed the local press. Management called the police, but the intimidation attempt failed. The strike was covered widely by the media.
The workers are angry because they received ridiculously low wages of 100 to 250 euros instead of the promised 1,500 to 2,000 euros, and because they are housed under inhuman conditions in a container warehouse, idyllically located between a cemetery and a sewage plant on a vacant building site. As a result of the strike, they were immediately threatened with early dismissal and expulsion from their accommodation. Spargel Ritter has been bankrupt since March 1st, according to other sources even since January, and is now managed by the law firm Andreas Schulte-Beckhausen in nearby Bonn. In April, the firm hired both foreign seasonal workers and labourers from Germany without informing them that the company is in a state of insolvency. Obviously the insolvency administrator is using all means necessary to make the company attractive to new investors.
The protest continued on Monday, 18th of May with a rally organised by the anarcho-syndicalist trade union FAU at the accommodation containers, which was attended by about a hundred external supporters. Women workers in particular protested against their exploitation, making impressive and angry speeches. Afterwards, all of them demonstrated together in front of the company’s nearby yard, where some of the outstanding wages were alleged to be paid. Instead, the workers were expected by a chain of police officers and aggressive security guards. It quickly became clear that the strategy of the insolvency administrator was to divide the workers and set them against each other: Some were paid 600 euros, others only 50 or 70 euros. The security guards opposed the presence of a FAU lawyer during the payments, until the police enforced the lawyer’s presence. While the isolation of migrant workers usually means that this type of super-exploitation is largely ignored, the Bornheim case caused a nationwide sensation. Monday was a difficult day, as FAU Bonn tweeted: “A hard day is coming to an end. Even though we cannot be satisfied with the result: The fact that the wages of a few hundred euros were paid at all is a panic reaction of the class enemy. Tomorrow we will enter round 2.”
On Tuesday, the seasonal workers and solidarity activists met for another rally, this time in downtown Bonn, outside the insolvency administrator’s office. From there they went to the Romanian Consulate General, where a delegation of ten workers was received. The consul admonished the workers to be calm and considerate. They should return to their accommodation and wait – because the Consul is in contact with the Romanian Minister of Labour Violeta Alexandru, who is in Berlin at the invitation of the German Minister of Agriculture Julia Klöckner. According to the Consul her second stop after Berlin happened to be Bonn anyway, where she would meet with the Farmers’ Union.
On Wednesday, the minister actually showed up at the lodgings. After a long conversation with the Romanian workers – in which no trade union representatives were allowed – she announced that “everything was settled”: the insolvency administrator had assured her that she would push ahead with the payments, and her ministry would organize a free return to Romania or, in agreement with the German Farmers’ Union, the transfer to another company. After their departure, buses picked up groups of ten workers each for payment at an unknown location. The supporters together with the workers were able to make sure that a lawyer and interpreters were present for all payments, but they had to hand in their mobile phones first.
Since this dubious payment procedure could not be trusted, supporters followed the buses to “unknown places”, which a visibly disoriented police officer tried to prevent them from doing. It came to absurd wild-west-style chases across the strawberry fields, until the busses stopped at a field, where the payments were made in the burning sun. The lawyer made sure that the workers didn’t sign any termination agreements, and many gave him the power of attorney to check their wage claims in court. The FAU announced on Wednesday evening that the minimum target had been reached.
The fact that not all the workers from Romania and a few from Poland took part in the strike is due to the division caused by different contracts. Those workers with contracts running until September instead of only until June who were also promised higher wages saw their contracts of employment endangered by the strike and criticised the unrest that had arisen. In addition to the foreign seasonal workers, about 200 labourers from Germany have been hired since the end of April. As one worker from this group told us, they are called the “German team”, even though they come from all kinds of countries, but are resident in Germany. It is a motley crew – young people who have responded to the call to help “our” farmers to protect the harvest, and people who simply need the money urgently because of short-time work or unemployment. Unlike the workers from Eastern Europe, they are not employed on a piecework basis, but on an hourly wage, and receive a few cents more than the minimum wage of 9.35 euros, to mark the racist differentiation. Another reason for this is that the untrained workers from Germany would not have been able to work at the same pace as the Eastern European workers, who have been doing this kind of work for longer.
At work, the “German” and “Romanian” columns – these are the divisive terms used by the bosses and their foremen – are kept strictly separate when working in the strawberry tunnels, but they run into each other when the full crates are handed over. However, communication usually fails because of the language barrier. On Friday it was noticed that the “Romanian column” was missing, but it seems that word of the strike didn’t get around to the “German column” until Saturday. After the “German column” had continued working on Saturday and Monday, they were sent home for a day on Tuesday because according to the bosses the situation was too heated.
In the past weeks there have been increasing reports on the miserable working and living conditions of agricultural and slaughterhouse workers in Germany. The main reasons for this are the inhumane living conditions to which the workers are exposed and which are even more threatening in the current corona situation due to the lack of protection against infections. While Germany celebrates its low number of cases, it is not surprising that infections break out in places where people live and work under particularly precarious conditions. The refugee accommodation in Sankt Augustin, the slaughterhouse in Dissen and a deceased Romanian field worker in Baden-Württemberg are examples of these scandalous conditions.
The Romanian field workers were initially left on their own. Their outcry was heard by left-wing supporters – above all the FAU. And what about the IG BAU, the mainstream construction union? And the DGB federation? Members of parliament? No chance! With little money and few resources, FAU Bonn managed to support the workers in every step, despite the language barrier – a prime example of concrete solidarity.
This struggle shows above all that even the precarious and unorganised can defend themselves. This experience gives courage for the future. And it remains to be seen whether those who have now been placed on other farms through the Farmers’ Union will carry the strike virus to other fields. In Romania, all major daily newspapers have reported on the strike in Bornheim. This, too, could strengthen the self-confidence and entitlement of the seasonal workers.
In the Corona crisis, in view of the danger of infection, numerous social grievances have become the subject of discussion, which were already disastrous before Corona, but remained hidden for years. In a situation of crisis, people might initially deal with the burdens and troubles on an individual level. But in various sectors, micro-processes of resistance are currently taking place that can easily develop into collective struggles. In some cases these struggles come together, in others the divisions and hierarchies need to be broken through.
Alice Claire is an activist from Cologne and member of Beyond Europe.
Christian Frings is an activist, author and translator (of David Harvey and others).
John Malamatinas is a freelance journalist from Berlin, Brussels and Thessaloniki.
Ανοιχτό Κάλεσμα για Υλικό, Δακτυλογράφηση και Μεταφράσεις
[English Follows]
Ο στόχος μας είναι να αρχειοθετήσουμε το υλικό του ευρύτερου Κυπριακού ριζοσπαστικού χώρου- φυσικά, λόγο της ελαστικότητας της κατηγορίας αυτής, έχουμε πάρει την απόφαση να συμπεριλαμβάνουμε υλικό από διαφορετικές παρατάξεις, ιδεολογικούς χώρους και θεματικές, με βάση πάντα τα τοπικά δρώμενα, άσχετα αν πολλές φορές το υλικό και οι συλλογικότητες που το δημιούργησαν είναι αντιφατικές μεταξύ τους. Ο στόχος μας είναι να αρχειοθετούμε και να κάνουμε προσβάσιμο παλιό και καινούργιο υλικό, όχι να παράγουμε κάποια ξεκάθαρη πολιτική ή ιδεολογική θέση.
Το αρχείο λειτουργεί επί εθελοντικής βάσεως - κατ επέκταση στο αρχείο μπαίνει υλικό το οποίο εντοπίσαμε ή μας στάλθηκε και το οποίο είναι διατεθειμένος κόσμος είτε να βοηθήσει για να βρεθεί είτε να μας το στείλει. Καθώς η διαδικασία αρχειοθέτησης (καθώς και δακτυλογράφησης/μετάφρασης) είναι ατελείωτη, ενώ ο χρόνος και οι δυνατότητες μας περιορισμένες, δουλεύουνε πάνω στο υλικό το οποίο είναι για εμάς προσβάσιμο και το οποίο έχουμε εντοπίσει μέσα από τα διάφορα ανεπίσημα αρχεία στα οποία έχουμε πρόσβαση.
Αν έχετε υλικό το οποίο δεν βρίσκεται στο αρχείο (φυλλάδια, μπροσούρες, περιοδικά κλπ), που ότι εμπίπτει στους στόχους μας θα το αρχειοθετήσουμε με χαρά αν μας το στείλετε σε ηλεκτρονική μορφή (scans, pdf files κτλ) - αν μπορείτε, συμπεριλάβετε τον μήνα και την χρόνια έκδοσης του κάθε υλικού ξεχωριστά. Επίσης, αν το υλικό εμπίπτει σε συλλογικότητες που δεν βρίσκονται στο αρχείο, θα θέλαμε να ζητήσουμε τα ακόλουθα στοιχεία σε σχέση με την κάθε συλλογικότητα: Περιοχή [πόλη] Περίοδος Δράσης [χρονιές] Ιδεολογία [σοσιαλισμός, αναρχισμός, κτλ] και ιστοσελίδα, αν υπήρξε. Επίσης, αν ενδιαφέρεστε στο να μεταφράσετε/δακτυλογραφήσετε κείμενα που ήδη βρίσκονται στο αρχείο, μεταφράστε/δακτυλογραφήστε το κείμενο της επιλογής σας και στείλτε μας το. Θα αναλάβουμε όπως ανεβεί η μετάφραση/δακτυλογραφημένο κείμενο σας στο αρχείο.
Κυπριακό Κινηματικό Αρχείο.
Επικοινωνία κατά προτίμηση με e-mail: arxeio@riseup.net
Open Call for Material, Typing and Translations
Our aim is to archive material from the broader Cypriot radical scene - of course, due to the elasticity of this category, we have taken the decision to include material from multiple political groups, ideological currents and topics, based always on local developments, regardless of the fact that many times the material collected as well as the groups that produced it, are in contradiction with each other. Out aim is to archive and make accessible old and new material, not to produce a clear political or ideological position.
The archive functions on a voluntary basis - by extension, in the archive we include material that we have located or that was sent to us and which people are willing to help locating, or send. As the process of archiving (as well as typing/translating) is never-ending, while out free time and our capacities are limited, we work mainly on material that is accessible to us and which we have located through the various unofficial archives that we have access to. If you have material that is not currently on the archive (leaflets, brochures, magazines etc) and which fit within out aims, we will gladly archive it if you send it to us in a digital form (scans, pdf files etc) - if you can, include the month and year of publication for each individual material. In addition, if the material falls under a group or collective that is not currently on the archive, we would like to ask that you include the following basic information in relation to each group: Area [City], Active Period [which Years], Ideological Position [socialism, anarchism etc.] and website, if it existed.
Furthermore, if you are interested in translating or typing up texts that are already available on the archive, translate/type the text of your choice and send it to us. We will make sure that the translation/typed text will be uploaded on the archive.
Cyprus Movements Archive.
Preferred mode of contact is via e-mail: arxeio@riseup.net
In the framework of an unprecedented coincidence, with the end of the restrictive measures of the free movement of all other citizens in view of the COVID-19 pandemic, on 19/5/2020 the Council of Ministers declared the so-called First Reception Centre for Asylum Seekers Pournara as an infested area because of scabies, with the Minister of Health having first classified scabies as one of the dangerous infectious diseases. On 20/5/2020, with a new decree, the Minister of Health prohibited the entry and exit to and from the Centre of anybody other than those working there but also of the newly entering asylum seekers, for an indefinite period. The decree has no expiry date.
KISA expresses its reservations in principle as to whether the Centre has indeed been infested with scabies. According to many detainees at the centre, they have no information of scabies cases and neither have they been visited by doctors to inform or examine them for it. In view of this, it cannot be ruled out that the government, using its well-trodden practice during the restrictive measures for the pandemic and using it as a pretext, in violation of all rights of asylum seekers and with racist and discriminative policies, has imposed its arbitrary decisions to transfer hundreds of asylum seekers from other places and to actually detain them at the Pournara centre.
According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), “scabies occurs worldwide. However, it is the most vulnerable groups – young children and the elderly in resource-poor communities – who are especially susceptible to scabies and the secondary complications of infestation. The highest rates of infestation occur in countries with hot, tropical climates, especially in communities where overcrowding and poverty coexist, and where there is limited access to treatment.” WHO also adds, among others, that “refugee or internally displaced person camps are at particularly high risk, as the overcrowding typically present in the camps increases skin to skin contact between infested and uninfested individuals.” The government is not only not moving asylum seekers from the said Centre in view of the new claimed infectious disease so as to ensure the health of the detained asylum seekers and the proper medical care of those infected but, by enlisting the not competent Minister of Health to illegally decree the detention of asylum seekers, allows the entry of only newly entering asylum seekers. In other words, it also puts new persons in immediate danger of infection.
KISA has repeatedly condemned the inhuman, humiliating and degrading conditions at the Pournara Centre and has denounced its being turned to a Centre of illegal and arbitrary detention of asylum seekers. It regrets to observe that this policy has been assisted by the vague if not altogether absent criticism of independent authorities and more particularly of the Office of the Commissioner for Administration and Human Rights.
KISA has already publically denounced the report laundering the government by the Commissioner of Administration and Human Rights and especially in her capacity as the National Preventive Mechanism against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. The Commissioner has very recently expressed her satisfaction and hastened to inform the relevant international bodies for the immediate, in her view, response of the government for the “improvement” works at Pournara.
KISA denounces that, if the story about scabies is indeed true, it is the government itself that through its policies has created the conditions for the onset of the infection at Pournara, which operates with no regulatory or legal framework, in overcrowded conditions unsuitable for long-term stay and without essential and effective access by the detained asylum seekers to medical care or to their human rights and decent reception conditions.
KISA calls on all human rights organisations and citizens, every single one of whom have recently experienced restrictions of their free movement but whose conditions, however, cannot be compared to those at the Pournara detention centre, to condemn this policy and to protest against the violations of the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers.
KISA calls on the state –
Steering
Committee
Στο πλαίσιο μιας πρωτοφανούς σύμπτωσης, με την λήξη των περιοριστικών της ελεύθερης κυκλοφορίας μέτρων για όλους τους άλλους πολίτες αναφορικά με την πανδημία του κορωνοϊού, το Υπουργικό Συμβούλιο κήρυξε στις 19/5/2020 ως μολυσμένη περιοχή από ψώρα το λεγόμενο Κέντρο Πρώτης Υποδοχής Αιτητών Ασύλου Πουρνάρα, αφού πρώτα ο Υπουργός Υγείας κατέταξε την ψώρα στις επικίνδυνες μολυσματικές ασθένειες. Στις 20/5/2020 με νέο διάταγμά του ο Υπουργός Υγείας διατάσσει την απαγόρευση της εισόδου και εξόδου από το Κέντρο οποιουδήποτε προσώπου εκτός από τους εργαζόμενους αλλά και τους νεοεισερχόμενους αιτητές ασύλου επ’ αόριστον. Το διάταγμα δεν έχει ημερομηνία λήξης.
Η ΚΙΣΑ εκφράζει κατ΄αρχήν τις επιφυλάξεις της κατά πόσον πράγματι το Κέντρο έχει μολυνθεί με ψώρα. Σύμφωνα με πολλούς κρατούμενους στο κέντρο, δεν έχουν πληροφορίες για περιπτώσεις ψώρας ούτε και τους έχει επισκεφθεί γιατρός για να τους ενημερώσει / εξετάσει για κάτι τέτοιο με αποτέλεσμα να μη αποκλείεται η κυβέρνηση, χρησιμοποιώντας την πεπατημένη πρακτική της που εφάρμοσε κατά τη διάρκεια των περιοριστικών μέτρων για τον κορωνοϊό και με πρόσχημα αυτόν, κατά παράβαση όλων των δικαιωμάτων των αιτητών ασύλου και με ρατσιστικές και διαχωριστικές πολιτικές, μετέφερε από άλλους χώρους φιλοξενίας και επέβαλε με ετσιθελικές αποφάσεις της την παραμονή εκατοντάδων αιτητών ασύλου στο κέντρο Πουρνάρα υπό συνθήκες κράτησης.
Σύμφωνα με τον Παγκόσμιο Οργανισμό Υγείας (ΠΟΥ), «η ψώρα εμφανίζεται οπουδήποτε στον κόσμο. Εντούτοις, είναι οι πιο ευάλωτες ομάδες – παιδιά, ηλικιωμένοι και φτωχές κοινότητες που είναι ιδιαίτερα ευάλωτοι στην ψώρα και στις δευτερογενείς επιπλοκές της μόλυνσης. Τα ψηλότερα επίπεδα μόλυνσης εμφανίζονται σε χώρες με ζεστά, τροπικά κλίματα, ιδιαίτερα σε κοινότητες όπου επικρατεί ο υπερπληθυσμός και η φτώχεια και όπου υπάρχει περιορισμένη πρόσβαση σε υπηρεσίες υγείας.» Ο ΠΟΥ αναφέρει επίσης ότι, μεταξύ άλλων, «πρόσφυγες και εσωτερικά εκτοπισμένα πρόσωπα σε κέντρα τίθενται σε εξαιρετικά μεγάλο κίνδυνο, επειδή ο υπερπληθυσμός που πολύ συχνά υφίσταται σε τέτοια κέντρα, αυξάνει τη δερματική επαφή μεταξύ των μολυσμένων και μη μολυσμένων ατόμων.» [1] Η κυβέρνηση όχι μόνο δεν μετακινεί αιτητές ασύλου από το εν λόγω Κέντρο ενόψει της νέας ισχυριζόμενης μολυσματικής ασθένειας ώστε να διασφαλίσει την υγεία των κρατούμενων αιτητών ασύλου και την ορθή ιατρική περίθαλψη όσων έχουν μολυνθεί, αλλά , επιστρατεύοντας τον αναρμόδιο Υπουργό Υγείας να διατάζει την κράτηση αιτητών ασύλου παράνομα, επιτρέπει μόνο την είσοδο νεοεισερχόμενων αιτητών ασύλου. Θέτει δηλαδή σε άμεσο κίνδυνο για μόλυνση και νέα πρόσωπα.
Η ΚΙΣΑ έχει κατ΄επανάληψη καταδικάσει τις απάνθρωπες, ταπεινωτικές και εξευτελιστικές συνθήκες που επικρατούν στο Κέντρο Πουρνάρα και έχει καταγγείλει τη μετατροπή του σε Κέντρο παράνομης και αυθαίρετης κράτησης αιτητών ασύλου. Με λύπη της δε παρατηρεί ότι σε αυτήν την πολιτική συνέδραμε και η χαλαρή μέχρι και ανύπαρκτη κριτική των ανεξάρτητων αρχών και ιδιαίτερα του Γραφείου της Επιτρόπου Διοίκησης και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων.
Η ΚΙΣΑ έχει ήδη προβεί σε δημόσια καταγγελία για την έκθεση–ξέπλυμα της κυβέρνησης από την Επίτροπο Διοίκησης και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων υπό την ιδιότητά της μάλιστα του Εθνικού Μηχανισμού Πρόληψης των Βασανιστηρίων και Άλλων Μορφών Σκληρής, Απάνθρωπης ή Εξευτελιστικής Μεταχείρισης ή Τιμωρίας. Η Επίτροπος μόλις πρόσφατα έκφρασε την ικανοποίηση της και έσπευσε να ενημερώσει και τα ανάλογα διεθνή σώματα για την άμεση, όπως την χαρακτήρισε, ανταπόκριση της κυβέρνησης για τα έργα «βελτίωσης» στο Πουρνάρα.
Η ΚΙΣΑ καταγγέλλει ότι, αν όντως αληθεύουν τα περί ψώρας, είναι η ίδια η κυβέρνηση που με τις πολιτικές της έχει δημιουργήσει τις συνθήκες για την εμφάνιση της μόλυνσης στο Κέντρο Πουρνάρα, το οποίο λειτουργεί χωρίς κανένα κανονιστικό και νομικό πλαίσιο, σε συνθήκες υπερπληθυσμού και ακατάλληλες για μακρόχρονη παραμονή και χωρίς ουσιαστικά και αποτελεσματική πρόσβαση των αιτητών ασύλου σε παροχή υπηρεσιών υγείας αλλά και σε όλα τα άλλα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα τους και αξιοπρεπείς συνθήκες υποδοχής.
Η ΚΙΣΑ καλεί όλες τις οργανώσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και τους πολίτες, οι οποίοι πρόσφατα έζησαν ο κάθε ένα ξεχωριστά τους περιορισμούς στην ελεύθερη κυκλοφορία τους, των οποίων όμως οι συνθήκες δεν θα μπορούσαν να συγκριθούν με τις συνθήκες κράτησης στο Κέντρο Πουρνάρα, να καταδικάσουν αυτή την πολιτική και να διαμαρτυρηθούν για τις παραβιάσεις των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων των προσφύγων και αιτητών ασύλου.
Η ΚΙΣΑ καλεί το κράτος-
Διοικητικό
Συμβούλιο
[1] https://www.who.int/neglected_diseases/diseases/scabies-and-other-ectoparasites/en/?fbclid=IwAR3faGj1g1qEuTfOYxlS-7fqb0uKqpkCOjG9oyLosEtqo8zAqSe1TizN0FM
For more than two weeks, young people from Fridays For Future in Germany have been on hunger strike. From the very beginning the protesters in Germany tried to establish a contact to youngsters at the Moria refugee camp. At a joint press conference on 19th of May, young people from the Moria slum camp prepared and read out very moving statements. Two youngsters from the small German town of Landau. Under the name “Colored Rain” they called on people to join their protest. Sooner said than done: Another hunger strike by a person from Dresden followed. Also in Trier two other activists joined the action. On May 19, the hunger strike in Landau was ended by a protest march to the state capital Mainz. There their demands were symbolically handed over to the state government. Earlier, the activist from Dresden had already ended his action, while the hunger strike in Trier continues.
The youths criticized above all the inactivity of the politicians in meeting the demand to evacuate the camps. Even if the hungerstrike is now partly done, the exchange between the young comrades from Germany and Moria is still active. This is an important thing to strengthen each other and create a common understanding of a joined fight against the border regime.
The situation has not improved. The European migration regime is too deeply inhumane, Moria is an example of this. So let us fight together to counter the policy of exclusion and dehumanisation. The words of the young people of Moria urge us not to give up this fight!
The statements in text form:
Alireza (17)
Moria Refugee Camp, Greece, 19th of May
Usually people describe happiness as improvement, or they say if you want to have a happy life you should live in the moment, but when I look at my situation in the camp, I realize I am going backward instead of improving and I am experiencing a bad period of life, I don’t know, maybe this is my punishment because of I was born as an immigrant.
Hussain ali (16)
Moria refugee camp, Greece, 19th of May
I’m Hussain Ali. I’m 16 years old and I live in section where they keep minors. Coming from illegal ways is like you accepted a challenge of life or death. When we decided to come from illegal ways I didn’t know this but slowly slowly I knew that coming from this ways is like a suicide but there was no way for us. For being alive we used to accept this challenge and we started as I was a teenager it was hard to come but I thought that I can pass this bad way and I will reach to Europe and the problems will be finish.After a lots of hard days and many problems I reached to Greece and I thought I finished my problems but that was just a dream. Moria is a small Afghanistan.insecure, not safe and a place where we get mental problems and many other problems.
We are the most bitter story of the world.
Nazanin (26)
Moria refugee camp, Greece, 19th of May
When it comes the name of Moria, immediately all the thoughts go through the terrible available situations inside the camp such as overcrowding problems, horrible sanitation, lack of basic needs like water, electricity fuel and…
Definitely these can be the most important and problematic issues that are visible at a glance but if we pay attention deeply there are more hidden and unsaid things, let’s think about the mother who crossed the dangerous borders to make her child’s future but lost her in the fire, nothing left but burnt bones.
The father who lost his innocent boy during the crazy fights and no one asked why? How?
Or Someone who came here to find peace and safety but is living in a more dangerous, unsafe and stressful place even more than the land he has come from.
The child whose toy was changed to a fake knife and trying to do, talk and shout just what he saw in the adults.
The girl who tried to learn, be independent and stand on her own feet but is even more vulnerable than ever that should rely on someone else to take one step out of his living area.
The people who are losing their mind, patient, tolerance due to living in this awful situation and dealing with so many challenges.
Milad (21)
Moria refugee camp, Greece, 19th of May
My name is Milad, 21 years old from Afghanistan. Before entering the European soil, I had some imaginations from Europe, for example, European countries respect a lot to human rights, so that Europe will be the best place to have a safe and comfortable life, but unfortunately, Moria refugee camp proved that it’s nothing but an imagination, I realized that in the first days in Moria. And I’ve been in this hell for five months.
In Moria, at days I’m facing to the danger which is treating people’s lives all around the world, COVID-19, which is treating my life as well because in this camp, unlike the rest of the world which people have the ability to protect themselves from this virus by washing their hands frequently, keeping their distance from each other or even having sufficient and suitable medical equipments and supplies to be far from getting infected by this virus, we don’t have enough medical supplies, we don’t have enough water to wash our hands, even we can’t keep our distance between each other because of long lines like food lines, shower lines, toilet lines, market lines, Doctor lines or even ATM line, and the reason is that because it is an overcrowded camp. And at nights I’m facing to the danger of being injured or killed in huge fights between refugees, which keeps me awake for hours at nights. I have to be awake in nights when fights are happening because of my safety.
Europe was a strong big hope for me like a narrow bright light in the deepest terrifying darkness days of my life, but Moria proved that it was nothing but an imagination and took that light from me and took me to another deepest terrifying darkness days of my life again in another place.
Yaser (16)
Moria refugee camp, Greece, 19th of May
Moria, hell of migrants, it’s a good place for criminals, murderers, rapists, thieves and fighters, a place where people have to stay in lines for hours, a place where there is only few clinics for 19000 of migrants, a place where there is no school for thousands of youngsters who came for a brighter future, a place where there is no water to wash our hands, a place full of trash, a place where police has no control over fights in there own homeland.
Three days ago a fight happened between volunteers of Movement and Team humanity, it was a huge fight more than five people were stabbed and police did nothing, later that day at night there was another fight between two Hazara and Panjshiri nations and I am pretty sure more than fifteen people were stabbed that night, in that morning I witnessed cut fingers on the ground.
Is that the how safe Europe is? Is this the humanity they are always talking about?
Please leave no one behind
JOINT STATEMENT
On 15 May 2020, the administration of the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) forcibly sent 100 Syrian refugees, including unaccompanied children, to Mersin, Turkey. They have been transferred to Kilis, near the Syrian border, where they are now. Most of the 100 Syrian refugees – 56 – are children and women and girls are in the majority.
On 24 April 2020, the TRNC had already forcibly sent 75 Syrian refugees, including unaccompanied children, to Mersin, Turkey, from where they have been reportedly moved to a camp in the province of Kahramanmaraş. All 175 Syrian refugees have expressed their intent to apply for asylum and find protection in an EU member state. Syrians forcibly returned to Turkey face a risk of onward refoulement to Syria.
This group of 175 refugees arrived by boat on 20 March and were pushed back to the sea by the coastguard of the republic of Cyprus as the boat was approaching the southern part of the island, which is under the jurisdiction and control of the government of the Republic of Cyprus. Many of these refugees were trying to join their families already settled in the Republic of Cyprus, which is a member of the European Union. The boat went north, capsized and the refugees were rescued by the “Turkish Cypriot administration” which has effective control over the northern part of the island. The refugees were housed in an apartment complex for a 14-day quarantine period due to the COVID-19 pandemic. At the end of the quarantine period, they continued to be detained – this time arbitrarily, in violation of the law of the “Turkish Cypriot administration” which authorises the detention of irregular migrants for eight days extendable only by a court order.
We, the undersigned organisations condemn the push-back of the vessel from Cypriot waters by the government of Cyprus, which amounts to refoulement in violation of the prohibition of non-refoulement set out under the 1951 Geneva Convention and EU law on asylum, and infringes Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights
We, the undersigned organisations also condemn the
return of 175 refugees to Turkey and the arbitrary detention of these persons
by the “Turkish Cypriot administration”. These acts also violate the 1951
Refugee Convention and Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights.
The detention of minors additionally violates the Convention on the Rights of
the Child, in particular Articles 9, 10, 22 and 37 on detention of children,
the right to reunification with members of the family and the right of every
child to be with both parents. States are obliged to
provide appropriate care to unaccompanied children. On April
13, UNICEF
said that all governments should impose a moratorium on detaining children and
urgently release children where alternatives are possible, due to heightened
risks of Covid-19 in detention.
Recommendations
We call on the “Turkish Cypriot administration” and Turkey to:
We call on the government of the Republic of Cyprus to:
ΚΟΙΝΗ ΔΗΛΩΣΗ
Στις 15 Μαΐου 2020, η διοίκηση της αυτοανακηρυχθείσας Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας της Βόρειας Κύπρου (ΤΔΒΚ) έστειλε βίαια 100 Σύρους πρόσφυγες, συμπεριλαμβανομένων ασυνόδευτων παιδιών, στη Μερσίνα της Τουρκίας. Μεταφέρθηκαν στο Κίλις, κοντά στα σύνορα της Συρίας, όπου βρίσκονται τώρα. Οι περισσότεροι από τους 100 Σύρους πρόσφυγες -56- είναι παιδιά, ενώ η πλειονότητα είναι γυναίκες και κορίτσια.
Στις 24 Απριλίου 2020, η ΤΔΒΚ είχε ήδη στείλει βίαια 75 Σύρους πρόσφυγες, συμπεριλαμβανομένων ασυνόδευτων παιδιών, στη Μερσίνα της Τουρκίας, από όπου, σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες, μεταφέρθηκαν σε στρατόπεδο στην επαρχία Καραμανμαράς. Και οι 175 Σύροι πρόσφυγες έχουν εκφράσει την πρόθεση να υποβάλουν αίτηση ασύλου και να βρουν προστασία σε ένα κράτος-μέλος της ΕΕ. Σύροι που στάληκαν βίαια στην Τουρκία αντιμετωπίζουν τον κίνδυνο περαιτέρω επαναπροώθησής τους στη Συρία.
Αυτή η ομάδα 175 προσφύγων έφτασε με πλοιάριο στις 20 Μαρτίου και σπρώχθηκε πίσω στη θάλασσα από την Ακτοφυλακή της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας, καθώς το πλοιάριο πλησίαζε στο νότιο τμήμα του νησιού, το οποίο βρίσκεται υπό τη δικαιοδοσία και τον έλεγχο της Κυβέρνησης της Κυπριακή Δημοκρατίας. Πολλοί από αυτούς τους πρόσφυγες προσπαθούσαν να επανενωθούν με τις οικογένειές τους που έχουν ήδη εγκατασταθεί στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία, η οποία είναι μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Το πλοίο πήγε βόρεια, αναποδογυρίστηκε και οι πρόσφυγες διασώθηκαν από την «Τουρκοκυπριακή Δοίκηση», η οποία έχει αποκλειστικό έλεγχο στο βόρειο τμήμα του νησιού. Οι πρόσφυγες στεγάστηκαν σε συγκρότημα διαμερισμάτων για περίοδο καραντίνας 14 ημερών λόγω της πανδημίας Covid-19. Στο τέλος της περιόδου καραντίνας, συνέχισαν να κρατούνται – αυτή τη φορά αυθαίρετα, κατά παράβαση του νόμου της «Τουρκοκυπριακής Διοίκησης» που επιτρέπει την κράτηση παράτυπων μεταναστών για οκτώ ημέρες, παρατεινόμενης μόνο με δικαστική απόφαση.
Εμείς, οι οι πιο κάτω υπογράφουσες οργανώσεις, καταδικάζουμε την εκδίωξη του πλοιαρίου από τα κυπριακά ύδατα από την Κυβέρνηση της Κύπρου, κάτι πουο ισοδυναμεί με επαναπροώθηση κατά παράβαση της απαγόρευσης μη επαναπροώθησης όπως ορίζεται στη Σύμβαση της Γενεύης του 1951 και στο Δίκαιο της ΕΕ για το άσυλο, και παραβιάζει το Άρθρο 3 της Ευρωπαϊκής Σύμβασης για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα.
Εμείς, οι οι πιο κάτω
υπογράφουσες οργανώσεις, καταδικάζουμε επίσης την
επιστροφή των 175 προσφύγων στην Τουρκία και την αυθαίρετη κράτηση αυτών των
ατόμων από την «Τουρκοκυπριακή Διοίκηση». Αυτές οι πράξεις επίσης παραβιάζουν τη Σύμβαση για τους Πρόσφυγες του 1951 και το
Άρθρο 3 της Ευρωπαϊκής Σύμβασης για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα. Η κράτηση ανηλίκων
παραβιάζει επίσης τη Σύμβαση για τα Δικαιώματα του Παιδιού, ιδίως τα Άρθρα 9,
10, 22 και 37 για την κράτηση παιδιών, το δικαίωμα επανένωσης με μέλη της
οικογένειας και το δικαίωμα κάθε παιδιού να είναι και με τους δύο γονείς. Τα κράτη υποχρεούνται να παρέχουν
κατάλληλη φροντίδα σε ασυνόδευτα παιδιά. Στις 13Απριλίου, η UNICEF δήλωσε
ότι όλες οι κυβερνήσεις πρέπει να επιβάλουν μορατόριουμ στην κράτηση παιδιών και να απελευθερώσουν επειγόντως παιδιά
όπου είναι δυνατές εναλλακτικές λύσεις, λόγω των αυξημένων κινδύνων εξαιτίας του Covid-19 κατά την κράτηση.
Συστάσεις
Καλούμε την «Τουρκοκυπριακή Διοίκηση» και την Τουρκία όπως:
Καλούμε την Κυβέρνηση της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας όπως:
Υπογράφουσες Οργανώσεις:
Solidarity with the strike of the harvest workers in Bornheim (near Bonn)! Ultra low wages, mouldy food and no protection from Covid-19. German asparagus and strawberries taste like workers exploitation!
On the ground report by Severin Marten, Alice Claire and John Malamatinas
Hundreds of syndicalists and activists expressed on Monday solidarity with the wild strike of the Asparagus harvest workers in #Bornheim between Bonn and Cologne in Germany.
Last Friday hundreds of seasonal workers stopped work on the asparagus and strawberry fields, whereupon the management of the company called the police to intimidate them. Like thousands of other seasonal workers, the harvest workers in Bornheim live and work under catastrophic conditions: The wages of the now insolvent Spargelhof Ritter were kept, the accommodation is under inhumane conditions – an imminent homelessness could be averted. The workers complain not only about mouldy food, unheated mass accommodation next to a sewage plant and a complete lack of protection against corona – but also about not being paid. They had only been paid 100 to 250 Euros for a month of hard work.
The company belongs (or belonged until a few months ago) to the Ritter family, but has been in insolvency administration since the beginning of March. Andreas Schulte-Beckhausen’s lawyer’s office is responsible, and according to media reports it already has a new investor for the large company on hand. In the main season, the farm is said to have employed up to 500 harvest workers in the years before.
The protest began on Monday at the accommodation containers and continued at the company farm. Tough negotiations were held all day. Around 3 pm the situation comes to a critical point. Suddenly it is said that the payment of outstanding wages should take place on the farm. A police chain awaits them there, and two security men are also there, who were very aggressive towards union organisers. They say that money should only be given to people who are on an ominous list. The assumption was obvious that the strategy of the insolvency administrator was to set the employees against each other, in which some paid 600 Euros and others only 50 or 70. The lawyer from the insolvency administration came out and sat in the car. He drove away. People were yelling that they want their money. The police protected the car and partly took action against the field workers. Outrage reigns.
Where the isolation of the migrant workers from the rest of the world usually leads to that this over-exploitation being largely ignored, the joint organisation with FAU Bonn was able to cause a nationwide sensation. It was a difficult day as FAU Bonn tweets: “A bone-crushing day draws to a close. Even if we cannot be satisfied with the result: that wages of a few hundred euros were paid at all is a panic reaction of the class enemy. Tomorrow is round 2.”
German agriculture is largely based on low-wage work performed by migrant workers. About 300,000 seasonal migrant workers come every year to Germany to work in the fields. Shifts of 14 hours, seven days a week for unhealthy heavy work are not uncommon. They work and live under catastrophic conditions and are mostly isolated from the outside world from the time they are picked up and taken to their accommodation in order to maintain the over-exploitation of migrant labour.
Now it is important to continue to maintain solidarity with the workers and not to be satisfied with the payment of small amounts of money.
Therefore, come to Bonn (Oxfordstraße 2) tomorrow at 10 a.m. in front of the seat of the insolvency administration, which is in charge of paying out the wages.
Germany you lousy piece of asparagus!
Δεν είναι τυχαίο που η Ενωμένη Ευρώπη των καπιταλιστών έχει λυσσάξει να σβήσει από την συλλογική μνήμη κάθε δημοκρατικού και προοδευτικού άνθρωπου τη σημασία και συμβολή του Κόκκινου Στρατού στην αντιφασιστική νίκη των λαών. Προασπιζόμενος την πατρίδα από τα Ναζιστικά στρατεύματα, ο Kόκκινος Στρατός προάσπισε τα συμφέροντα όλων των λαών του κόσμου. Γι΄αυτό και εμείς έχουμε υποχρέωση όχι απλά την υπενθύμιση της μεγάλης αντιφασιστικής νίκης, αλλά επίσης την συμβολή του Κόκκινου Στρατού και την καίρια σημασία της σοσιαλιστικής οικόνομίας που εξόπλισε το λαό με υλικά, οργάνωση και σθένος.
Για όλα αυτά και πολλά άλλα θυμόμαστε και θα θυμόμαστε για πάντα
Από το λογοτεχνικό-συμβολικό
«Κάθε άνθρωπος που αγαπά την ελευθερία, χρωστάει στον Κόκκινο Στρατό περισσότερα από ό, τι μπορεί ποτέ να πληρώσει»
Έρνεστ Χεμινγουέι
Στο πραγματικό
«Δεν θα κερδίζαμε εμείς τον πόλεμο και η μοίρα της πατρίδας μας θα διαμορφώνονταν αλλιώς εάν δεν υπήρχε η ατσαλένια δύναμη μας, το Κόμμα. Τα πιο δύσκολα και υπεύθυνα καθήκοντα του πολέμου πρωτίστως πέφτανε στις πλάτες των κομμουνιστών. Η οργάνωση της βιομηχανίας, η δουλειά στα μετόπισθεν. Θαυμάζω το τεράστιο έργο που έγινε στις πιο δύσκολες μέρες. Σύντομα, από τον Ιούνη μέχρι τον Δεκέμβρη του 1941 μεταφέρθηκαν 1500 επιχειρήσεις από τις περιοχές που απειλούνταν από την κατοχή, στην Ανατολή και ξαναλειτούργησαν. Η νεολαία γνωρίζει τι σημαίνουν μεγάλες επιχειρήσεις και οικοδομές. Φανταστείτε ότι η επιχείρηση αεροπλάνων μέσα σ’ ένα – δυο μήνες ξανάρχισε να παράγει στη νέα τοποθεσία. Μέρα και νύχτα κινούνταν στρατιωτικά τρένα με βιομχανηκές εγκαταστάσεις και αντιστρόφως από την Ανατολή με οπλισμό και στρατό. Η γιγαντιαία αυτή κυκλοφορία γίνονταν με εντάσεις, ανωμαλίες, παρεξηγήσεις, συγκρούσεις, ωστόσο συντελούνταν αδιάκοπα, αυξάνονταν υποταγμένη στην καθοδηγητική οργανωτική δύναμη. Ο κρίκος αυτός είναι μόνο ένας από τις αναρίθμητες φροντίδες που πήρε στις πλάτες του το Κόμμα. Είμαι περήφανος που ανδρώθηκα και αναπτύχθηκα σε αυτό το Κόμμα.»
Στρατάρχης Γκεόργκι Κ. Ζούκοφ, Συνέντευξη στην “Κομσομόλσκαγια Πράβντα”, 1970.
Πηγή: Ατέχνως
The post Η σημαία μας: για την 9η Μαΐου appeared first on Αγκάρρα.
Support the call for strike against racism, for self-organization and a beautiful life for everyone by the germany-wide Day of Rage initiative!
Dear friends, dear comrades,
We migrant self-organisations call on our siblings to join us for a day of enragement and a general strike on 8 May 2020. We call on people with migration heritage, Jewish people, BIPoCs and all people in solidarity to strike with us.
Why the 08 May? The date is considered the day of liberation. But while the war and the Nazi dictatorship came to an end, the Nazi ideology and its representatives lived on and so racism and anti-semitism have a long tradition in Germany. After the end of the Second World War, Germany was at most only symbolically denazified. Former members and functionaries of the NSDAP and SA held political offices here and in Europe after 1945 or ran successful businesses.
Already in the 1950s, there were acts of racist violence. In 1979, Cuban contract workers Raúl García Paret and Delfin Guerra were killed in the GDR during resistance to racist violence. During this time, attacks on immigrants were poorly or not at all documented and so we do not know all the names of victims of racist violence. But the list of names of victims we know is long and apparently endless.
On Thursday, February 19, 2020, nine people with migration heritage were shot dead by a racist in Hanau, five others were injured.
Their names:
Gökhan Gültekin
Ferhat Unvar
Mercedes Kierpacz
Sedat Gürbüz
Hamza Kurtović
Kaloyan Velkov
Vili Viorel Păun
Fatih Saraçoğlu
Said Nesar Hashemi
To this day, politics watches as our siblings, friends and our anti-fascist comrades are killed, even in the custody of state institutions, therefore we cannot rely on them. They do not protect us and at the very least since the NSU we know that in Germany, in all likelihood, protection of perpetrators continues.
We are not silent, we are not intimidated, we do not engage in racist discussions, we do not abandon the streets to Nazis. If Germany wants to continue to cosy up to Nazis, we will have no part in it!
Inspired by the Ramazan Avcı initiative, we take our fury and grief to the streets on May 8th. Get organized and call for a strike with us.
Day of Outrage, 08 May, Germany-wide
Call from Migrantifa Berlin
We cannot rely on the State – self-organize migrant protection and denazify all state apparatuses now!
We join our brothers* and sisters* in a call for all people with migration experience and inheritance, all Jewish persons, Sinti and Romani persons, Black, Indigenous, and People of Color, and all those who feel solidarity with us, to come together and express our rage, our grief, our remembrance, and our resistance.
May 8th is commemorated as “Tag der Befreiung” to celebrate our liberation from National Socialism – this year in Berlin it will be a legal public holiday for the very first time. Although the war and the national socialist dictatorship ended in Europe, the fascist, racist, and antisemitic ideology of National Socialism lives on. Not four years following the end of the Second World War, voices from the political and social spheres loudly demanded a stop to denazification. So it is not at all surprising that shortly after 1945 thousands of former members and officials of the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers’ Party) took over leading positions in politics, the justice system, national security, and the economy.
Seventy-five years after “liberation” we see a Germany where, once again, fascists and racists march on the streets and commit murder, where they insert right-wing ideology in parliaments, schools, and the police force under the guise of democracy and freedom of expression. Germany has once again become a leading player on the world stage, and it will ensure that its “interests” are enforced in order to secure its “prosperity” – no matter what the cost.
The pogroms in Rostock-Lichtenhagen, the attempted murder in Mölln, the National Socialist Underground affair (NSU-Komplex), the murders of Oury Jalloh in Dessau, Burak Bektaş in Berlin, and, most recently, Arkan Hussein K. in Celle, the attacks in Halle and in Hanau, as well as the daily murders at the European borders – all these are just a few of the thousands manifestations of the fight between an imaginary “inside” and “outside.”
It is not a poison that is responsible for this, but a State that fuels and legitimizes a racist and nationalist ideology by prioritizing national interests and by propagating a value system of “useful versus useless.” And at the same time, it is also the State that protects right-wing perpetrators with its bloody hands: relatives are blamed, files get shredded, deals are struck with dictators, and the right of asylum readily suspended. Evidently, racism and right-wing extermination ideology is not a matter of a few mentally unstable individuals. It is a structural problem within mainstream society, one that is inherent to the logic of the bourgeois State and its institutions.
So we call out and say: Enough! We will not let ourselves be divided and we refuse to tolerate more racism, more fascism, and more murders in Germany! Let us take up the torch of our parents and grandparents and continue the struggle! Let us bring our voices together loudly and express our rage, our grief, and our resolve – whether on our balconies or on the street, from a place of anger or remembrance, for the right to come, to stay and to leave, online or offline. We will exercise our rights, we will make others uncomfortable, we will organize ourselves – beyond borders, for social justice, and in solidarity and remembrance for all those affected by right-wing and racist violence! There will be no final stroke!
From Moria to Hanau, no forgiveness, no forgetting!
#rassismustötet #lagerabschaffen
In remembrance – #saytheirnames #hanauWarKeinEinzelfall
How to protest:
All information regarding time, location, printing materials, etc. will be published on our website and on our social media channels!
During our action week some of our friends decided to occupy hotels which during the corona pandemic are empty in order to show that there is plenty of room for everyone in Europe. Here is a small collection:
VIENNA
Öffnet die Hotels – Evcuate Moria – Shutdown Capitalism!Heute Montag haben Aktivist*innen ein Transparent auf dem Wiener Hotel Intercontinental befestigt, um darauf aufmerksam zu machen, dass während hunderte Hotels ungenutzt leer stehen, tausende Geflüchtete in Lagern auf den griechischen Inseln leben müssen. Die auch ansonsten schon äußerst prekäre Situation in diesen Lagern wird durch die drohende Gefahr eines Ausbruchs des Coronavirus noch massiv verschärft. Verantwortlich dafür ist die seit Jahren menschenverachtende Grenzpolitik der Europäischen Union und ihrer Mitgliedsstaaten, ganz wesentlich gestützt und vorangetrieben von der österreichischen Regierung um Bundeskanzler Kurz.„Während in Österreich Corona-Schutzmaßnahmen fortgesetzt werden, leben 40 000 Menschen in maßlos überbelegten Lagern auf den ägäischen Inseln, festgehalten an den EU-Außengrenzen noch bevor sie das europäische Festland erreichen konnten. Ihr Elend ist politisch verursacht und gewollt, es soll zur Abschreckung dienen“, sagt Carla Sedlak, Pressesprecherin der Plattform Radikale Linke. Dieses Missverhältnis zeigt deutlich, wie auch unter der Maßgabe des „Seuchenschutzes“ weiterhin zwischen schützenwertem und nicht-schützenswertem Leben unterschieden wird.Die mehr als 20 000 Menschen, die in der Hölle von Moria auf Lesbos zusammengedrängt ausharren müssen, sind zum Symbol dieser Katastrophe geworden. Das Lager ist höchstens auf 3 000 Bewohner*innen ausgelegt. Sanitäre Einrichtungen, Desinfektionsmittel und ärztliche Versorgung gibt es kaum, Wasser ist nur begrenzt vorhanden, die Infrastruktur steht kurz vor dem Kollaps. Angesichts der Gefahr eines Corona-Ausbruchs entwickelt sich das Lager nun für die vor Krieg und Gewalt Geflohenen zur Todesfalle. Abstand wahren oder das Einhalten anderer Vorsichtsmaßnahmen ist schlicht unmöglich. „Die AUA holt mit hohem finanziellen Aufwand Österreicher*innen aus aller Welt zurück, ansonsten werden möglichst billige Arbeitskräfte für das österreichische Pflegesystem und die Landwirtschaft eingeflogen. Die Aufnahme von Geflüchteten aus den höchst prekären Lagern an den europäischen Außengrenzen wird nicht einmal mehr öffentlich diskutiert“, zeigt sich Sedlak empört und fährt fort: „Die viel gepriesene „Solidarität“ endet also an der nationalen Grenze – was dazu führt, dass sie keine Solidarität im eigentlichen Sinne ist.“Die Aktivist*innen fordern die sofortige Evakuierung des Lagers Moria und die Aufnahme von schutzsuchenden Menschen in den leerstehenden Hotels. Des Weiteren fordern sie die Schließung aller Lager, die Freilassung aller Personen in Schubhaft und die Abschaffung des mörderischen EU-Grenzregimes. „Vor der Zukunft haben alle Angst. Sie wird durch Abschiebungen verstärkt, durch das Elend hinter dem Zaun, nicht durch offene Grenzen. Sie wird gemildert durch die Sicherheit: Was auch kommen mag – niemand wird zurückgelassen, keiner muss im Elend verrecken, wer er auch sei", so die Sprecherin der Plattform Radikale Linke abschließend.#LeaveNoOneBehind #WirHabenPlatz #EvacuateMoria
Gepostet von Plattform Radikale Linke am Montag, 27. April 2020
Open the hotels – Evacuate Moria – Shutdown Capitalism!
Today, Monday, activists* placed a banner on the Hotel Intercontinental in Vienna to draw attention to the fact that while hundreds of hotels stand unused, thousands of refugees have to live in camps on the Greek islands. The already extremely precarious situation in these camps is massively aggravated by the threat of an outbreak of the coronavirus. This is due to the border policy of the European Union and its Member States, which has been inhuman for years, and which is supported and driven forward by the Austrian Government headed by Chancellor Kurz.
The activists* demand the immediate evacuation of the camp Moria and the welcoming of people seeking protection in the empty hotels. They also demand the closure of all camps, the release of all persons in detention pending deportation and the abolition of the murderous EU border regime. “Everyone is afraid of the future. It is reinforced by deportations, by the misery behind the fence, not by open borders. It is mitigated by security: whatever comes – no one is left behind, no one has to die in misery, whoever they may be”, the spokeswoman of the Plattform Radikale Linke Platform Radical Left concluded.
BERLIN
EVACUATE MORIA – #leavenoonebehindDie Zeit der Bitten ist lange vorbei. Die Situation in den Refugee-Lagern auf den griechischen Inseln ist eine humanitäre Katastrophe. Heute haben wir im Rahmen unserer Aktionswoche EVACUATE MORIA – SHUT DOWN CAPITALISM das Ibis-Hotel am Rosenthaler Platz besetzt. Während für zehntausende Spargelstecher*innen eine Luftbrücke eingerichtet wird und hunderttausende Hotelzimmer leerstehen, werden die Menschen in Moria, in der EU, zum Sterben zurückgelassen. Das ist die mörderische Logik von Staat, Nation und Kapital. Wir fordern: Holt die Leute raus! Offene Grenzen, sichere Fluchtwege und ein bedingungsloses Bleiberecht für Alle. We´ve got space – #EvacuateMoria
Gepostet von TOP B3RLIN am Donnerstag, 30. April 2020
EVACUATE MORIA – #leavenoonebehind
The time for pleading is long gone. The situation in the refugee camps on the Greek islands is a humanitarian disaster. Today we have occupied the Ibis-Hotel at Rosenthaler Platz as part of our week of action EVACUATE MORIA – SHUT DOWN CAPITALISM. While an airlift is being set up for tens of thousands of asparagus cutters and hundreds of thousands of hotel rooms are empty, the people of Moria, in the EU, are left to die. This is the murderous logic of state, nation and capital. We demand: Get the people out! Open borders, safe escape routes and an unconditional right of residence for all.“
MUENSTER
After the evacuation of all refugee camps people still need safe escape routes and a right of residence! Enough hotels are empty! Thats why we occupied an empty Ibis Hotel!
WANTED
Who are the politicians and organizations that are constantly refusing to rescue people that are fleeing from war zones, from hunger and fear and in search for a better life all over the world? Who is to blame for the health- and life-threatening living conditions in refugee camps like Moria in Greece and elsewhere? It’s the system – but also the bosses who enforce it. Enough is enough! All over Germany and Austria posters popped up during the night, calling out the people responsible for this murderous situation.
EVACUATE MORIA. SHUT DOWN CAPITALISM – JOIN THE TWITTER-ACTION TODAY
On the twitteraccounts @umsganze and @beyondeurope we are documenting the action. Join us in addressing the actors of these policies directly: Tweet and retweet your message under the Hashtags #evacuatemoria and #leavenoonebehind and dont forget to add Von der Leyen (@vonderleyen), Merkel (@RegSprecher), Seehofer (@BMISprecher), Mitsotakis (@kmitsotakis) and Leggeri (@frontex) in your tweets. Lets make your demands heard: The closure and evacuation of all refugee camps! For a decentralized and humane housing for refugees! Autonomy for the people living inside the camps and support of their self-organizing! Free and unrestricted access to medical care, medical supplies and corona tests for all!
#LeaveNoOneBehind #Moria #EvacuateMoria #shutdowncapitalism#Corona #WirHabenPlatz #ShameonyouEU#seebrücke
by Mina Khani, translated by Kian Zeytani. First published at German newspaper Analyse&Kritik on April 21st, 2020.
The Corona outbreak reached “Iranian soil” much earlier than the government in Iran admits. As alte as February 18th, right after the 41st anniversary of the revolution (February 11th) and shortly before the parliamentary elections (February 21st), the Iranian state confirmed via the Revolutionary Guards newspaper that Covid-19 had arrived in Iran. But weeks before, there had been reports of infected people spreading through the social networks.
Iran rapidly proved to be a country badly affected by the corona virus – even before the crisis became a global pandemic. Despite the delicate situation in China, the Iranian state did not stop air traffic to China until March 4th. Although the government under President Hassan Rouhani had announced that it would cancel flights to China, Mahan Air alone, the largest private airline in Iran, flew 16 times to and from China between late February and early March, according to BBC Farsi.
This provoked outrage among many people in Iran, most of whom attribute the continued air traffic to corruption in the state. The anger was heightened when Rouhani declared on 25 February that from 29 February “everything in the country will return to normal”. A few days later he had to admit that the virus had now reached all Iranian provinces.
Also the statements of the religious leader of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, have also caused outrage in the social networks: “The virus is a biological attack on Iran”; “The virus was produced by the USA”, which is why “we do not accept any help from the USA”; “Corona is a small problem”, and it is not up to science to solve the problems of mankind, that is the task of the imams, Khamenei said in different speeches.
The misinformation and partly contradictory statements of the Iranian leadership about the seriousness of the Corona crisis weigh even more heavily for many people, as the virus has hit the country in the middle of an escalating economic and political crisis. The Otageasnafiran, the Iranian Chamber of Commerce, estimates that the corona crisis could cost up to 1.6 million people their jobs. In early April, the Iranian central bank applied for an emergency loan of five billion US dollars from the International Monetary Fund.
At a time when Corona was not yet a global pandemic, the Iranian state could not even prevent the rapid spread of the virus in the country; it even denied the fact that the virus spread to Iran early on. It was only on 24 March that Dr. Masoud Mardani, a member of the National Corona Committee, declared “that the corona epidemic very likely arrived in Iran much earlier than reported”.
The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that the number of infected and dead is at least five times higher than the Iranian state admits. According to official figures, about 75,000 people were infected with the corona virus in mid-April, and more than 4,500 died of the disease. Even though the state is trying to control the flow of information by massively restricting the Internet and the freedom of the press, one thing is certain: a large part of the Iranian population does not believe the state’s statements. The distrust of the state is certainly reinforced by the lack of transparency about the extent of the Corona crisis, but this feeling is not new.
Old and new protests in Iran
In November 2019, the country had experienced massive protests against the government. The trigger was the tripling of gasoline prices. Shortly afterwards there were demonstrations in more than 100 cities. The state then switched off the Internet and brutally crushed the protests. When the Internet was switched on again a week later, the extent of the state’s power only became apparent. It is still unclear today how many people were murdered or imprisoned during this time. Amnesty International spoke of more than 300 deaths, according to the news agency Reuters even 1,500 people are said to have been killed.
In early January 2020, just a few weeks after the riots, the Revolutionary Guard shot down a passenger plane, killing 176 people. In this case too, the government denied having anything to do with it for three days. Many in Iran think that the only reason they finally admitted to shooting down the plane by mistake was because Canadian and European citizens were also killed.
Consequently Corona was a political and economic crisis in Iran from day one. The sanctions, which were again tightened by the USA, further intensified the effects of the crisis. It is remarkable that the Iranian state’s crisis of confidence is evident in this issue as well. In view of the massive corruption, many people who speak out in social networks think that even if the sanctions were lifted, the state would not let them benefit from this. Already in early 2018, when the nuclear agreement had not yet been cancelled, there had been mass protests against state corruption. During the harsh sanctions imposed by the US in the last two years, it has continued to rampage.
Now the government is demanding that people stay at home, but is taking no responsibility for the fact that the privatized health care system, inflation, the intensification of “international conflicts”, the privatization of factories and the lack of a welfare system are forcing people to leave their homes and work. In some hospitals there have already been protests by the staff because of the lack of protective clothing and the poor situation of the nursing staff, but so far these are isolated cases.
The situation is even worse in the overcrowded prisons. After reports of corona infections among prisoners and guards from several prisons, such as Evin Prison in Tehran, panic is spreading there and among the relatives of the 220,000 prisoners in Iran. The prisons are overcrowded and the sanitary facilities are often in poor condition. If the virus gets a foothold here, it can spread at lightning speed.
In at least eight prisons there have already been demonstrations, riots and – in some cases successful – escape attempts. The pressure is so great that up to 100,000 prisoners have been given temporary reprieve. However, Amnesty International also reported in early April that Iranian security forces had used live ammunition and tear gas in the prisons. At least 30 prisoners were murdered.
Banner drop action by Antiauthoritarian Movement Thessaloniki
It was not a coincidence that we chose the building at Nikis Av. 39 in Thessaloniki to hang this banner. We are political emotionally attached to it. It was the home of a few of us, till it was evacuated -simultaneously with two other squats- from the cops of the leftist Syriza government at the 2nd July 2016. The common ground of these three squats was the fact that refugees were living inside. Syriza prepared the ground for the rightwing
neoliberals of New Democracy to continue on the way to the totalitarian management and re-contextualisation of the migration issue from the side of the state. From the human living conditions, „we live together-we fight together“ and the mutual aid to the hells-on-earth of the detention camps.
What about now with the #stayathome dogma and the orders to keep the right safety distances? All these apply only to those that have a home and not the ones that the state chooses to make invisible. Homeless, refugees and prisoners are being abandoned completely and left to die during the pandemic. But also a lot of people that have a home right now, watch their housing situation becoming more and more fragile. We had felt the housing crisis deepen also before the pandemic. The rents were exploding due to gentrification, the extreme touristification and the short term rentals. The auctions of the first residence are also about to start. The real estate capital smells money and views our houses and neighbourhoods as investments with the blessings of the state, which can only be happy to see the creation of whole territories populated by individualised, flexible human consumers. The fact that our house remains empty after 3,5 years -along with thousands of buildings around the world- strips down the irrationality and violence of state and capital.
In the upcoming extreme poverty we ought to deepen the mutual aid political proposal that came up due to the pandemic. We will either move as a collective or the law of the jungle, hence the law of the market and the dehumanisation will dominate. We have to take roots in our neighboorhoods and from there start to imagine another world, where no one is being left behind.
EVACUATE MORIA – SHUT DOWN CAPITALISM
Take part in the action week from 24 April to 1 May! We share with you the call for action by …ums Ganze! from Germany/Austria:
While in Germany measures such as the contact ban will be continued at least until May 4th, 40.000 people are living in excessively overcrowded camps on the Aegean islands, detained at the EU’s external borders even before they were able to reach the European mainland. The reason why they have to stay there is to allow the authorities to deport them back to Turkey, as part of the EU Erdogan deal, in case that their asylum applications will be rejected. This disparity clearly shows how, even with the pressing aim of “epidemiological protection”, a distinction is still being made between life that is worth protecting and life that is not worth protecting, ergo surplus life.
The group of more than 20.000 people crowded together in the hell of Moria on Lesbos have become a symbol for this disaster. The camp in a former military base is designed for a maximum of 3.000 occupants. Sanitary facilities, disinfectants and medical care are scarce, water is limited and the infrastructure is on the verge of collapse. In view of the danger of a corona outbreak, the camp is now becoming a death trap for those who fled from war and violence. Keeping distance or taking other precautions is simply impossible. Masked as a protective measure for the refugees, the Greek government has now sealed off the camp and de facto abolished the people’s freedom of movement, that had already been very restricted. True protection against the virus is now provided only by the residents themselves, who have organized themselves and are working together with local initiatives to inform the camp’s residents about the virus.
Meanwhile, Germany coldly demonstrates how to govern with maximum emphasis on national interests: the coronavirus parties continue to take place at workplaces such as logistics centres, the steel industry or in the poorly paid care sector. Now further loosening of lockdown measures, for example in the retail sector, have been granted. A few billionaires are profiting from the crisis, while most people do not know how to pay their rents with the deminished wages that the state is offering them. At the same time, the provisionally installed massive cuts in the rights for freedom of assembly and freedom of movement remain valid. Demonstrations are often prohibited even when they imposed strict protective measures on themselves. These restrictions also prevent the refugees here in Germany, many of whom are also still housed in camps, from defending themselves against the health-threatening living conditions inside those camps. Their protests, carried out with every precaution, are violently dissolved by the police. Even in prisons people remain locked up in very cramped spaces which has already led to several prison revolts, as in Italy for example.
This double standard is also evident in many other areas: The so called „German Airlift” brings back 100.000 stranded German tourists with numerous charter planes, but it is obviously not justifiable in the “pandemic” to rescue more than 50 unaccompanied youths from the hell of Moria. There is no mentioning of the old and the sick people in the camp who would be most affected by the disease in case of an outbreak and who would be dependent on the supply of intensive care beds and respirators.
Meanwhile, the first of the 40.000 harvest workers that the German Government has flown in from neighbouring eastern european countries has died of Covid-19. The solidarity that has been conjured up by Söder, Laschet, Merkel, von der Leyen and the likes, obviously has very narrow and very national boundaries.
After the financial crisis in 2008ff., the austerity policy under German dictation has destroyed the health sector in many European countries. Now, this policy is developing devastating consequences, as can be seen in the enormous death rate of Covid-19 cases in Italy with all its cruelty. In crisis-ridden Greece more than a third of hospitals have been closed and over 40% of funding cut. In order to prevent a collapse of the desolate Greek health sector, the right-wing government of Kyriakos Mitsotakis is now reacting with even more authoritarian border control measures than before. But already in early March – as a result of the escalation between Turkey and the EU – Mitsotakis suspended the right to asylum for a limited period of time and received 700 million euros financial support from the EU to further ward off refugees. Almost forgotten are the shots that were fired by the border police and which killed the refugee Muhammad al-Arab.
The Nobel Peace Prize winner EU is not only counting on external border control and protection against the pandemic for selected individuals only. European policy and national interests also reach out to one another. The debate on the so-called Corona Bonds shows this clearly. Once again, the winners of the crisis in 2008 – above all Germany – are putting all their energy into fighting common debts at EU level. It is in vogue to express concern about the fate of their poor European neighbors but at the same time relentlessly trying to secure their own competitiveness on the world market at the expense of exactly those neighbors. The German press, from FAZ to Bild, once again uses the stereotype of the lazy Italians.
One hardly dares to imagine the extent of the catastrophe that will occur as soon as the pandemic hits the Sahel zone, where Islamist groups are trying to use the crisis to their own advantage, or war-ravaged Syria, from which a large proportion of the refugees originate already. Still, humanitarian demands, as articulated by „Seebrücke“ or „Mission Lifeline“, are currently being ignored.
And yet, during the recent weeks, numerous people in Germany and Europe have clung to the fact that solidarity knows no borders and human rights are indivisible. From Sea Rescue and Refugee Councils to the organization „Seebrücke“ and artists: they have set sail, set signs, put up posters, submitted petitions and published appeals. They try to find out how to protest under the conditions of the pandemic, with physical distance and masks, with shoes and street chalk left behind as symbols, with protest online and offline. And they will continue until the camps are closed and the people are here. And so will we!
We demand:
The closure and evacuation of all refugee camps! For a decentralized and humane housing for refugees!
Autonomy for the people living inside the camps and support of their self-organizing!
Free and unrestricted access to medical care, medical supplies and corona tests for all!
We are accusing the profiteers of isolation, exploitation and exclusion!
Therefore we are organizing campaigns in many cities in Europe from 24st of April to 1st of May. Keep your eyes open, take part in initiatives or do something in your city or village! There are many ways to become active in this protest, online but also on the streets, and still take care of each other. Naturally, do not endanger yourself or others. But it is also clear that we cannot stand idly by while the refugees on Lesbos and the other Greek islands are left to fall ill and die. The fight for a better society after the pandemic begins now!
EVACUATE MORIA – SHUT DOWN CAPITALISM!
…umsGanze!-Bündnis, part of Beyond Europe, Antiauthoritarian Platform Against Capitalism, April 2020
English translation of an article by the comrades from Désarmons-les.
Villeneuve-la-Garenne has been on fire since Sunday evening. The revolt erupted after a city resident, Mouldi, crashed into the door of an unmarked Passat police car, stopped at a traffic light, Saturday night around 10 p.m. on Verdun Avenue.
In the police car were four officers from the Anticriminality Brigade of the Hauts-de-Seine district, who had noticed Mouldi while he was driving without helmet on a motocross. When Mouldi arrived next to the vehicle to overtake it from the right by taking the cycle lane, one of the passengers, who nevertheless observed him in their rearview mirror and could not have missed his arrival at full speed, opened the door, throwing Mouldi onto a sidewalk pole. Note that the car was unmarked, so that Mouldi could not know that it was a police vehicle.
Direct witnesses present at the scene filmed the following minutes and posted the videos (two different angles) on Snapchat. We can see Mouldi screaming in pain, while a policeman bandages him a meter from the pole on which he landed. His motorcycle is a few meters further on the sidewalk, while three other police officers go back and forth between Mouldi and their vehicle. One of the witnesses will testify later that one of the officers was drunk, claiming that the door was opened voluntarily when the motorcycle arrived. Witnesses initially believe that Mouldi lost his leg. Treated in hospital, he suffered an open fracture of the left leg, but fortunately was not amputated.
The next morning, another video taken from the gas station adjacent to the accident site, shows police taking away the pole on which Mouldi was thrown the day before. The prosecution says that no internal affair’s investigation has been carried out so far, but the press claims that an investigation was opened against Mouldi for “urban rodeo” [illegal motorcycle race] and “endangering others”. The investigation is being conducted by the local police department, that are the direct colleagues of the police officers involved in the accident. An investigation is also conducted against the witnesses for “Contempt, threats and insults against persons holding public authority”.
Who cares if Mouldi had a criminal record? With this repressive state, tens of thousands of us have a criminal record, for various reasons. That will never justify police officers beating, maiming and killing even just one of us.
In the night from Sunday to Monday, it was not only the districts of Villeneuve-la-Garenne that erupted with anger, but also many districts of Nanterre, Suresnes, Aulnay-sous-Bois, Egly, Gennevilliers, Epinay, Grigny, Fontenay, Saint-Ouen, Villepinte, Neuilly-sur-Marne, Amiens Nord, Rueil-Malmaison, Noisiel, Mulhouse, Sevran, Evry, Strasbourg, La Courneuve, Neuilly-Sur-Marne, Chanteloup, Bordeaux, Toulouse: trash fires, fireworks and barricades on one side, facing tear gas, rubber bullets and grenades on the other. There were also violent arrests of independent journalists, a practice that has become common among police officers who are clearly to blame…
These outbursts of anger are not only the result of the Mouldi accident, but follow the constant controls, humiliations and violence suffered by residents of working-class neighborhoods, especially since the beginning of the curfew. This anger is political.
Six deaths at the hands of the French police in two weeks!!
We associate ourselves with the anger of the rioters, who are only reacting to this systemic and racist violence that floods our daily landscape, with social networks allowing witnesses to instantly broadcast footage of police actions in working-class neighbourhoods. These images will not do justice, but they at least allow us to establish the truth and to take a critical distance from the official version served by the perpetrators of these acts and the prosecutors who systematically organize their impunity.
Around the world, the sudden lockdown to limit the pandemic’s spread is leading to an abrupt economic slowdown. With cash handouts as the only way to avoid starvation and social unrest, the topic of Universal Basic Income is back on the table. Here is why it is (not) the solution.
by Jan Fürth
UBI as a bandaid or a permanent fix?
“In times of crisis, we are all socialists”, as social media memes liked to comment economic measures taken by governments facing the economic crisis caused by the pandemic. Italy, Canada, Germany and even the US are among those who have included cash handouts in their action plans, with many countries following suite. At the beginning of April, Spain made international headlines by announcing the introduction of a permanent Universal Basic Income (UBI), even if it’s not really universal. Finally, in his Easter message, Pope Francis came out in favour of the idea. What was a marginal idea only several weeks ago jumped to the forefront.
Without a question, various forms of (universal) basic income are necessary steps in this time of pandemic to allow people to stay in quarantine while preventing them from starving and losing their homes. Especially, as the quarantine is expected to be on and off, with waves of infection over the next months or years. However, UBI as a long-term instrument has several pitfalls that we must avoid if we don’t want it to become yet another aspect of neoliberalism. Indeed, there is a real risk that UBI could serve as an instrument to worsen the precarisation of labour and excessive consumerism if it is not accompanied by a radical redistribution of wealth and a reorganisation of economic relations.
Panem et circenses
While we should welcome the prospects of freeing people from the necessity to sell their labour or to be policed by social services in order to have a bare minimum to survive on, there are many ways in which UBI could be far from emancipatory. Indeed, we should be wary of a dystopian capitalist future in which the masses on a low UBI would be providing cheap and flexible labour for Uber, Wolt, Airbnb and all the other gig economy villains. With UBI ensuring the basic needs of workers, these corporations could have a powerful argument to scrap work contracts, the minimal wage and social security contributions.
In this sense, a low UBI could just be a perverse way to trap people in the Western consumerist lifestyle by giving them enough to feed corporations but not enough to discourage them from selling their labour to consume even more. As the foremost supporter of UBI in the USA and Democratic Party primaries’ candidate Andrew Yang writes on his website: UBI “actually fits seamlessly into capitalism. […] Markets need consumers to sell things to. UBI is capitalism with a floor that people cannot fall beneath.” While Yang does speak about social issues, this rhetoric betrays the fact that UBI could just be a little fix for the system without really challenging it. A modern version of Ancient Rome’s system of panem et circenses, bread and games for the masses.
Tax, seize, transform
Far from discarding UBI as a tool of neoliberal capitalism, we should see it as a two-edged sword that could be part of a series of immediate measures towards a major overhaul of socio-economic relations. Indeed, in the short-term, it can help society better absorb the shocks of the radical socio-economic changes necessary to avoid new social and environmental destruction, and in the long-term it can be part of a new economical system in which productivism and profit are not central tenets anymore. Accompanied by a radical redistribution of wealth and a reorganisation of economic relations, UBI can be a source of great personal and social emancipation.
If UBI does not go hand in hand with a radical redistribution of wealth, it risks being implemented to the detriment of other key sectors of social intervention such as infrastructures, housing, education, public transport and healthcare. Thus, it can only be introduced if it radically questions wealth redistribution. As a way to immediately fund it, addressing tax justice is crucial. According to the EU Parliament, up to a trillion euro is lost every year to tax avoidance and tax evasion! Yet, no action is taken as EU countries are pitted against each other, with some of them like Ireland having become financially dependent on its role as a tax haven.
While UBI can be financed by taxing the richest individuals and big corporations, we cannot stop short of greater changes and we must challenge the very structure of this system. Thus, UBI should be seen as a tool for radical reforms and a shift in the public and political discourse about labour, wealth, living conditions and the social structure, rather then the end goal, in efforts to stop the madness of the current system built on greed and destruction. With the current crisis, states have a historical chance to challenge the rule of capital and lay the bases for a social and environmental economy. Indeed, now and in the upcoming months, corporations on their knees can be cheaply bought off by the state, or simply nationalised, and transferred to the workers themselves. With UBI, the shocks of mass unemployment and of the transformation can be better absorbed.
Redefining work
In a context of necessary transformation, UBI is not about getting rid of work. It’s about valuing everyone’s existence while also redefining what is work, who does it and for how much. The post-pandemic cannot be a return to the so-called ‘business as usual’, but must be an acceleration of socio-economic changes. Escaping the grip of global finance through taking back control over public finances and moving away from a growth- and profit-driven economy, it is time to massively invest in socially owned green energy, infrastructures, healthcare, education, housing, agriculture and culture. This requires a lot of work and workers, but it must be done without setting a hierarchy between workers based on their market value.
Indeed, one of the injustices of capitalism is that it sets the standards for what is ‘work’ and how much one earns, with little interest for real value based on social usefulness. Thanks to its financial strength translated in political power, it has been increasingly socialising costs and privatising profit. This is especially obvious in the case of unpaid labour in the care sector (childcare, home care, domestic work), mostly performed by women. Despite its usefulness for capital itself, capitalists have largely escaped their responsibility to contribute to it. In efforts to unharness work from a profit-driven logic, UBI can put an end to this artificial separation between labour and chores, and finally remunerate those people who are often performing inestimable tasks outside of traditional working collectives.
Whether it’s being with children, taking care of the sick at home or just doing other forms of communal, reproductive work, everyone can be sure to at least a living wage through UBI, without bureaucratic hurdles and policing. As we see in these times of pandemic, and as we could see before, many people are eager to help each other without expecting a reward. Unfortunately, this is not seen as ‘work’ in our system, and only few people can afford to devote all their time and energy to serving the community. Instead, they are forced to enter into economic relations based on a logic of exploitation and financial return on investment. This has dire consequences for both society and environment, as human energy is more often than ever put in the service of personal greed and resource depletion.
Social emancipation
UBI is not the solution, but if it comes along with a radical redistribution of wealth and deep changes in economic relations, then it can be a formidable tool on the path to rebuild a social economy from the bottom-up. With UBI covering basic needs, social investments restoring public services and systemic rules restraining or eliminating big capital, the way will be paved for new economic relations based on environmentally responsible and non-hierarchical principles. Limiting the possibility and the need to sacrifice human and non-human well-being in order for one to make a living can open up countless possibilities for creativity and emancipation.
I see the revival of rural communities freed from the need to compete on the global market. I see the sprouting of autonomous workplaces that can develop without the pressure of instant profit-making, with workers able to make decisions collectively without fearing to die of hunger, without the unfair competition of asocial corporations, without state repression and financial rapacity. I see individuals able to devote themselves to their artistic projects and to communal work without having to think about food, rent and the bills. I see slower societies in which no one is pushed aside and social uncertainty is sent to the dustbin of history. And I think to myself, what a wonderful world.
Our friends from Kolektiv 115 in Prague just launched their mutual help campaign for tenants threatened by the crisis with this great video:
Rouška domov nazachrání: Solidární kampaň
ROUŠKA DOMOV NEZACHRÁNÍ: SOLIDÁRNÍ KAMPAŇ[English version below] Kvůli krizi přišlo mnoho lidí o práci a nejsou teď schopni platit za bydlení. Vláda sice předložila návrh zákona, který má nájemníky ochránit, ten je ale děravý jak řešeto – mnohé nájemníky neochrání a uvrhne je do dluhové pasti. Zákon jen umožní o několik měsíců odložit splacení nájmů. Ti, kdo toho v nadcházejících měsících využijí, budou muset na podzim místo jednoho nájmu zaplatit každý měsíc dva. Absurdní, že jo? Zákon navíc neochrání ty, kdo mají smlouvu na dobu určitou a ta jim skončí. Pokud nemůžete platit za bydlení, tak se vás majitel muže klidně zbavit zákon nezákon.Nemůžeme připustit vlnu výpovědí a vystěhování na ulici! Je třeba umožnit dočasné neplacení nájemného všem, kdo na to z důvodu aktuální krize nemají nebo nebudou mít! Pronajímatele, které by ztráta ohrozila, ať podpoří stát.Tam, kde nepomůže stát, musí si lidé pomoct navzájem. Proto jsme se rozhodli spustit solidární kampaň "Rouška domov nezachrání". Pokud jste se kvůli pandemii ocitl/a v těžké situaci, v níž vám hrozí, že přijdete o bydlení, a úřady vám nejsou schopny pomoct (a nebo víte o někom takovém ve svém okolí), zavolejte nebo nám napište: Telefon: +420 773 159 397 Mail: bydleni@k115.orgNaší zbraní je solidarita!#COVID19 #VícNežRoušky★★★[English version]FACE MASKS WON'T PROTECT YOUR HOUSING: SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGNMany people have lost their job because of the crisis and cannot pay for their housing. The government has presented a law which is supposed to protect tenants, but it has many shortcomings: many people won't be protected and risk falling into debts. The law would only allow to postpone rent payments, but those who will use that possibility in the next months will have to play twice as much in rent during the autumn. Absurd, isn't it? Moreover, the law doesn't protect people whose rent contract ends. If they can't pay for housing, the owner can easily get rid of them despite that law. We can't accept a new wave of evictions! It's necessary to allow a temporary halt to rent payments for all those suffering from the present crisis. And let the state support owners whose subsistence depends on rent payments. When the state doesn't help, people have to step up and help each other. That's why we're launching a solidarity campaign called 'Face masks won't protect your housing'. If you're in a tough spot because of the pandemic and you risk losing your housing, with the authorities unable to help you, or if you know about such people around you, let us know! Phone: +420 773 159 397 Email: bydleni@k115.org Solidarity is our weapon! #COVID19
Gepostet von Kolektiv 115 am Dienstag, 21. April 2020
Many people have lost their job because of the crisis and cannot pay for their housing. The government has presented a law which is supposed to protect tenants, but it has many shortcomings: many people won’t be protected and risk falling into debts. The law would only allow to postpone rent payments, but those who will use that possibility in the next months will have to play twice as much in rent during the autumn. Absurd, isn’t it? Moreover, the law doesn’t protect people whose rent contract ends. If they can’t pay for housing, the owner can easily get rid of them despite that law.
We can’t accept a new wave of evictions! It’s necessary to allow a temporary halt to rent payments for all those suffering from the present crisis. And let the state support owners whose subsistence depends on rent payments.
When the state doesn’t help, people have to step up and help each other. That’s why we’re launching a solidarity campaign called ‘Face masks won’t protect your housing’. If you’re in a tough spot because of the pandemic and you risk losing your housing, with the authorities unable to help you, or if you know about such people around you, let us know!
Phone: +420 773 159 397
Email: bydleni@k115.org
Solidarity is our weapon!
We share with you the article and podcast by Julia Lindblom on the latest amazon workers protest in New York. It was first published on arbetaren.se
Online giant Amazon continues to grow during the corona pandemic. Just some month ago, the company announced that they were hiring hundreds of thousands of new workers in the United States to meet increased demand during the corona crisis. Now they plan to employ another 75,000 people in the country. This is happening while protests are growing among the warehouse workers on the floor. Arbetaren interviewed Christian Smalls, 31, who organized a strike at Staten Island’s JFK8 warehouse for better security – and who was then fired by the company.
It is early morning in New York when Christian Smalls answers the call. It has only been some week since he was fired from Amazon after organizing a protest at his former workplace, at JFK8 on Staten Island, New York. A distribution center where around 5000 people currently are working.
Christian Smalls said that the company did not take adequate security measures in connection with the outbreak of the virus. Not least in New York, a city that has become the epicenter of the pandemic and where thousands of people have died as a consequence of Covid-19. In early March, the mayor proclaimed a state of emergency in the city of eight million people, and since then the streets have been deserted and empty. At the same time, the work is ongoing at Amazon’s distribution centers as usual.
Christian Smalls says he noted in early March that colleagues around him on the floor began to feel bad.
– Some of them were vomiting, some of them were dizzy, light-headed, tired… I knew something was wrong, so I tried to escalate it to my HR team, saying like‚ hey, something is wrong here, we should quarantine the building just to be precautious. We didn’t have any confirmed cases in the beginning of March. They were like business as usual, we’re following the CDC guidelines, there’s no concern we need to take action right now‘. I wasn’t really agreeing with it, but I was like trying to continue to fight behind the scenes.
Christian Smalls took a few days off and contacted the health authorities in New York. When he returned to work on March 24, he was met by a sick and exhausted colleague. She had bloodshot eyes and said that the day before she had gotten tested for Covid-19 and was now waiting for the test result.
– I told her to go home. It was nine in the morning, it was still early. She was my friend and listened to me and understood. She went home.
Christian Smalls outside the warehouse JFK8 on Staten Island.
Two hours later, at eleven o’clock in the morning, it was the usual time for a manager meeting. There, Christian Smalls was told that they had a first positive confirmed case of Covid-19 in the building.
In Queens, a similar situation had occurred at an Amazon warehouse just some weeks earlier. By then they had closed down the building and then professionally sanitized the premises. Christian Smalls expected the same thing to happen on Staten Island. But that was not the case.
– So I was expecting the same thing. I was expecting us to close down, send everybody home with pay and they call a professional crew to come to sanitize the building. That didn’t happen. Everybody was like business as usual, don’t tell the employees, we don’t want to cause a panic. That was the last time that I worked for Amazon.
Christian Smalls says he refused to give up. He went home, made more phone calls, tried to draw media attention. He contacted the authorities again but without results.
The next morning he returned to the building but went to the cafeteria instead.
– So I went back to the building every single day – Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday – and I sat in the cafeteria for 8 hours a day, trying to tell the employees the truth. I said hey, somebody was in here, that has been working around you guys, that tested positive. Let’s try to close the building down, let’s go to the general manager’s office.
– So every morning around at 9 o’clock in the morning, we gonna go to interrupt his meeting. I had a group of 10 people to go voice their concerns, including myself. And he get on a phone call and I guess he tried to call the Regionals or whoever is above to decide and try to close the building down – allegedly. But nothing happened.
Christian Smalls says that they repeatedly got the same type of evasive answer – ”it’s not a Site-Level-Decision”, ”I missed the Regionals” and ”we don’t have to close the building down, we’re following the guidelines”.
So I guess he was probing at me, what you guys plan on doing. I was like I don’t know but something has to be done. Christian Smalls
On Friday Smalls went to the general manager’s office alone and got into an intense argument with him.
– I told him we need to close this building down or we gonna have to do something. I brought up the Kentucky building. They closed down, because the government closed it down and they paid the people for the entire week, I believe, until April 1st. I said well, Kentucky closed down, why can’t we close down? We’re the same type of building and he basically told me that the government did it, that the employees didn’t protest. But I read in the article, that they protested. So I guess he was probing at me, what you guys plan on doing. I was like I don’t know but something has to be done.
Christian Smalls again had to read the guidelines that didn’t make any sense or mean anything to him. He left and began mobilizing for a walkout on Monday. This time the media started to call him up.
On Saturday he returned to the building and to the cafeteria. A manager came forward and took Christian Smalls aside. He said he would be put on paid quarantine because he came in contact with someone infected by Covid-19.
– I said, well yeah I’ve been tellin‘ you guys that all week. But not only did I get in contact with her, but my entire department. We all need to be quarantined – the entire building. She is a supervisor, she has to engage with people, she has to work hand in hand with people, she has to help people – we all need to be quarantined. Including the person I drive to work with. No, just you, nobody else, just you. So, just me, not even the person I drive to work with. Ok, no problem. I left. I knew something was wrong, something was obviously wrong! I was being targeted to be silenced. They obviously got tired of me.
On Monday at lunchtime, Christian Smalls organized the walkout.
– About 50 to 60 people that came out. Everything was planned. Down to the timing. I picked the day where it’s gonna be nice weather, 65 degrees Fahrenheit, so I knew everybody would like to eat lunch outside. I gave the world, what needed to be seen, it was the walk out. And people joined us right there on the spot, people were holding my signs up.
– They were talking to the press, the media, telling the truth about not being protected at work and that’s exactly what I wanted to happen. I wanted them to note they were not being protected. There’s no mask, these are not the right type of gloves. That’s what started the spark of revolution, because a lot of people all over the globe realized they’re in the same situation and this is very dangerous, this is life or death.
Two hours later, Christian Smalls got fired from the company over the phone. Amazon disputed that he was terminated because of his agitation or political involvement. A spokeswoman for the company, Kristen Kish, said that he got fired because he had returned to work to conduct the demonstration even though he was in the midst of a paid 14-day quarantine after coming into contact with someone at the facility who was sick.
– We terminated his employment for putting the health and safety of others at risk and violations of his terms of his employment, Kirsten Smalls said to New York Times.
Amazon also denies not having told employees at the warehouse of confirmed cases and has told Forbes magazine that the company asked anyone who was in close contact with the diagnosed staff member to self-quarantine for 14 days, with pay.
The strike got a lot of attention in American media. But also the fact that Christian Smalls got fired. New York Mayor Bill De Blasio announced at a press conference that he has asked the city’s human rights commissioner to investigate the case.
But Amazon also ended up in a media scandal. An internal meeting protocol leaked and Vice News revealed how top executives at Amazon discussed Smalls during a morning meeting.
”He is not smart, or articulate,” senior Amazon chief David Zapolsky wrote in the meeting chat about Christian Smalls. ”Let him be the most interesting part of the story, and if possible, let him become the face of the entire trade union and organizing movement.” Also present at the meeting was Jeff Bezos, Amazon’s founder and CEO.
In a statement to VICE News, Zapolsky said his “comments were personal and emotional.”
“I was frustrated and upset that an Amazon employee would endanger the health and safety of other Amazonians by repeatedly returning to the premises after having been warned to quarantine himself”.
Christian Smalls was not surprised at how they expressed themselves in the internal meeting minutes.
How did you feel when you read the conversation?
– I don’t feel anything, because they didn’t do anything for me, my entire life! I don’t care about their opinion. It’s not about me – it never was. If they’re threatened by somebody who makes 25 dollars an hour and they have the richest man in the world in the room with them, that tells you that I was speaking the truth – is it really that serious to have a meeting with the CEO? That tells you right there that there is some truth to my story. There’s a lot of truth to my story. It’s intimidating them, it’s causing them to lose money. They‘re greedy, they’re all about the money, they don’t care about people.
– They even say that. We don’t worry about the employees, let’s just worry about Christian Smalls. That tells you right there, that they don’t give a damn about the people, sorry for my language, but they don’t care about people. If you work for Amazon, that tells you how little value you are to them. You just making them richer and richer, they don’t care if you bring this virus home to your families. They don’t care about you. They don’t care whether you live or die! You pass away, guess what they’re gonna do? They gonna hire 100 000 more people. People got to wake up. Walk out!
After your resignation, the mayor of New York told them to have the Commissioner for Human Rights investigate the case. Will they do this?
– Yeah, absolutely! They already started it. They sent them letters, they had to respond. It’s only a matter of time. Right now it’s kind of difficult. The courts are closed. Everybody’s quarantined. But they definitely have this as a top priority right now. They’re still working on it. They’re trying to examine it and it’s still investigated. I appreciate the mayor and all the Congress people, senators that stepped up to help investigate.
Do you think many employees are scared to stand up to Amazon?
– Absolutely. Yeah, that’s intimidation, it’ll stop everybody else because people would be like, oh, if you say something, you will get fired. So, there’s a lot of people. I’m getting e-mails every single day, all over the world. People that are telling me I wanna be anonymous, but here’s what’s going on, I’m afraid but here’s what’s going on. It’s sad but I have them all: Tokyo – Japan, Brazil, London, Colombia, you name it, I have spoken to somebody everywhere and it’s sad what is really going on. It’s not just America, it’s not just JFK8 in Staten Island, it’s all over the world, these buildings, all over.
– And my message to everybody is: No. 1 – you want to practise real social distancing, stop clicking the One-Click-Buy, stop ordering from them. If you’re an Amazon employee and you feel that you’re not safe: Take your power back! These people, that’s rich they’re not gonna pick a box, pack a box and send it out to the customer. You have the power. Take your power back, walk out! Stand up! Don’t be afraid.
How did it go when you started working on Amazon? Have you always worked as an assistant manager?
– I started off at the bottom. I started off making 12 dollars an hour. I got promoted up. I was a regular Tier 1 associate, a picker – we call them pickers. I got hired at the bottom, obviously I’m still at the bottom, but it doesn’t matter. I worked my way up into a supervisor position in less than a year, actually, in less than a year I got promoted up. I opened up three buildings for them: New York, New Jersey and Connecticut. In each building I spent over a year, almost two years.
Your colleague was expected to work while she waited for the results of the Covid-19 test. Shouldn’t she have been quarantined?
– They don’t put you on quarantine, you’re right, you’re absolutely right – they should put you on quarantine until you get the results back, but they don’t! You gotta actually come back to work. That’s the reason why I said their policy doesn’t make sense. How can you go and get the test – you don’t even get the test if you don’t show severe symptoms. So that means that you possibly may have it. I don’t wanna take that chance and let you come back to work. I’ll wait till you get your results back. That’s gonna take a couple of days. I’ve told Amazon many times that they need such policies but they haven’t done anything.
And when you worked there was one person who tested positive, while others claim that there were in fact ten cases?
– There are about 30 cases now. In that building.
Are you planning new actions?
– Well, me, personally, I have to continue with the press, with my team. What I’m planning to do long-term is to continue to help to support the unions across the nation. We have one common goal right now. To form a coalition against these corporations taking advantage of frontliners. That’s the goal right now, to take the power back from capitalism and make a good balance between the frontliner workers, so that never happens again. That’s my goal.
Now that you’ve been fired, how do you manage to support yourself?
– I just put up a “Gofundme” on my page – it’s not really for me, though, it’s for the people that are unpaid. I wanted to take care for my people first, that’s what I started it for. If you wanna support, you can donate to my “gofundme” on my Twitter page. It’s up there now. I decided to finally give in, because the people were trying to donate to me, since day one. I wasn’t accepting this, because it’s not about the money, it never was about the money. It’s about saving lives, but I got people that are suffering right now. People that haven’t been to work for over a month. So I want to take care of them and so I decided to take the donations. I contacted the person yesterday – very good people. They did it out of their kindness, out of their heart and I’m gonna to continue to help everybody else. That’s what we’re going to do with that money.
Are there many now, that don’t dare to go to work, that stay home without pay?
– Yeah, absolutely! You got 18 year old kids who don’t go to work. There are senior citizens, that have health conditions, that don’t go to work. You got people that are sick and can’t get a test – they don’t want to put their co-workers at jeopardy, they don’t go to work. So yeah, there’s a lot of people that don’t go to work. And I want to take care of them.
Have people taken their vacation early to stay home with pay?
– We don’t have any – it’s not going to work. I used all my vacation time, I used all my personal pay time. But if you haven’t been there long enough, you won’t have any. You don’t have enough. We don’t know how long we are going to be in this situation, it could be months.
Over the past two weeks, more employees have been fired after openly criticizing the company. Maren Costa and Emily Cunningham were both employees on the tech side of Amazon and worked as user experience designers. They criticized the company on Twitter for not taking the security risks of the warehouse workers seriously and allowed a call to circulate among the employees. Costa had worked for the company for 15 years and Cunningham for more than five years. Both were also active in the Amazon Employees for Climate Justice group.
A company spokeswoman has confirmed to The Guardian, that the two employees were fired for “repeatedly violating internal policies”, which prohibit employees from commenting publicly on its business without corporate justification and approval from executives.
Last week, Bashit Mohamed, a warehouse worker in Minnesota, was also fired after trying to organize employees for better security during the corona pandemic. Amazon has stated that Bashit Mohamed was fired due to inappropriate language and behavior.
Listen to the podcast ”Amazon: Resistance in times of pandemic” and interview with Christian Smalls:
Short videoclip by our comrades from Antiauthoritarian Movement on solidarity in times of corona
Gepostet von Αντιεξουσιαστική Κίνηση Αθήνας – Antiauthoritarian Movement am Dienstag, 21. April 2020
by Stefanos Batsis. First published in Greek from our friends in Babylonia magazine and translated by Beyond Europe.
Ι.
The reality of a threatening pandemic that has spread like a shadow over our cities has created a weird, unpleasant condition, a numbness and a suffocating feeling. The virus was born in the furnace of Wuhan, one of the engines of the Chinese capitalist miracle, an area where hot and humid climate meets the frenzied industrial production of raw materials and the over-concentration of a proletariat without future. The virus has no political color, but the environmental and political conditions that allowed its birth and rapid spread in the Chinese province and let it reach every corner of the globe most surely have. The thought that almighty capitalism, this totalising social phenomenon, is non-centralized, offers no consolation. A conspiracy theory suggesting that this virus fights on behalf of one side of the planetary war or that its purpose is to solve the constant demographic problem of overpopulation would offer a solution, that would somehow explain the situation. Fortunately, however, not all causal relations are based on how the state and capitalism operate, or at least they do not directly intersect with their core dimensions and strategic action.
The pandemic situation feels like an experience of a world-shaking event, whether or not that proves to be the case. Our eyes have been stretched by the uninterrupted reproduction of unprecedented images. And if China’s dystopian sci-fi was banned from our perception of reality as something exotic -as Ebola once was- the stacked coffins of neighbouring Italy, the empty streets of Western Europe and the drones looking down at us in downtown Athens, leave no room for misinterpretation. We have to go way back, in the heart of the era of extremes, of the short 20th century, to find an event that has so deeply entrenched the planet that it has anchored the present and future of humans. The absolute nature of these lines can be crushed in the wall of reality and of business-as-usual. Ηowever, at the moment, when they are written, the general feeling is this: we live something important that will change us and the world around us.
II.
The virus was born in a world of systemic inequality and exclusion. Those who see the stars from the bottom of the barrel are incomparably most affected. Unemployed people, precarious workers, drug addicts, people incarcerated in prisons, psychiatric clinics and detention centres, face and will face the pandemic literally in terms of survival without having anything to expect from the state and the bosses. Prisons have already declared a high security state and refugees and migrants, who are being suffocated in detention centres such as Moria in Greece, are searching and finding ways to cope using their own forces. Τhe pre-existing or on-going financial hardship has a different effect on different people – some will receive wages without working, while others will not be paid at all. As the pandemic affects conditions of life at global level, openness and closedness, inclusion and exclusion, exception and norm, core elements of the state’s self-interested nature, determine who lives and how, today and tomorrow – they also indicate our political tasks.
Governance in the time of the coronavirus is pivoting on shifting the responsibility to the citizens, on prohibition and repression – it is no coincidence that, behind closed doors, the rulers compare the current condition with that of the Twin Towers attack – but also discuss how to control a situation that seems to escalate very rapidly and, as a result, seriously endangers the health of our fellow citizens.
Starting from the last point, I think we ought to focus on the particularity of the Coronavirus and the resulting crisis which leads states to take onerous, undemocratic, extraordinary measures, culminating in a curfew. This task requires maintaining a delicate balance and reflecting upon the state’s nature. Biopolitics and necropolitics, statisticalization and algorithmization, instrumentalization and constant expansion are elements of the state’s modus operandi and we all know that (?). The state’s point of view is that of public health, which emphasises health policy, by connecting politics and medicine, through quantification and measurability. Many of the measures taken today to control the pandemic could remain active, expand or return slightly modified after the end of it. However it is not wise at the moment to only identify sinister motives behind the adoption of these measures. With numerous examples around us, it seems more appropriate to fully realize that the way in which the state manages this situation is narrow, rigidly set up and does not include any planning about what happens next. In any case, the state doesn’t need much incentive to manage our lives on our behalf, or expand its authority as much as possible; it is simply its role.
Returning to the current perspectives adopted by various governments around the word, we cannot let the deliberate and strategic choice of over-emphasizing on individual responsibility go unnoticed. “Individual responsibility”, “citizens who need to be disciplined”, “the unscrupulous, on account of whom we all have to pay the price” have become a well-written and contagious mantra that comes from above to penetrate our minds, here in the bottom – not accidentally reminiscent of the quite memorable “we ate them together” [a phrase that Theodorοs Pagalos, Pasok’s Member of Parliament said back in the days of memorandums to justify the austerity measures]. The government’s attempt to refuse any responsibility is mediated by blaming the rogue Greeks, who do not protect themselves and the community as a whole. Media help create an atmosphere and pave the way for new, stricter bans. Individual responsibility for public health issues is presented as obvious and as something we must take seriously – and as far as the lived experience of these days shows, the solution of “We Stay Home” has become an act. However, it becomes outrageous that this solution has been raised into an emblematic motto of a government that, beyond bans, has taken no other measures to curb the pandemic: this government hasn’t proceeded with the thousands of hirings it announced, it doesn’t provide the necessary protective working conditions to health care workers, it doesn’t proceed with the requisition of private clinics, it doesn’t protect workers in the workplace.
III.
There is a confusion around individual responsibility and self-restraint, a confusion that has endured in our groups for decades, it has a political and anthropological context and creates complications. Regardless of whether the state policy surrounding the coronavirus crisis consists of bans and repression, self-restraint and a sense of responsibility for us and those around us must be non-negotiable. Our political proposal and outlook is not a general anti-authoritarianism and anti-conformism, but the building of communities based on freedom and solidarity, communities with deep roots and understanding of boundaries.
At the moment, the general consensus is one of a population that expects to be “managed” even more, more effectively, with a firm hand and determination. This feeling is grounded, but we must evaluate it, without paralyzing in the face of new facts, and given that for many the main characteristic of the last decade is a state of fear, a feeling of constant struggle to keep our heads out of the water and whenever we find something to catch, it disappears magically, alas, and we sink deeper.
For many, the state seems to be today the buoy that will finally endure, so they hastily grab it.
It goes without saying that the media blitzkrieg that paints images of strategists of the future for our – in reality – helpless leaders assists to that, but what also helps is our anthropological aversion to boundaries, which creates insecurity and psychologicaldistance between us. Let’s not despair though! The alignment behind the state authority is not universal, and is also characterized by qualities and tensions that we are interested in analyzing and interfering with, such as questioning the capitalist approaches to the management of public goods, re-evaluating entire areas of social activity, the image of the subject in relation to themselves and the community.
On the other hand, the conditions of the pandemic encourage a sense of humanity. It reminds us of our vulnerability and mortality but also of the futility of striving for total sovereignty over the natural environment. It shows us how much we need each other, how difficult it is to survive on our own – let alone live a life that is worth living. So let’s not rush to judge the applause from the balconies, let’s not underestimate the need for symbolic practices that offer relief to the subjects and allow for some emotional connection [in the UK many people went in balconies to applaud health workers, a symbolic trend that was started by the wife of the prime minister and which many saw as hypocritical]. Rather, let’s approach this moment of realising our vulnaribility and mortality as an opportunity to devise a generous repertoire of solidarity movements, with overwhelmingly different ethics, character and form than those underpinning public and private sectors policies. It is always a bet for us to create and maintain an area between the state and the market, an area that cannot be fully controlled by them. Under these conditions, the bet is harder but also more critical.
IV.
At the risk of bitterly regretting this prediction, we reiterate that the coronavirus condition is a pivotal event that shakes the pillars of today’s world, today’s status quo, and possibly determines part of tomorrow’s agenda. To begin with, the spread of the virus around the world is following the frenzied course of neoliberal globalization. The way our world is interconnected, coupled with the ecologically destructive prevalence of tourism, extreme consumerism and the neoliberal ruthless movement of goods, does not allow such phenomena to be mitigated locally or – even regionally -. At the same time, it turns out that the major issue of the pandemic can only be addressed at the nation-state level. If in dealing with the financial or refugee crisis the European Union once appeared as completely lacking the ability to make and enforce decisions as an entity, today it seems to accept that the pandemic cannot and should not be tackled collectively and co-ordinated by European primary and secondary legislation – it goes without saying that other international organizations such as the World Health Organization or the International Monetary Fund appear to be equally weak and irrelevant. Therefore, each state is taking its own path right now, for good or for bad, and we look forward to seeing how the EU decides to process all of this, especially on the fiscal level. However, the issues of localization, the decolonization of our imaginary from the unidirectional route of development, the radical critique of tourism and consumption, ideas that already concern us, may gain more room for public debate and may even be proposed by unexpected sides.
Following the above, the threatening tragedy forces Western people to rethink the relationship between the state, or at least its core, and the private sector. The blunders of Mitsotakis [PM which is very fond of privatization of public health] , Georgiades[ex-minister of health also very fond of privatization of public health] and others on the privatisation of part of the public health system today would be heard as if coming from another planet. They have not ceased to be neoliberal – and as elaborated elsewhere, neoliberalism is not primarily about the primacy of the free market economy over the state; however, the conviction that certain parts of state management must be upgraded and remain unaffected by free-market logics, may force them to modify their political strategies. And of course the same is true of Western countries such as France and Italy – quite exemplary here both the statements of the neoliberal icon, Macron, and his finance minister. Given the ideological investment in balanced budgets and general austerity, we look forward to seeing how potential bailouts of the European economy will be ideologically coloured, whether the neoliberal bureaucracy of Brussels will turn to Keynesianism for the benefit of the few, and what the reaction of the citizens who have been manipulated for so many years with technocratic and economist arguments will be.
V.
All of the above is good, good to dig deep, good to analyze and interpret. But in all our conversations, in our technology-mediated assemblies and conferences, what we are constantly coming back to is “what to do”, “how to operate politically in the midst of a storm”. And maybe at these times it is both politically and socially critical to stop over-analyzing and work like never before.
Before attempting to outline some ways of thinking and acting, on the practices we can adopt these days, I must make two points. The first is that people that say that we must “make peace with the fact that there are things we can do nothing about” and that “we must realize our lack of total omnipotence’’, are absolutely right. This statement concerns both a more anthropological, reflective level of our position on planet Earth and an awareness of the political boundaries within which we operate. The second note concerns the need for a good understanding of our strengths and weaknesses as individual and collective subjects, as collectives and organizations that place themselves in the anti-authoritarian spectrum. Even if we have surpassed ourselves as many times as we have even experienced the collective joy of surpassing the limits, it is nevertheless necessary to know in which fields we will be most effective, where we can direct our energy, what the scale at which we will be able to make tangible changes to the gloomy current reality is – and along the way let’s be pleasantly surprised once again.
If, as mentioned above, the condition of the pandemic does not bring the same blows to everyone, and if state management once again excludes the most vulnerable, then we have a thread ahead of us to follow. To create and frame solidarity groups and movements that will keep the most vulnerable parts of society on their feet. Whether at the elemental level of the apartment block and neighborhood in which we live, or focusing on the social centers and squats in which we participate, to invest and politicize a sense of humanity, to walk side by side in all this. Collection and distribution of essentials, sanitary material and money, help at home for those who have difficulty moving, provision of reliable information on protection issues, legal assistance and technology and communication advice are just some of the things we can do. Furthermore, these days we have our ears stretched out for voices from the adjacent apartments, for cries from the cells of Greek penitentiary, for the incarcerated in the psychiatric clinics but also for the people who are mentally struggling around us, for the refugees and the immigrants in the islands who may be confronted with the necropolitical dimension of the state but also for the refugees and immigrants of our neighborhoods who, we must be honest, do not have the same access to information, health or anything else!
Second task is to not stop speaking about the aspects of state administration that endanger human lives, instituting an emergency labour law, policing our health with helicopters and announcements – here let us take full advantage of our technological capabilities and collective knowledge of them. Firmly in touch with reality and with a balanced criticism, to think about what it means for a society to send a sms message to go for a walk, how and why the police are entrusted with safeguarding public health, to what extent politics is medicalized and medicine is politicized, what should be done to make it out of all this as a society and not turn into a terrifying episode of Black Mirror. Let’s not succumb to the temptation of conspiracy and disaster and let’s accept – in good faith and for saving time – that this set of measures is temporary. Even so, even if we step out of the test tube in time, the fact remains that we are experiencing situations that will leave a mark on our psyche, will register in our relationship with the state, will reshape our relationship with digital communication.
Let’s, on the other hand, be sharp and ready to deal with the devaluation of our lives, the deterioration of labour relations, the management of the economy in terms of a crisis. Let’s speak here and now and make it clear that we will not tolerate another “rescue [program]”! Let’s attack statistics, administrative procedures, bureaucracy. Society should not be crushed under the weight of numbers, indices and graphs. But let’s understand that this time we need to work, prepare, build structures and infrastructures upon which we can rely massively, openly and inclusively, politically, socially, symbolically.
Even if it sounds completely alien amid a ban on traffic, policing of cities and the necessity for self-restraint and protection, let’s not completely exclude the possibility of physical political action. In today’s conditions, what used to be for us a piece of cake, must become a weapon that we will use when there is no other choice, and always with caution and care, in order to not be alienated from society and reality. Therefore, let it not be completely excluded from our thinking, let it remain a capability to either enact practical solidarity movements, or to defend those who do not have a present or future, or – if needed – as an answer to smash the state’s arrogance.
From our friends in Europe we get the message that “we are staying home now, but afterwards we will launch our counterattack”, that “then we will settle our accounts” and we can only smile and be satisfied with the high morale for fight from our comrades. But in my opinion, in order to have the slightest chance of something like that happening in the near – and so distant – future, we have to rise to the occasion today. So that “we will fight afterwards” does not turn to another “from September incredible things will happen” [a common slogan that people from the Greek movement tend to say during the summer holidays], we must act today socially and politically, cohesively and purposefully. Say what we have to say and do what we have to do. This was always the case and it is also the case today. However weird everything seems.
Some news from our spontaneous campaign “Fight the dirty conditions” in support of the people in Moria and the occupied factory VIO.ME in Thessaloniki:
*** Thanks to many of you we have collected around 2.500 Euro!
*** The first load of soap is already on the way to Lesbos. We will give you an update once it arrives!
*** VIO.ME has still dificulties to produce on large scale because of the electricity shutdown. The small generators from friends are not enough and they are still in need of a big generator.
*** At the same time the situation in the Greek refugee camps is worsening. After the first Corona cases in the Ritsona camp and other places became public, an evacuation plan for the camps was leaked by the media. But all is still unclear.
*** Corona lockdown continues in Greece. And difficult times are coming up: rising unemployment, no tourism and the ongoing social destruction will transform the country once more in a crisis laboratory of austerity and privatisation. People are already organising mutual aid initiatives and preparing themselves for the coming confrontation. More about the self-organization in the articles on our homepage.
Please continue to support the campaign by donating money and telling your friends about it: All the important information is on this fresh video clip! (big thanks to Nadja Kurz)
Some news from our spontaneous campaign "Fight the dirty conditions" in support of the people in Moria and the occupied factory VIO.ME in Thessaloniki: *** Thanks to many of you we have collected around 2.500 Euro!*** The first load of soap is already on the way to Lesbos. We will give you an update once it arrives!*** VIO.ME has still dificulties to produce on large scale because of the electricity shutdown. The small generators from friends are not enough and they are still in need of a big generator.*** At the same time the situation in the Greek refugee camps is worsening. After the first Corona cases in the Ritsona camp and other places became public, an evacuation plan for the camps was leaked by the media. But all is still unclear.*** Corona lockdown continues in Greece. And difficult times are coming up: rising unemployment, no tourism and the ongoing social destruction will transform the country once more in a crisis laboratory of austerity and privatisation. People are already organising mutual aid initiatives and preparing themselves for the coming confrontation. More about the self-organization in the articles on our homepage.Please continue to support the campaign by donating money and telling your friends about it: All the important information is on this fresh video clip!stay tuned
Gepostet von Beyond Europe am Samstag, 18. April 2020
Η πανδημία του νέου κορονοϊού εξελίσσεται στην Κύπρο εν μέσω αναδιάρθρωσης του συστήματος Υγείας, με τη δημιουργία του Γενικού Συστήματος Υγείας (ΓΕΣΥ). Εχοντας λίγους μήνες εφαρμογής του ΓΕΣΥ, οι σοβαρές ελλείψεις σε ιατρικό και νοσηλευτικό προσωπικό καθώς και υλικοτεχνικό εξοπλισμό που υπήρχαν και παραμένουν στα δημόσια νοσηλευτήρια, ανέδειξαν την ανεπάρκεια στην αντιμετώπιση μιας έκτακτης κατάστασης, όπως αυτή μιας πανδημίας.
Χαρακτηριστικά παραδείγματα είναι αυτό του Νοσοκομείου της Λεμεσού, όπου πριν από την πανδημία δεν υπήρχε πνευμονολόγος ή της Αμμόχωστου που επελέγη και ως νοσοκομείο αναφοράς χωρίς να έχει εντατικολόγους και άλλες απαραίτητες ειδικότητες ιατρών. Στο Νοσοκομείο Λευκωσίας, με τις ΜΕΘ να μην επαρκούν για τα περιστατικά Covid-19 και τους χρόνια πάσχοντες, έχοντας μάλιστα αναστείλει όλες τις εισαγωγές για προγραμματισμένα χειρουργεία, χτίζεται νέα ΜΕΘ εν μέσω της πανδημίας.
Στο Νοσοκομείο Πάφου, με τα περισσότερα κρούσματα επαγγελματιών Υγείας, κλινικές λειτούργησαν χωρίς τους ειδικούς γιατρούς τους καθώς δεν υπάρχουν πρόληψη και επαρκή μέτρα προστασίας για τους εργαζόμενους του νοσοκομείου με αποτέλεσμα αρκετοί να νοσήσουν.
Ολα τα μεγάλα δημόσια νοσηλευτήρια της Κύπρου χρειάστηκε να κλείσουν για μερικά 24ωρα ώστε να απολυμανθούν και να ελεγχθεί το προσωπικό τους. Σε κάποιες περιπτώσεις επανεμφανίστηκαν κρούσματα στα νοσηλευτήρια, κάτι που επιβεβαιώνει πως ακόμα και τώρα τα μέτρα προστασίας δεν επαρκούν με βάση τις ανάγκες που υπάρχουν. Μέχρι στιγμής, ένα σημαντικό ποσοστό των επαγγελματιών Υγείας έχει τεθεί εκτός μάχης, καθώς αποτελεί περίπου το 20% των συνολικών κρουσμάτων στην Κύπρο.
Είναι φανερό από τα παραπάνω πως το σύστημα Υγείας βρέθηκε ανέτοιμο να αντιμετωπίσει την πανδημία, καθώς τα χρόνια προβλήματα λειτουργίας των δημόσιων νοσηλευτηρίων διογκώθηκαν παραπέρα, φέρνοντας τους επαγγελματίες Υγείας και τους ασθενείς πολλές φορές μπροστά σε αδιέξοδα για την προστασία από τη μετάδοση του ιού.
Αυτή η κατάσταση στο σύστημα Υγείας «ανάγκασε» την κυβέρνηση Αναστασιάδη να πάρει αυστηρά, έκτακτα μέτρα για τον περιορισμό της πανδημίας, όπως έγινε και στην Ελλάδα και στις άλλες καπιταλιστικές χώρες. Με μέτρα περιορισμού, όπως η απαγόρευση συγκέντρωσης ατόμων, το κλείσιμο των οδοφραγμάτων, η απαγόρευση εισόδου στη χώρα, ο αυτοπεριορισμός στο σπίτι με αυστηρό έλεγχο στις μετακινήσεις, η αναστολή εργασιών πολλών επιχειρήσεων, πλην σούπερ μάρκετ – φούρνων και άλλων εταιρειών «δημοσίου συμφέροντος», επιχειρούν στο όνομα της «ατομικής ευθύνης» να μετακυλήσουν στους εργαζόμενους το βάρος της ευθύνης για την αντιμετώπιση της πανδημίας, προβάλλοντας ως ατομική υπόθεση ακόμα και την εξασφάλιση των μέσων προστασίας.
Ομως, κανένας τους δεν απαντάει στο ερώτημα τι γίνεται, για παράδειγμα, με τις τεράστιες ουρές σε σούπερ μάρκετ, στις τράπεζες κ.τ.λ., τι γίνεται με τους εργαζόμενους στα εργοστάσια, στα σούπερ μάρκετ, στους φούρνους, που δεν έχουν την επιλογή να μείνουν στο σπίτι τους; Και που όταν γυρνάνε σπίτι και έχουν παιδιά, ενδεχομένως τον παππού και τη γιαγιά, πώς θα προφυλαχθούν; Τι μέτρα προστασίας, υγείας και ασφάλειας από τη διασπορά του ιού στους εργαζόμενους παίρνονται από τις επιχειρήσεις που βρίσκονται σε λειτουργία;
Γι’ αυτό και σε αρκετές περιπτώσεις υγειονομικοί που μολύνθηκαν, στη συνέχεια μόλυναν και μέλη της οικογένειάς τους.
Το κράτος, προβάλλοντας την «ατομική ευθύνη» ως βασικό παράγοντα έκβασης της επιδημίας, προσπαθεί να αποσιωπήσει τη δική του ευθύνη. Το ίδιο κράτος, που τόσα χρόνια ακολουθεί πολιτική υποχρηματοδότησης και υποστελέχωσης των δημόσιων νοσηλευτηρίων.
Η «ατομική ευθύνη» δεν μπορεί να έχει κανένα αποτέλεσμα αν δεν στηρίζεται σε ένα ολοκληρωμένο κρατικό σχέδιο και σε καμία περίπτωση δεν μπορεί να υποκαταστήσει την κρατική ευθύνη. Γι’ αυτό πρέπει άμεσα να προσληφθεί όλο το αναγκαίο ιατρικό και νοσηλευτικό προσωπικό, να προμηθευτεί ο απαραίτητος ιατρικός τεχνολογικός εξοπλισμός και το σύστημα Υγείας να μη βασίζεται σε «φιλανθρωπίες» και δωρεές.
Παράλληλα με τα μέτρα περιορισμού, η κυβέρνηση Αναστασιάδη, με τη στήριξη και των άλλων αστικών κομμάτων, ανακοίνωσε δέσμη μέτρων στήριξης των επιχειρηματιών. Αξιοποιώντας τα χρήματα των φορολογούμενων εργαζομένων και αυτοαπασχολούμενων δίνει «ζεστό» χρήμα στις επιχειρήσεις, μέσω επιχορήγησης των μισθών (οι εργαζόμενοι επιχορηγούν με τη φορολογία τους τον εαυτό τους δηλαδή!) απαλλάσσοντας τους επιχειρηματίες από την καταβολή του μισθού, καθώς και με άμεση «ένεση ρευστότητας» μέσω του τραπεζικού συστήματος, αλλά και αναστολή απόδοσης του ΦΠΑ και της έκτακτης εισφοράς για το ΓΕΣΥ.
Τα μέτρα αυτά που πήρε η κυβέρνηση της Κύπρου φανερώνουν πως οι ανάγκες του κεφαλαίου έχουν προτεραιότητα και όχι αυτές του λαού. Υπόσχονται 100 εκατ. ευρώ για τον τομέα της Υγείας, χωρίς φυσικά να είναι ξεκάθαρο αν αυτά θα δοθούν για προσλήψεις προσωπικού και την ενίσχυση των δημόσιων νοσηλευτηρίων, όπως απαιτείται, ή θα καταλήξουν, όπως όλα τα προηγούμενα χρόνια, στον ιδιωτικό τομέα Υγείας για αγορά υπηρεσιών και επιχορηγήσεις. Από την άλλη, δίνουν πακτωλό χρημάτων για τις επιχειρήσεις που ξεπερνά τα 250 εκατ. ευρώ μέσω προγραμμάτων στήριξης και ανάκαμψης των επιχειρήσεων, ιδιαίτερα στον Τουρισμό.
Την ίδια ώρα, η εργατική τάξη συνεχίζει να βάζει βαθιά το χέρι στην τσέπη για να γεμίζουν τα κρατικά ταμεία.
Το κλείσιμο των ιδιωτικών επιχειρήσεων, ειδικά στον κλάδο του Εμπορίου και του Τουρισμού, ανάγκασε πολλούς εργαζόμενους να ενταχθούν στο σχέδιο αναστολής εργασιών της κυβέρνησης, από το οποίο θα πάρουν μόνο το 60% του μισθού τους, την ίδια στιγμή βέβαια που οι ανάγκες βρίσκονται στο 100%, ίσως και παραπάνω, λόγω των συνθηκών της πανδημίας.
Σε επιχειρήσεις που συνεχίζουν να λειτουργούν κανονικά, τα μέτρα υγείας και ασφάλειας είναι ανύπαρκτα, ενώ παράλληλα με τις απολύσεις και αλλαγές εργασιακών σχέσεων έχουμε εντατικοποίηση της εργασίας σε επιχειρήσεις που σήμερα η κερδοφορία τους χτυπάει «κόκκινο».
Την ίδια ώρα, η επίθεση των εργοδοτών στα δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων συνεχίζεται. Χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα η απαίτηση των ξενοδόχων για αναστολή στην εφαρμογή της συλλογικής σύμβασης εργασίας που εξασφάλιζε κάποια ελάχιστα δικαιώματα στους εργαζόμενους στον Τουρισμό, όταν ο Τουρισμός αποτελεί περίπου το 23% του ΑΕΠ, ενώ οι θέσεις εργασίας στον κλάδο αφορούν περίπου το 30% των συνολικών θέσεων εργασίας στην Κύπρο.
Σε άλλες περιπτώσεις εταιρείες ανέστειλαν τις εργασίες τους χωρίς να εξασφαλίσουν ούτε και αυτό το 60% του μισθού των εργαζομένων τους, αδιαφορώντας για το πώς θα τα βγάλουν πέρα. Σύμφωνα με καταγγελίες που έγιναν στις συντεχνίες των εργαζομένων, εταιρείες δεν κατέβαλαν το μισθό που όφειλαν στους εργαζόμενους, δηλώνοντας αδυναμία λόγω της μη λειτουργίας τους.
Στα εργοστάσια τα μέτρα προστασίας πάνε περίπατο, με χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα αυτό του εργοστασίου των φούρνων «Ζορπά» στην επαρχία Λάρνακας, όπου 30 και πλέον εργάτες νόσησαν. Στα σούπερ μάρκετ, όπου τα κέρδη των ομίλων έχουν εκτοξευτεί, οι εργαζόμενοι απασχολούνται με εξαντλητικά ωράρια, ενώ καταγγελίες έφεραν στο φως πιέσεις και απειλές από μεριάς της εργοδοσίας για να μη γίνει χρήση της άδειας για τη φύλαξη των παιδιών από τους γονείς καθώς αυτό θα έχει ως συνέπεια την απόλυση.
Στο αεροδρόμιο της Λάρνακας όλοι οι εποχιακοί υπάλληλοι απολύθηκαν καθώς και σε επιχειρήσεις που συνδέονται με τον Τουρισμό, όπως τα ταξιδιωτικά γραφεία, γραφεία ενοικίασης αυτοκινήτων κ.ά.
Απαιτείται τώρα όσο ποτέ οι συντεχνίες εργαζομένων να βρίσκονται «στο πόδι», στους χώρους δουλειάς ώστε να παρθούν όλα τα απαραίτητα μέτρα υγείας και ασφάλειας, να συσταθούν εκεί που δεν υπάρχουν επιτροπές αγώνα εργαζομένων, που θα διεκδικούν βελτίωση των συνθηκών εργασίας, με σταθερές εργασιακές σχέσεις.
Οι συνθήκες που έχουν διαμορφωθεί για τους εργαζόμενους δυσκολεύουν ιδιαίτερα και τους Ελληνες και άλλους μετανάστες που κατοικούν στην Κύπρο, καθώς σε αρκετές περιπτώσεις οι περιορισμοί και το κλείσιμο των επιχειρήσεων, λαμβάνοντας μόνο το 60% του μισθού τους ή μένοντας άνεργοι, καθιστούν αδύνατη την πληρωμή του ενοικίου που σε αρκετές περιπτώσεις είναι και το 50% των απολαβών ενός εργαζόμενου στην Κύπρο. Αυτή η εξέλιξη γεννά την ανάγκη διεκδίκησης επιδότησης του ενοικίου για τους Ελληνες μετανάστες.
Παράλληλα, αρκετοί Ελληνες εργαζόμενοι που θέλουν να επιστρέψουν παραμένουν «εγκλωβισμένοι» καθώς δεν εμπίπτουν στα διατάγματα επαναπατρισμού, ενώ την ίδια στιγμή έχουν αναγκαστικά σταματήσει και την όποια οικονομική στήριξη πρόσφεραν στις οικογένειές τους στην Ελλάδα. Αντίστοιχα και οι Ελληνες φοιτητές που σπουδάζουν στην Κύπρο βρίσκονται σε δύσκολη θέση, καθώς βρίσκονται «εγκλωβισμένοι» με τα έξοδα να «τρέχουν», ενώ την ίδια στιγμή κυριαρχεί η ανασφάλεια για το τι μέλλει γενέσθαι με το εξάμηνο και τις εξετάσεις στα πανεπιστήμιά τους.
Το ίδιο και οι Ελληνες στρατευμένοι που υπηρετούν στην ΕΛΔΥΚ, όπως και στο σύνολό τους στην Ελλάδα, είναι αντιμέτωποι με τον συνωστισμό που επικρατεί στους θαλάμους που διαμένουν, όπου για να βρεθεί λύση άλλοι χώροι υπηρεσίας βαφτίστηκαν «θάλαμοι», τα αντισηπτικά αποτελούν ανέκδοτο, ενώ μεγάλα ερωτήματα παραμένουν αναφορικά με τα χρήματα που χάθηκαν σε αεροπορικά εισιτήρια καθώς και τις άδειες των στρατιωτών αφού κανείς δεν ξέρει αν και πότε θα δοθούν.
Σε κάθε περίπτωση η απάντηση στο ερώτημα ποιος θα πληρώσει τον «λογαριασμό» αυτής της κρίσης, εν προκειμένω της πανδημίας και ποιος θα επωφεληθεί, γίνεται ξεκάθαρο πως και στην Κύπρο θα τον πληρώσουν οι εργαζόμενοι, τα λαϊκά στρώματα.
Γι’ αυτό, όπως στην Ελλάδα έτσι και στην Κύπρο, αλλά και παντού, οι εργαζόμενοι πρέπει να βγάλουν χρήσιμα συμπεράσματα. Μαζί με τους κομμουνιστές να οργανώσουν την πάλη για ουσιαστικά μέτρα προστασίας της υγείας και των δικαιωμάτων του λαού, για να μην πληρώσουν οι εργαζόμενοι και τα λαϊκά στρώματα την πανδημία και την επερχόμενη κρίση.
Ταυτόχρονα, να κάνει ο λαός πράξη το σύνθημα «πολεμάμε τις αρρώστιες, πολεμώντας την αδικία», πολεμώντας κι εκείνους που με πρόσχημα τις αρρώστιες φέρνουν την αδικία. Παίρνοντας την τύχη στα χέρια του κάθε λαός θα βγει πραγματικά νικητής από τη μάχη με τον «αόρατο», αλλά κυρίως με τον ορατό εχθρό. Μόνο έτσι θα φωτιστεί η μοναδική διέξοδος, η οποία βρίσκεται στην ανωτερότητα του σοσιαλισμού, της κοινωνικής ιδιοκτησίας στα μέσα παραγωγής, του επιστημονικού κεντρικού σχεδιασμού, της εργατικής συμμετοχής και εξουσίας, που οδηγεί στην ευημερία του λαού και την πρόοδο της ανθρωπότητας.
Ακης ΠΟΥΛΟΣ
Γραμματέας της Τομεακής Οργάνωσης Κύπρου του ΚΚΕ
Πηγή
Ριζοσπάστης
The post Ορισμένες πλευρές για τη διαχείριση της πανδημίας στην Κύπρο appeared first on Αγκάρρα.
Η ψηφιοποίηση του περιοδικού Εντός των Τειχών έχει πλέον ολοκληρωθεί, με το τελευταίο τεύχος, το Τεύχος 42, να βρίσκεται πλέον στο Ελληνικό τμήμα του αρχείου.
The digitization of the magazine Within the Walls has now been completed, with the last issue, Issue 42, being present now on the Greek version of the archive.
Σίγουρα εδώ που φτάσαμε, με την ανεξέλεγκτη εξάπλωση του κορωνοϊού θα πρέπει να μένουμε σπίτι, αλλά η επιμονή της κυβέρνησης στην προσωπική ευθύνη και την εφαρμογή των διαταγμάτων παρά το ότι παραβιάζουν συνταγματικά
κατοχυρωμένα δικαιώματα, γίνεται για να κρύψει τις δικές της ασήκωτες ευθύνες για την τραγική κατάσταση που φτάσαμε.
Δεν μπορούμε να ξεχάσουμε ότι είναι αυτή η κυβέρνηση που όταν οι νοσηλευτές απεργούσαν και φώναζαν «… μιλάτε για κέρδη και ζημιές– ενώ εμείς μιλάμε γι’ ανθρώπινες ζωές», τους απειλούσε με επιστράτευση και ο Αβέρωφ τους έλεγε «αν δεν σας αρέσει να πάτε αλλού να δουλέψετε». Είναι αυτή η κυβέρνηση που όταν οι γιατροί του δημοσίου μιλούσαν για ελλείψεις προσωπικού, εξοπλισμού, και αναλώσιμων στα δημόσια νοσηλευτήρια, τους απειλούσε με ιδιωτικοποίηση των υπηρεσιών δημόσιας υγείας. Και δεν ήταν μόνο απειλές. Από τότε που ανέλαβε το 2013 και μετά οι περικοπές στον τομέα της δημόσιας υγείας έφτασαν τα 500 εκατομμύρια.
Να γιατί δεν υπάρχουν αρκετοί επαγγελματίες υγείας και κλίνες εντατικής θεραπείας να καλύψουν τα δημόσια νοσηλευτήρια. Να γιατί και αυτοί που τα στελεχώνουν έμειναν χωρίς ειδικές στολές και εξοπλισμό για να αντιμετωπίσουν το κορωνοϊό. Γι΄ αυτό και μολύνθηκαν τόσοι γιατροί, νοσηλευτές και ασθενείς και έκλεισαν τόσα νοσηλευτήρια.
Και τολμούν μετά ο Αναστασιάδης και οι Υπουργοί του να μας κουνούν το δάκτυλο και να μας λένε εσείς φταίτε για την εξάπλωση του κορωνοϊού που δεν τηρείται τα μέτρα και να μας επιβάλλουν και νέους περιορισμούς και να μας απειλούν ότι θα κάνουν εφόδους στα σπίτια μας για να δουν αν έχουμε επισκέπτες. Καλούν μάλιστα το κόσμο να ρουφιανεύει τους γείτονες του αν φιλοξενήσουν κάποιο που δεν είναι μόνιμος κάτοικος και να ενημερώνουν την αστυνομία. Μας λένε να κρατάμε αποστάσεις και την ίδια στιγμή τσουβαλιάζουν τους πρόσφυγες σε στρατόπεδα χωρίς κανένα μέτρο προστασίας. Ακόμη χειρότερα, την ώρα που είχαν τα αεροδρόμια ανοικτά να πηγαινοέρχονται οι επιχειρηματίες, και οι φίλοι τους που κερδοσκοπούν με τα χρυσά διαβατήρια, έριξαν πίσω στη θάλασσα, βάρκα με 165 εξαθλιωμένους πρόσφυγες ανάμεσα τους πολλά παιδιά και γυναίκες με κίνδυνο να πνιγούν. Ευτυχώς που τους περιμάζεψαν οι τουρκοκύπριοι που ζουν σε «ψευδοκράτος».
Η Κύπρος είναι ένα νησί που δεν υπήρχε κανένα περιστατικό, και η Κυβέρνηση αντί να συνεννοηθεί με την άλλη πλευρά και τις Βάσεις για να ελέγχει τα αεροδρόμια και να βάζει καραντίνα όσους έμπαιναν, έκλεισε τα οδοφράγματα, για να κάνει το χατίρι στα ναζιστικά καθάρματα του ΕΛΑΜ – Χρυσή Αυγή. Με ρατσιστικές δικαιολογίες προσπάθησε να στοχοποιήσει την άλλη πλευρά, δυναμιτίζοντας ακόμη περισσότερο το κλίμα συνεργασίας και συμφιλίωσης και την προοπτική για ειρήνη και επανένωση του νησιού. Τελικά ο κορωνοϊός δεν ήλθε ούτε από τους τουρκοκυπρίους, ούτε από τους Ιρανούς φοιτητές που ζουν στο βορρά, ούτε από εξαθλιωμένους μετανάστες αλλά από καθώς πρέπει ελληνοκύπριους επιχειρηματίες και ταξιδιώτες που έρχονταν από το εξωτερικό.
Ακόμη και τότε όμως μας πουλούσε παραμύθια, και έβαζε τους ειδικούς να μας πουν ότι δεν χρειάζεται να φοράμε μάσκες, ούτε να κάνουμε μαζικά τεστ γιατί στη πραγματικότητα ήθελε να κρύψει ότι δεν είχε φροντίσει να έχει επάρκεια σε αυτά τα είδη, παρά το ότι ο κορωνοϊός είχε ξεκινήσει από τον περασμένο Δεκέμβρη να σπέρνει το θάνατο. Δεν είναι τυχαίο που χώρες που εφάρμοσαν μαζικά τα τεστ και προμήθευσαν το κόσμο με μάσκες έχουν ελέγξει την εξάπλωση του κορωνοϊού και είχαν ελάχιστα θύματα.
Αυτά όλα δεν έγιναν τυχαία, ούτε γιατί η κυβέρνηση είναι ανίκανη, αλλά γιατί εξυπηρετεί τα συμφέροντα της τάξης που αντιπροσωπεύει, των κεφαλαιοκρατών. Γι’ αυτό και πάνω από τον άνθρωπο και την υγεία του, βάζει τα κέρδη. Για να μη θίξει τα συμφέροντα της ΟΕΒ και ιδιαίτερα όσων δραστηριοποιούνται στην τουριστική βιομηχανία άφησε ανοικτά τα αεροδρόμια και τα λιμάνια και δεν έκανε καμιά ενημέρωση και καμιά κίνηση για να προετοιμάσει τον τομέα της δημόσιας υγείας και την κοινωνία συνολικότερα για να αντιμετωπίσει τον επερχόμενο κίνδυνο, μην τυχόν και τρομάξουν οι τουρίστες και δεν έλθουν.
Η ατομική ευθύνη έχει νόημα μόνο σαν μέρος ενός συνολικού, συλλογικού κρατικού προγραμματισμού που να στοχεύει στην προστασία της υγείας των ανθρώπων, που να επενδύει πόρους και να ενεργοποιεί την κοινωνική αλληλεγγύη και συνεργασία. Διαφορετικά λειτουργεί απλώς σαν προπέτασμα καπνού για να καλύπτει τις ευθύνες των κυβερνώντων που διαχειρίζονται αυτή τη κρίση.
Η αντίληψη που λέει να τελειώσει αυτή η κρίση πρώτα και μετά θα ζητήσουμε εξηγήσεις και ευθύνες που ακούγεται από την αντιπολίτευση, και από το ΑΚΕΛ είναι λάθος γιατί δίνει παράταση στη κρίση και οδηγεί σε περισσότερα θύματα. Τώρα είναι που χρειάζεται να απαιτήσουμε:
• δαπάνες για την υγεία
• μαζικές προσλήψεις γιατρών, νοσηλευτών, και άλλων επαγγελματιών υγείας
• επίταξη των ιδιωτικών νοσηλευτηρίων και των κλινικών εργαστηρίων που κάνουν τα τεστ,
• μαζικά τεστ και προμήθεια προστατευτικών μέσων και δωρεάν παραχώρηση στο πληθυσμό
• στέγη για τους άστεγους και τους πρόσφυγες.
• πλήρη αποζημίωση για όσους μένουν απλήρωτοι ή χάνουν τις δουλειές τους.
Τώρα είναι η ώρα που πρέπει να δώσουμε αυτή τη μάχη. Τώρα που πολύς κόσμος είναι αγανακτισμένος γιατί νοιώθει στο πετσί του τα αποτελέσματα της αναλγησίας, της γύμνιας και του αυταρχισμού αυτής της κυβέρνησης, που το μόνο που έχει να προσφέρει είναι το κέρφιου όπως η αποικιοκρατία. Η Αριστερά και τα συνδικάτα θα πρέπει να μπούμε μπροστά, να οργανώσουμε και να συντονίσουμε αυτή τη διάθεση. Μπορούμε και πρέπει να κερδίσουμε αυτή τη μάχη και να ξεφορτωθούμε και το κορωνοϊό και τους Αναστασιάδηδες και την τάξη τους, που επιμολύνουν μόνιμα τη ζωή μας.
In a statement the Minister of Interior appears perturbed by NGO accusations for violations of the law, European legislation and human rights of refugees and migrants, claiming that, with the compulsory “quarantine” of hundreds of refugees in congested detention centres, his ministry “does whatever is possible for providing housing, food and healthcare”, even for “illegal” refugees! As to the lack of basic infrastructures for safeguarding human decency, his response is that «additional sanitary units are being installed and the electricity supply is being increased”.
However, the Minister of Interior does not respond to the accusations either as to flagrant violations of the Refugee Law and European legislation that primarily prohibit their detention, or as to the contempt of all recommendations and calls by international and European agencies. The Council of Europe (CoE) for example with the CoE Tookit calls on the member states to deal with the pandemic “in a way that respects the fundamental values of democracy, rule of law and human rights”, while the Commissioner for Human Rights of the CoE calls on member states to release migrants and asylum seekers in detention centres “to the maximum extent possible”.
The new migration policy of the Minister is focused on detention of asylum seekers and their concentration at “Reception” Centres for asylum seekers in Pournara and Kofinou. The two Centers have been turned to closed detention centres, under unacceptable, inhuman and humiliating living conditions, depriving them of basic human rights and putting their health to danger and therefore that of society at large, while at the same time suspending the asylum application examination procedures. There is already a nurse diagnosed with coronavirus at the Menoyia Detention Centre for Irregular Migrants and police officers serving there have been put in quarantine. However, no measures have been taken for the protection of the detained refugees and migrants and none of them have been tested for coronavirus, despite the fact that we have been informed of cases of detainees with some symptoms. Contrary to common sense and in violation of the decrees of the Minister of Health for the prohibition of even small group gatherings, the Minister of Interior ordered the transfer of detainees from Menoyia to Pournara, detaining them in the spaces where some 700 people are being held, without any testing and risking their health and public health in general.
In addition, the Minister of Interior does not explain that, in view of the lack over the years of a housing policy for refugees and migrants, “housing” for the detained asylum seekers is a tent or other similar rough structure, while for a section of migrants, especially those without papers, “housing” is simply a bed next to 5 or 10 other beds in a room in terrible repair but which carries a very steep rent. The same also applies to «medical care”, in the framework of which asylum seekers are limited to general hospitals of the area prior to GESY (General Health System), unable to register with a personal doctor and all that this entails, especially in the present conditions of coronavirus. For the majority of migrants, even those regularly paying their contribution to GESY for over a year now, continue to be excluded from registering with the system, which results in their being referred to a non-existent personal doctor when they apply to emergency departments.
Conceding that the above measures have been taken in the absence of coronavirus cases among asylum seekers, the Minister claims that their compulsory transfer and detention at Pournara and Kofinou «was deemed necessary … because it was found that they did not comply with the restrictive measures». Without substantiating his allegations, the Minister proceeds to stigmatisation and arbitrary punitive treatment (deprivation of liberty) of migrants and refugees.
By the same token, it was also deemed «necessary», and «reasonable» as per a “Fileleftheros” journalist», to use violence, excessive according to eyewitnesses, by the Special Traffic Squad «Ζ» of the police during the recent arrest of two migrants for not complying with the restrictive measures. In the framework of the toxic climate against migrant and refugee communities, shaped by the policy of the government and the Minister of Interior, including the use of the army with common patrols in old Nicosia, Squad “Z” appears to concentrate its action in the old city of Nicosia, targeting its racist rage at migrants and refugees and exhausting the frustrations of at least some of its members for demonstrating power and authority, through the use of verbal and physical violence as in the above arrest. Occasionally, the police are “accompanied” in this “work” by some journalists, who completely “by chance” happen to be present in some cases by the police and who are all too ready not only to exonerate but to also promote police actions with relevant photographs and articles.
KISA reiterates its position that the policies and actions of the Minister of Interior and the government, both in terms of mass detention and the arbitrary suspension of the asylum procedures during the pandemic as well as in relation to the unequal access to the right to healthcare, constitute blatant violations of the Refugee Law, European legislation and international human rights law but they are also extremely dangerous for the health of asylum seekers and public health in general.
KISA states that it fully appreciates the necessity to comply with the restrictive measures and that the small section of citizens, including migrants and refugees that violates the measures must be dealt with equally as all other citizens. The racist treatment, violence and stigmatisation of all the migrant and refugee population as potentially not complying with the measures and, therefore, as dangerous for public health, amounts to flagrant violations of the fundamental principles of equality, rule of law and human rights, undermining and shattering our country’s democracy and civilization.
KISA deems as positive the interventions of both the UNHCR and the Commissioner for Administration and Human Rights but these must not be limited to general positions of the type “a report will be prepared” but they should posit in no uncertain terms the need for immediate measures for restoring legality and the rule of law. Neither the visit in the form of a “tour” by the Minister nor the provision of “200 more tents” will lead to changing the Ministry’s unlawful policy and violations.
KISA has proceeded to legal measures, including before the European Court of Human Rights, as well as a report against the Ministry’s measures. At the same time, it calls on other civil society organisations, independent authorities and the competent parliamentary committees for immediate and dynamic interventions so as to fully restore the government’s compliance with legality and the rule of law.
Steering Committee
O Υπουργός Εσωτερικών με ανακοίνωση του φαίνεται ενοχλημένος από καταγγελίες ΜΚΟ για παραβιάσεις του νόμου, του ευρωπαϊκού δικαίου και των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων των προσφύγων και μεταναστών και διατείνεται ότι, με την αναγκαστική «καραντίνα» εκατοντάδων προσφύγων σε συνωστισμένα κέντρα κράτησης, το υπουργείο του «κάνει ό,τι είναι δυνατό για την παροχή στέγης, σίτισης και ιατροφαρμακευτικής περίθαλψης», ακόμα και «παράνομων»! Για δε τις ελλείψεις στοιχειωδών υποδομών για διασφάλιση της ανθρώπινης αξιοπρέπειας, απαντά ότι τοποθετούνται «πρόσθετες μονάδες υγιεινής και ενισχύεται η ηλεκτροδότηση».
Ο Υπουργός Εσωτερικών δεν απαντά εντούτοις στις καταγγελίες που διατυπώνονται ως προς τις κατάφωρες παραβιάσεις του περί Προσφύγων Νόμου και του Ευρωπαϊκού δικαίου που απαγορεύουν κατά κύριο κανόνα την κράτησή τους ούτε και ως προς την περιφρόνηση όλων των συστάσεων και εκκλήσεων από διεθνείς και ευρωπαϊκούς φορείς όπως π.χ. του Συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης (ΣτΕ) που με δέσμη μέτρων (CoE Τoolkit) καλεί τα κράτη μέλη για αντιμετώπιση της πανδημίας «με τρόπο που σέβεται τις θεμελιώδεις αξίες της δημοκρατίας, του κράτους δικαίου και των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων», ενώ η Επίτροπος Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων του ΣτΕ κάλεσε τα κράτη μέλη να απελευθερώσουν μετανάστριες/τες και πρόσφυγες που κρατούνται σε κέντρα κράτησης «στο μεγαλύτερο δυνατό βαθμό».
Η νέα μεταναστευτική πολιτική του Υπουργού έχει ως επίκεντρο την κράτηση αιτητών ασύλου και τη συγκέντρωσή τους σε Κέντρα «φιλοξενίας» αιτούντων άσυλο στην Πουρνάρα και την Κοφίνου τα οποία έχουν μετατραπεί σε κλειστά κέντρα κράτησης, κάτω από απαράδεκτες, απάνθρωπες και εξευτελιστικές συνθήκες διαβίωσης, στερώντας τους βασικά ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα αλλά και εκθέτοντάς την υγεία τους σε κίνδυνο και κατ΄ επέκταση της κοινωνίας ολόκληρης, ενώ ταυτόχρονα έχουν ανασταλεί οι διαδικασίες εξέτασης αιτήσεων ασύλου. Ήδη, νοσηλεύτρια στο Κέντρο Κράτησης Παράτυπων Μεταναστών στη Μενόγεια έχει διαγνωστεί με κορονωϊό ενώ αστυνομικοί που υπηρετούν εκεί έχουν τεθεί σε καραντίνα, χωρίς εντούτοις να ληφθεί κανένα απολύτως μέτρο για την προστασία της υγείας των προσφύγων και μεταναστών που κρατούνται εκεί και χωρίς κανένας από αυτούς να υποβληθεί σε τεστ κορωνοϊού, παρά το γεγονός ότι μας έχουν αναφερθεί περιπτώσεις κρατουμένων που έχουν κάποια συμπτώματα. Σε πλήρη δε αντίθεση με την κοινή λογική αλλά και παραβιάζοντας τα διατάγματα του Υπουργού Υγείας για την απαγόρευση ακόμα και μικρών ομαδικών συγκεντρώσεων, ο Υπουργός Εσωτερικών, διέταξε χθες τη μεταφορά κρατουμένων από τη Μεννόγεια στο Κέντρο Κράτησης Πουρνάρα, κρατώντας τους ακριβώς στους ίδιους χώρους όπου κρατούνται άλλα 700 άτομα, χωρίς καμία εξέταση, διακινδυνεύοντας την υγεία τους αλλά και τη δημόσια υγεία γενικότερα.
Ο Υπουργός Εσωτερικών δεν εξηγεί επίσης ότι, ενόψει της διαχρονικής απουσίας οποιασδήποτε πολιτικής στέγασης προσφύγων και μεταναστριών/τών, «στέγη» για τους κρατούμενους αιτητές ασύλου είναι μια τέντα ή άλλη πρόχειρη κατασκευή ενώ για μερίδα μεταναστριών/των, κυρίως αυτών χωρίς χαρτιά, η έννοια της «στέγης» συμπυκνώνεται σε ένα κρεβάτι δίπλα σε 5 ή 10 άλλα σε ένα δωμάτιο σε άθλια κατάσταση αλλά με τσουχτερό ενοίκιο. Το ίδιο και με την «ιατροφαρμακευτική περίθαλψη», στο πλαίσιο της οποίας οι αιτούντες άσυλο περιορίζονται στα προ-ΓΕΣΥ εποχή γενικά νοσοκομεία, χωρίς τη δυνατότητα εγγραφής σε προσωπικό γιατρό με ό,τι αυτό συνεπάγεται, ιδιαίτερα σήμερα στις συνθήκες του κορονωϊού, ενώ η πλειοψηφία των μεταναστριών/των, ακόμα και αυτών που συνεισφέρουν στο ΓΕΣΥ εδώ και πάνω από ένα χρόνο, εξακολουθούν να αποκλείονται από εγγραφή στο σύστημα, με αποτέλεσμα να παραπέμπονται σε ανύπαρκτο προσωπικό γιατρό όταν αποτείνονται στα τμήματα πρώτων βοηθειών.
Ομολογώντας κατά τα άλλα ότι τα πιο πάνω μέτρα λήφθηκαν στην απουσία κρουσμάτων του κορονωϊού μεταξύ των αιτούντων άσυλο, ο Υπουργός θεωρεί ότι η αναγκαστική μετακίνηση και κράτηση τους στην Πουρνάρα και την Κοφίνου «κρίθηκε επιβεβλημένη … επειδή διαπιστώθηκε ότι δεν πειθαρχούσαν στα περιοριστικά μέτρα». Χωρίς να τεκμηριώνει τους ισχυρισμούς του ο Υπουργός προχωρά στο στιγματισμό και την αυθαίρετη τιμωρητική μεταχείριση (στέρηση της ελευθερίας )μεταναστών και προσφύγων.
Με την ίδια λογική «επιβεβλημένη», και «εύλογη» κατά το δημοσιογράφο του «Φ», κρίθηκε και η υπέρμετρη, σύμφωνα με αυτόπτες μάρτυρες, άσκηση βίας από τη μονάδα «Ζ» της αστυνομίας κατά την πρόσφατη σύλληψη δύο μεταναστών για μη συμμόρφωση με τα περιοριστικά μέτρα. Στο πλαίσιο του τοξικού κλίματος που δημιουργεί η πολιτική της κυβέρνησης και του Υπουργού Εσωτερικών, στην οποία περιλαμβάνεται και η αξιοποίηση του στρατού με κοινές περιπολίες στην παλιά Λευκωσία, έναντι των μεταναστευτικών και προσφυγικών κοινοτήτων, η μονάδα «Ζ» φαίνεται να επικεντρώνει τη δράση της στην παλιά πόλη της Λευκωσίας, στοχεύοντας με ρατσιστικό μένος σε μετανάστριες/τες και πρόσφυγες, και εξαντλώντας τα απωθημένα κάποιων, τουλάχιστον, μελών της για επίδειξη δύναμης και εξουσίας, με την άσκηση λεκτικής και σωματικής βίας όπως στην πιο πάνω σύλληψη. Ενίοτε, στην «εργασία» αυτή η αστυνομία «συνοδεύεται» από κάποιους δημοσιογράφους που εντελώς «τυχαία» παρευρίσκονται σε κάποιες περιπτώσεις δίπλα από την αστυνομία και σπεύδουν όχι μόνο να εξωραΐσουν αλλά και να προωθήσουν το έργο της με το ανάλογο φωτογραφικό και δημοσιογραφικό έργο.
Η ΚΙΣΑ επαναλαμβάνει τη θέση της ότι οι πολιτικές και ενέργειες του Υπουργού Εσωτερικών και της κυβέρνησης, τόσο αναφορικά με τη μαζική κράτηση, την αυθαίρετη αναστολή των διαδικασιών ασύλου κατά τη διάρκεια της πανδημίας όσο και αναφορικά με την μη ισότιμη με τους Κύπριους πολίτες πρόσβαση στο δικαίωμα στην υγεία, αποτελούν κατάφωρη παραβίαση του περί Προσφύγων Νόμου, του ευρωπαϊκού δικαίου και του διεθνούς δικαίου ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, αλλά είναι και άκρως επικίνδυνες για την υγεία των αιτούντων ασύλου και τη δημόσια υγεία γενικότερα.
Η ΚΙΣΑ δηλώνει ότι κατανοεί πλήρως την αναγκαιότητα συμμόρφωσης με τα περιοριστικά μέτρα και ότι η μικρή μερίδα πολιτών, συμπεριλαμβανομένων και μεταναστριών/των που τα παραβαίνει, θα πρέπει να αντιμετωπίζεται ισότιμα όπως και όλος ο υπόλοιπος πληθυσμός. Η ρατσιστική αντιμετώπιση, η βία και ο στιγματισμός όλου ανεξαίρετα του μεταναστευτικού και προσφυγικού πληθυσμού ως εν δυνάμει παραβατών των μέτρων και, επομένως, επικίνδυνων για τη δημόσια υγεία, αποτελεί κατάφωρη παραβίαση των βασικών αρχών της ισονομίας, του κράτους δικαίου και των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, υποβιβάζοντας και καταρρακώνοντας τη δημοκρατία και τον πολιτισμό της χώρας μας.
Η ΚΙΣΑ εκτιμά ως θετική της παρέμβαση τόσο της Ύπατης Αρμοστείας για τους Πρόσφυγες όσο και της Επιτρόπου Διοικήσεως και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων όμως οι παρεμβάσεις αυτές δεν πρέπει να περιοριστούν σε γενικές τοποθετήσεις του «θα ετοιμαστεί έκθεση» … αλλά θα έπρεπε να θέσουν επιτακτικά την ανάγκη λήψης άμεσων μέτρων για αποκατάσταση της νομιμότητας και του κράτους δικαίου. Ούτε η επίσκεψη υπό μορφή «ξενάγησης» από τον Υπουργό ούτε η παραχώρηση «200 επιπλέων αντίσκηνων» θα οδηγήσει στην κάμψη της παράνομης πολιτικής και των παραβιάσεων από πλευράς του Υπουργείου.
Η ΚΙΣΑ έχει προχωρήσει σε νομικά μέτρα, περιλαμβανομένου του Ευρωπαϊκού Δικαστηρίου Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων, αλλά και ετοιμασία καταγγελίας κατά των μέτρων του Υπουργείου. Ταυτόχρονα καλεί τις άλλες οργανώσεις της κοινωνίας των πολιτών, ανεξάρτητες αρχές και τις αρμόδιες κοινοβουλευτικές επιτροπές για άμεση και δυναμική παρέμβαση ώστε να αποκατασταθεί πλήρως η συμμόρφωση με την νομιμότητα και το κράτος δικαίου από πλευράς της κυβέρνησης.
Διοικητικό Συμβούλιο
The so-called Pournara Reception Centre in Kokkinotrimithia has been turned from a Centre of initial registration and medical examination of asylum seekers, with a maximum period of stay of 72 hours, to a Detention Centre, where today more than 600 people are detained for long periods, deprived of their freedom, under inhuman and humiliating living conditions.
On the pretext of the coronavirus, the Minister of interior proceeded to the compulsory transfer of an additional large number of asylum seekers from centres and facilities where they stayed in various districts under tolerable conditions, to the Pournara Detention Centre, so as to keep them in detention and in “quarantine”, when there were no coronavirus cases in the facilities they stayed, without being informed about the reasons and their right to judicial recourse. Putting asylum seekers who were transferred there in quarantine violates the decrees of the Ministry of Health on the coronavirus as they do not fall under any of the categories for which quarantine is mandatory.
KISA points out that, in violation of the principle of the prohibition of discrimination and on clearly racist criteria, the large majority of asylum seekers transferred to and/or already at the Pournara Detention Centre are people of African descent.
In addition, the government has, again on the pretext of the coronavirus, suspended refugees’ and asylum seekers’ access to the asylum procedures:
The government has limited the free movement of detained asylum seekers as well as access of NGOs and volunteer organisations to the Reception Centre in Kofinou to such an extent that this Centre too has in effect been turned to a “closed centre”. In addition to limiting access to Kofinou, the government has also prohibited KISA’s and other NGOs’ access to Pournara, again in violation of the law and the right of asylum seekers to have access to human rights NGOs.
The contention that the government is exploiting the pandemic in order to limit refugees’ rights is clearly demonstrated by the fact that these measures had been announced before the pandemic, in the framework of the toxic environment shaped by the government on the pretext of the increase in the number of asylum seekers, which should have been expected in view of the situation in Syria and the Turkish policy on refugees, and the adoption of a xenophobic and racist rhetoric, which links refugee issues with terrorism, criminality, cultural and demographic threats to the Cypriot society.
KISA considers the above policies and actions of the Minister of Interior and the government as unlawful and in breach of the Refugee Law and European legislation but also as extremely dangerous to public health and to the health of asylum seekers for the following reasons:
Once again KISA calls on the state to proceed immediately to changing its policies, to put an end to the unlawful detention of asylum seekers and to ensure access to the right to health and protection from the coronavirus by all, irrespective of ethnic origin or residence status.
In the framework of its role and action for the protection of the human rights of asylum seekers and against their racist treatment, KISA will consider legal measures and will also proceed with reports to the competent European and international bodies.
Steering
Committee
Tο λεγόμενο Κέντρο Φιλοξενίας Πουρνάρα στην Κοκκινοτριμιθιά έχει μετατραπεί από Κέντρο αρχικής καταγραφής και ιατρικών εξετάσεων αιτητών ασύλου με μέγιστη περίοδο παραμονής τις 72 ώρες, σε Κέντρο Κράτησης, όπου σήμερα κρατούνται για μακρόχρονη περίοδο πέραν των 600 αιτητών ασύλου, οι οποίοι στερούνται της ελευθερίας τους, υπό απάνθρωπες και εξευτελιστικές συνθήκες διαβίωσης.
Με πρόσχημα τον κορωνοϊό, ο Υπουργός Εσωτερικών προχώρησε στην υποχρεωτική μετακίνηση μεγάλου αριθμού αιτητών ασύλου, από κέντρα και υποστατικά όπου διέμεναν σε διάφορες επαρχίες υπό συνθήκες υποφερτές, στο Κέντρο Κράτησης Πουρνάρα για να τεθούν κι αυτοί υπό κράτηση και σε «καραντίνα», τη στιγμή που κανένα κρούσμα δεν υπήρξε στους χώρους όπου διέμεναν, χωρίς καμία ενημέρωση για τους λόγους και το δικαίωμά τους για προσβολή των αποφάσεων ενώπιον Δικαστηρίου. Η θέση σε καραντίνα των αιτητών ασύλου που μεταφέρθηκαν εκεί παραβιάζει τα διατάγματα του Υπουργού Υγείας σε σχέση με τον κορωνοϊό αφού δεν εμπίπτουν σε καμία από τις κατηγορίες για τις οποίες επιβάλλεται η καραντίνα.
Η ΚΙΣΑ επισημαίνει ότι, κατά παράβαση της αρχής της απαγόρευσης των διακρίσεων και με εντελώς ρατσιστικά κριτήρια, η μεγάλη πλειοψηφία των αιτητών ασύλου που μετακινήθηκαν ή/και βρίσκονται ήδη στο Κέντρο Κράτησης Πουρνάρα είναι άτομα αφρικανικής καταγωγής.
Επίσης, η κυβέρνηση, με το πρόσχημα του κορωνοϊού και κατά παράβαση του ευρωπαϊκού και διεθνούς δικαίου, έχει αναστείλει την πρόσβαση των προσφύγων σε διαδικασίες ασύλου:
Η κυβέρνηση έχει περιορίσει την ελεύθερη διακίνηση των διαμενόντων αιτητών ασύλου και την πρόσβαση των ΜΚΟ και εθελοντικών οργανώσεων στο Κέντρο Φιλοξενίας στην Κοφίνου σε τέτοιο βαθμό που και αυτό έχει στην ουσία μετατραπεί επίσης σε «κλειστό κέντρο». Πρόσθετα με τον περιορισμό της πρόσβασης στην Κοφίνου η κυβέρνηση έχει απαγορεύσει την πρόσβαση της ΚΙΣΑ και των άλλων ΜΚΟ στη Πουρνάρα κατά παράβαση και πάλι του Νόμου και του δικαιώματος των αιτητών ασύλου να έχουν πρόσβαση σε ΜΚΟ ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων.
Η εκτίμηση ότι η κυβέρνηση εκμεταλλεύεται την πανδημία για να περιορίσει τα δικαιώματα των προσφύγων καταδεικνύεται και από το γεγονός ότι τα μέτρα αυτά είχαν εξαγγελθεί πριν από την πανδημία, στα πλαίσια του τοξικού κλίματος που η κυβέρνηση διαμόρφωσε με πρόσχημα την αύξηση του αριθμού των αιτητών ασύλου, η οποία θα έπρεπε να ήταν αναμενόμενη λόγω της κατάστασης στη Συρία και της Τουρκικής πολιτικής για τους πρόσφυγες, και την υιοθέτηση μιας ξενοφοβικής και ρατσιστικής ρητορικής, η οποία συνδέει τα θέματα προσφύγων με τρομοκρατία, εγκληματικότητα, πολιτιστική και δημογραφική απειλή για την κυπριακή κοινωνία.
Η ΚΙΣΑ, θεωρεί τις πιο πάνω πολιτικές και ενέργειες του Υπουργού Εσωτερικών και της Κυβέρνησης ως παράνομες και κατά παράβαση του περί Προσφύγων Νόμου και του ευρωπαϊκού δικαίου αλλά και ως άκρως επικίνδυνες για τη δημόσια υγεία και την υγεία των αιτητών ασύλου για τους πιο κάτω λόγους:
Η ΚΙΣΑ καλεί για ακόμα μια φορά το κράτος να προχωρήσει άμεσα σε αλλαγή των πολιτικών του να τερματίσει την παράνομη κράτηση αιτητών ασύλου και να διασφαλίσει πρόσβαση στο δικαίωμα στην υγεία και σε προστασία από τον κορωνοϊό σε όλους, ανεξαρτήτως εθνοτικής καταγωγής ή καθεστώς παραμονής.
Στο πλαίσιο του ρόλου και του έργου της για την προστασία των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων των αιτούντων ασύλου και κατά της ρατσιστικής αντιμετώπισης τους, η ΚΙΣΑ θα κινηθεί νομικά και θα προχωρήσει επίσης σε καταγγελία προς τους αρμόδιους Ευρωπαϊκούς και παγκόσμιους οργανισμούς.
On 12/03/2020, the Council of Ministers adopted, without any prior consultation, the much-trumpeted action plan for “holistically dealing with the increasing migration flows”. KISA expressed right from the beginning the conviction that the policies of “examination of manifestly unfounded applications within one month”, the designation of “safe countries of origin”, the “shortening of the time of examination of asylum applications” and speeding up of procedures with reducing the enshrined deadlines of recourse to judicial protection, the creation of closed detention centres for asylum seekers and speeding up of forced returns with the effective involvement of FRONTEX, not only violate the refugee law but they are also unfeasible in the absence of the required structures, the necessary human resources and the corresponding legal framework.
Today, especially under the present conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic, the action plan is no longer only unfeasible and illegal but it constitutes a substantial threat to public health of the whole population.
When physical distancing and voluntary self-isolation is the rule for almost all people, the government has decided and daily promotes the piling up and crowding of migrants and asylum seekers in detention and reception centres, thereby rendering them into centres of rapid and certain spreading of coronavirus.
At exactly the time when the rule of law needs to stand firm and the number of detainees / confinees to be limited to the absolutely necessary minimum or to be eliminated altogether, it has been decided to reopen all wings of the Menoyia Detention Centre, while new detainees are not transferred to the Menoyia Detention Centre but to various police stations, in conditions that have already been ruled by the ECtHR as inhuman and degrading. It has also been decided to “host” more than 600 people at Pournara, in conditions that violate the very decrees of the state for protection from coronavirus. At the same time, the Reception Centre for Asylum Seekers in Kofinou has been turned to a “closed centre”, without a single case of COVID-19.
In effect, with concentrating such numbers in detention and/or reception centres, of people who have not committed a crime and do not in any way threaten public order, there can be no guarantee as to the protection of public health as it is totally impossible to comply with the measures of the ministerial decrees for the protection of public health.
When administrative detention in many European countries is being limited, because of the infeasibility of the implementation of detention orders and, therefore, without any legal basis, Cyprus opts for the “solution” of detention and deportation, ignoring the short- and long-term consequences of detention that leads to nowhere.
And of course there is no reference to the living conditions of detainees and those “hosted” in these centres (please see (CPT standards and CPT statement of principles of COVID-19 of the Council of Europe).
When it is imperative to be prioritized, vulnerable groups within the most vulnerable group of detainees and refugees, they remain invisible. Pregnant women, children, persons with health problems and with disabilities have only one capacity, that of the “other”, the “foreigner” who must be distanced from “ours” and to automatically be piled up and confined along with hundreds of other people, that is to be exposed to guaranteed dangerous conditions.
Before it is too late and the spreading of the virus becomes uncontrollable, KISA considers that it is imperative to fully review the measures, taking into consideration the threat of coronavirus as well as the rule of law that Cyprus wants to maintain, and calls on the state to immediately review-
Steering Committee
Στις 12.03.2020 το Υπουργικό Συμβούλιο υιοθέτησε, χωρίς να προηγηθεί οποιαδήποτε διαβούλευση, το πολυδιαφημισμένο σχέδιο δράσης για την «ολιστική αντιμετώπιση των αυξανόμενων μεταναστευτικών ροών». Η ΚΙΣΑ έκφρασε από την αρχή την πεποίθηση ότι οι πολιτικές της «εξέτασης των προδήλως αβάσιμων αιτήσεων εντός ενός μηνός», του καθορισμού «ασφαλών χωρών καταγωγής», της «σύντμησης των χρόνων εξέτασης αιτήσεων ασύλου» και της επιτάχυνσης διαδικασιών με τη μείωση των κατοχυρωμένων προθεσμιών προσφυγής στη δικαστική προστασία, η δημιουργία κλειστών χώρων κράτησης των αιτητών διεθνούς προστασίας και η επιτάχυνση της υποχρεωτικής επιστροφής τους με την ουσιαστική εμπλοκή της FRONTEX, όχι μόνο παραβιάζουν το προσφυγικό δίκαιο αλλά είναι και ανεδαφικές αφού δεν υπάρχουν οι απαιτούμενες δομές, ούτε το απαιτούμενο ανθρώπινο δυναμικό αλλά ούτε και το ανάλογο νομικό πλαίσιο.
Σήμερα, ιδίως υπό τις παρούσες περιστάσεις της πανδημίας του COVID-19, το σχέδιο δράσης δεν είναι πλέον ανεδαφικό και παράνομο αλλά συνιστά ουσιαστική απειλή για τη δημόσια υγεία ολόκληρου του πληθυσμού.
Την ώρα που η φυσική απομόνωση ( physical distancing) και ο αυτοπεριορισμός είναι ο κανόνας για όλους σχεδόν τους ανθρώπους, κρίθηκε και προωθείται καθημερινά η συμφόρηση και ο συνωστισμός μεταναστριών/τών και αιτούντων διεθνούς προστασίας σε κέντρα κράτησης ή/και υποδοχής , με αποτέλεσμα να καθίστανται πλέον εστίες ταχείας και βέβαιης διάδοσης του κορωνοϊού.
Την ώρα ακριβώς που χρειάζεται το κράτος δικαίου να σταθεί ακλόνητο και ο αριθμός κρατουμένων/εγκλεισμένων να περιοριστεί στον απολύτως αναγκαίο ή ακόμα και να μηδενιστεί, αποφασίστηκε η επαναλειτουργία όλων των πτερύγων του κέντρου κράτησης στη Μενόγεια, ενώ πρόσφατοι κρατούμενοι δεν μεταφέρονται στα κρατητήρια Μεννόγειας αλλά σε διάφορα αστυνομικά κρατητήρια υπό συνθήκες που ήδη έχουν κριθεί από το ΕΔΑΔ ως απάνθρωπες και ταπεινωτικές στην Haghilo v Cyprus. Αποφασίστηκε η «φιλοξενία» 600 και πλέον ατόμων στην Πουρνάρα, υπό συνθήκες που παραβιάζουν τα ίδια τα διατάγματα του κράτους για την προστασία από τον κορωνοϊό. Παράλληλα, το Κέντρο Υποδοχής Αιτητών Ασύλου στην Κοφίνου, έχει μετατραπεί σε «κλειστό κέντρο», χωρίς να υφίσταται ούτε και ένα κρούσμα COVID-19.
Εκ των πραγμάτων, η συγκέντρωση τέτοιων αριθμών σε χώρους κράτησης ή/και υποδοχής, προσώπων που κανένα αδίκημα δεν διέπραξαν ούτε και απειλούν με οποιοδήποτε τρόπο τη δημόσια τάξη, καμία εγγύηση δεν μπορεί να παράσχει ως προς την προστασία της δημόσιας υγείας αφού είναι εντελώς αδύνατη η τήρηση των όσων καθορίζονται στα Υπουργικά Διατάγματα για σκοπούς προστασίας της δημόσιας υγείας.
Την ώρα που σε πολλές χώρες της Ευρώπης η διοικητική κράτηση περιορίζεται, λόγω του ανέφικτου της εκτέλεσης διαταγμάτων απέλασης και της κατ’ επέκταση έκλειψης του νομικού της ερείσματος, η Κύπρος επιλέγει όλο και περισσότερο τη «λύση» της κράτησης και απέλασης, αγνοώντας τις βραχυπρόθεσμες και μακροπρόθεσμες συνέπειες της αδιέξοδης κράτησης.
Για τις συνθήκες διαβίωσης κρατουμένων και «φιλοξενουμένων» (βλέπε CPT standards και CPT statement of principles of COVID-19 του Συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης) ούτε λόγος.
Την ώρα που επιβάλλεται να τεθούν σε προτεραιότητα, οι ευάλωτες ομάδες εντός της κατεξοχήν ευάλωτης ομάδας των κρατουμένων και προσφύγων, αυτές παραμένουν αόρατες. Έγκυοι, παιδιά, άτομα με προβλήματα υγείας και άτομα με αναπηρίες φέρουν μόνο μία ιδιότητα. Την ιδιότητα του «ξένου», του «άλλου» που πρέπει να απομακρυνθεί από τους «δικούς» και αυτομάτως να συνωστιστεί και να περιοριστεί μαζί με εκατοντάδες άλλους ανθρώπους, δηλαδή να εκτεθεί σε εγγυημένα επικίνδυνες συνθήκες.
Προτού είναι αργά και η διάδοση του ιού καταστεί ανεξέλεγκτη, η ΚΙΣΑ θεωρεί επιβεβλημένη την πλήρη αναθεώρηση των μέτρων λαμβάνοντας υπόψη την απειλή της πανδημίας του κορωνοϊού αλλά και το κράτος δικαίου που η Κύπρος θέλει να είναι και καλεί το κράτος στη χωρίς καθυστέρηση επανεξέταση-
Διοικητικό Συμβούλιο
[English Text Follows]
Ο Κωστής Αχνιώτης έφυγε σαν σημερα το 2017.
Πολιτικοποιήθηκε μέσα στην εξωκοινοβουλευτική αριστερά σαν φοιτητής στη Γαλλία, ενώ με την επιστροφή του στην Κύπρο άρχισε να δραστηριοποιείται ενεργά μέσα στην Κυπριακή εξωκοινοβουλευτική αριστερά, το κίνημα επαναπροσέγγισης και τους πολιτικούς κύκλους της εντός των τειχών Λευκωσίας. Συμμετείχε στο περιοδικό ‘Δελτίο Συζήτησης’, μέσα από το οποίο έγιναν οι πρώτες γραπτές συζητήσεις της άκρας Αριστεράς στην Κύπρο.
Στις αρχές της δεκαετίας του 1980 δραστηριοποιήθηκε μέσα στον Κομμουνιστικό Κύκλο συνεχίζοντας τις εκδόσεις με την έκδοση του περιοδικού Εντός των Τειχών την περίοδο 1985-1990, το οποίο αποτέλεσε βασικό έντυπο των θεωρητικών ανησυχιών και διάλογων της ευρύτερης αριστεράς. Εκείνη την περίοδο είχε καταλυτικό ρόλο στην δημιουργία της ομάδας ‘Φίλοι του Ακάμα’ με σκοπό την διάσωση του φυσικού περιβάλλοντος της χερσονήσου του Ακάμα.
Αργότερα, λαμβάνει μέρος στην έκδοση του δικοινοτικού περιοδικού Χάτε (1998-2001), μιας από τις ποιο αξιοσημειωτες προσπάθειες αυτόνομης επικοινωνίας μεταξύ της Ελληνοκυπριακής και Τουρκοκυπριακής κοινότητας πριν το άνοιγμα των οδοφραγμάτων. Την ίδια περίπου περίοδο εξέδιδε μαζί με άλλους το περιοδικό κοινωνικού και πολιτικού διαλόγου ‘Εξ Υπαρχής’ (1999-2004).
Το 2004 στήνει μαζί με συντρόφους του την Πλατφόρμα Αριστερών για το Ναι και μετ’ έπειτα οργανώνεται μαζί με άλλους εκπαιδευτικούς στην Κοινή Πλατφόρμα Ε/κ και Τ/κ Εκπαιδευτικών Ενωμένη Κύπρος, ενώ εκδίδει το περιοδικό του ελληνοκυπριακού τμήματος της πλατφόρμας, Το Καλέμι (2008-11).
Την περίοδο της έντασης της οικονομικής κρίσης που ξεκίνησε το 2008, δραστηριοποιήθηκε μαζί με άλλα μέλη της εξωκοινοβουλευτικής αριστεράς στην ΕΡΑΣ, ενώ μετέπειτα ήταν υποψήφιος στις ευρωεκλογές του 2014 με τον δικοινοτικό συνδυασμό Δράσυ-Eylem, τον πρώτο δικοινοτικό εκλογικό συνδυασμό που έλαβε μέρος σε εκλογές στην ιστορία της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας. Μεταξύ 2014-2016 πήρε μέρος στην προσπάθεια συγκρότησης της σελίδας εναλλακτικής ενημέρωσης Platforma News ενώ στους τελευταίους μήνες της ζωής του συμμετείχε και στην Αριστερή Κίνηση – Θέλουμεν Ομοσπονδία.
Το 11ο τεύχος του περιοδικού Εντροπία εμπεριέχει αφιέρωμα στον Κωστή Αχνιώτη, ενώ το ντοκιμαντέρ Tongue καταπιάνεται με την ζωή του σε σχέση με την Κυπροκεντρική εξωκοινοβουλευτική αριστερά. Υπάρχει επίσης και η ηχογράφηση της συζήτησης του Κωστή μαζί με τον κοινωνιολόγο Αντρέα Παναγιώτου με θέμα τις ‘Ριζοσπαστικές Αφηγήσεις για το Κυπριακό που το 1970 τζιαι μετά: Η Άνοδος της Κυπριακής Συνείδησης τζιαι του Δικοινοτικού Κινήματος’, που οργανώθηκε το 2017 από την Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων.
Πρόσφατα δακτυλογραφήσαμε το κείμενο ’κυπριακή συνείδηση’, το οποίο έγραψε ο Κωστής το 1988.
Costis Ahniotis passed away three years ago, a day like today.
As a student in France, he was politically active in the extra-parliamentary left, and with his return to Cyprus he became actively involved with the Cypriot extra-parliamentary Left, the rapprochement movement and the political circles of the walled city of Nicosia. He participated in the magazine ‘Discussion Bulletin’ [Δελτίο Συζήτησης], through which the first written discussions of the Cypriot far-left developed.
In the beginning of the 1980s, he was active in the Communist Circle, continuing publications with the publication of the magazine Within the Walls between 1985-1990, which constituted a key text for the exposition of the theoretical concerns and dialogue of the broader left. In that period he had a key role in the formation of the group ‘Friends of Akamas’, with the aim of the preservation of the natural environment of the Akamas peninsula.
He further participates in the publication of the bi-communal magazine Hade (1998-2001), one of the most note-worthy attempts for an autonomous channel of communication between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities, before the opening of the checkpoints. During the same period he was part of the publishing team of the social and political dialogue magazine ‘From the Beginning’ [Εξ Υπαρχής] (1999-2004).
In 2004 he forms, together with other comrades, the ‘Platform of Leftists for YES’ and organizes afterwards, alongside other teachers, the G/c and T/c Teachers' Platform "United Cyprus", while publishing the magazine of the Greek Cypriot section of the platform, Kalemi [Το Καλέμι] (2008-11).
During the period of the intensification of the economic crisis that started in 2008, he organized, together with other members of the extra-parliamentary left, in ERAS, while afterwards he was a candidate in the European parliamentary elections of 2014 with the bi-communal electoral list of Δράσυ-Eylem, the first bi-communal electoral list that had ever participated in an election in the history of the Republic of Cyprus. Between 2014-2016 he participated in the attempt of forming the website of alternative information Platforma News, while in the last months of his life, he participated in the Leftist Movement – We Want Federation.
The 11th issue of the Entropy [Εντροπία] magazine features a tribute to Costis Ahniotis, while the documentary Tongue focuses on his life in relation to the Cyprocentric extra-parliamentary left. The audio recording of Costis’ discussion with sociologist Andreas Paanayiotou also exists (in Greek), on the subject ‘Radical Narrations of the Cyprus Problem from the 1970s onwards: The Rise of Cypriot Consciousness and of the Bi-communal Movement’, organized in 2017 by Syspirosi Atakton.
We have recently translated his 1988 text ’cypriot consciousness’, making it available in English for the first time.
In our attempt to make the archive more accessible, we present here 5 key texts of the broader Cypriot radical political scene that are available in English on the archive. Part of the archiving project is making previously unavailable texts; available to new audiences. Many of the following texts have thus been translated through the initiate of various individuals, whose work has been fundamental in allowing us to share these key texts for the first time, in English. A bonus text has also been added at the end of the list.
'Ecology and the Semblance of an Illusion' (1985)
This ecological text circulated in the Chrysallida social space in Limassol, in relation to developments surrounding Akamas. It consisted of 9.5 pages and included extensive excerpts from various works by Max Horkheimer, Karl Marx, Peter Kropotkin, Murray Bookchin, Ivan Illich, et al. It is one of the few ecological theoretical texts of the Cypriot anti-authoritarian scene.
‘cypriot consciousness’ (1988)
Published originally in the 35th issue of the Nicosian magazine ‘Within the Walls’, this text by Costis Ahniotis has remained a classic exposition of the Cyprocentric position associated with the extra-parliamentary left.
‘The Cyprus Problem and the Internationalist Tasks of the Greek Cypriot Working Class’ (1988)
This book was published by the leftist group Workers’ Democracy. It is perhaps the most extensive Marxist analysis of the Cyprus Problem, founded upon the theoretical framework of revolutionary deafeatism. While the book still remains untranslated as a whole, a recent partial translation of key parts has emerged in 2019.
‘5 positions on the reunification process or For the right to live in Cyprus without the Cyprus problem’ (2010)
This text presents the analysis and position of the libertarian group Falies surrounding the Cyprus Problem and the approach that should be taken by the extra-parliamentary left.
‘Cheap Bodies/Foreign Bodies: The Government Strategy on Immigration’ (2016)
This brochure was published by the group antifa λευkoşa, and analyses the immigration policy of the Republic of Cyprus during the recent years, emphasizing the effect on refugees and the process of illegalization of migrants and refugees.
‘Federation or Death’ (1993)
This text was published in the 10th issue of the anarchist magazine ‘Traino stin Poli’, in Limassol. Published on the pretext of elections contra the then possibility of the resolution of the Cyprus Problem through the Ghali set of Ideas, it offered a direct justification for supporting a bi-communal federation.
Στην προσπάθεια μας να γίνει το αρχείο πιο προσβάσιμο, παρουσιάζουμε εδώ 5 βασικά κείμενα του ευρύτερου Κυπριακού ριζοσπαστικού χώρου που εντοπίσαμε και αρχειοθετήσαμε στο αρχείο.
'Η Κύπρος, το Εθνικό και ο Εθνικισμός - Μία Ελευθεριακή Ανάλυση' (1984)
Γραμμένη από ανώνυμο Κύπριο Αναρχικό, η μπροσούρα πρόκειται για μια από τις πρώτες θεωρητικές προσεγγίσεις σε σχέση με το Κυπριακό, από μια ριζοσπαστική ελευθεριακή σκοπιά και αποτελεί πλέον κλασικό θεωρητικό κείμενο του Κυπριακού ριζοσπαστικού χώρου. Η παρόν έκδοση αποτελεί αναδημοσίευση της μπροσούρας, από την Ανοιχτή Συνέλευση Αγώνα Άνω Πόλης Σαλονίκης, τον Ιούνη του 2018.
'Οικολογία και η Φαινομενικότητα μιας Ψευδαίσθησης' (1985)
Οικολογικό κείμενο που κυκλοφόρησε στο στέκι της Χρυσαλλίδας στη Λεμεσό, με αφορμή τον Ακάμα. Έχει συνολική έκταση 9.5 σελίδες και περιλαμβάνει εκτενή αποσπάσματα από διάφορα έργα των Max Horkheimer, Karl Marx, Peter Kropotkin, Murray Bookchin, Ivan Illich, κ.α. Ενά από τα ελάχιστα οικολογικα θεωριτικά κείμενα του Κυπριακού αντιεξουσιαστικού χώρου.
Δακτυλογραφημένο Κείμενο Αρχείο PDF
'Το Κυπριακό και τα Διεθνιστικά Καθήκοντα των Ελληνοκύπριων Επαναστατών' (1988)
Το βιβλίο εκδόθηκε από την ομάδα Εργατική Δημοκρατία. Πρόκειται για ίσως την πιο εκτενής μαρξιστική ανάλυση του Κυπριακού Προβλήματος, βασισμένη πάνω στο θεωρητικό υπόβαθρο του επαναστατικού ντεφετισμού.
'Κυπριακή Συνείδηση - Διάλογος για μια Εμπειρία Χωρίς Όνομα' (1992)
Αυτή η μπροσούρα κυκλοφόρησε ως απάντηση στη λογοκρισία που ακολούθησε την εκπομπή Χωρίς Πλαίσια του ΡΙΚ στις 4 Ιούλη του 1992, όπου ο κοινωνιολόγος Αντρέας Παναγιώτου είπε πως είναι Κυπραίος και όχι Έλληνας. Παραμένει μια από τις ποιό προσβάσιμες και παράλληλα ανεπτυγμένες εκφράσεις της Κυπροκεντρικής θέσης. Πέρα από το αρχείο PDF, η μπροσούρα έχει πλέον δακτυλογραφηθεί (με εξαίρεση το άρθρο του κ. Καζαμία).
Δακτυλογραφημένο Κείμενο Αρχείο PDF
'Σώματα Φτηνά/Σώματα ξένα: Η Κρατική Στρατηγική της Μετανάστευσης - 3η έκδοση' (2019)
Μπροσούρα της ομάδας antifa λευkoşa η οποία αναλύει την μεταναστευτική πολιτική της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας τα τελευταία χρόνια, δίνοντας έμφαση στο προσφυγικό και την δημιουργία παρανομοποίησης μεταναστών και προσφύγων.
The following link contains a PDF file we received archiving incidents of Fascist, Racist, Xenophobic and Migrant/Refugee Exploitation in the Republic of Cyprus in the period 1993-2020 from various sources.
Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική Βία στην Κύπρο - Έβδομη Έκδοση
Language of Sources: Greek, some English. Language of Title - Table of Contents: Greek, Greek/Englsih.
Το link περιέχει αρχείο PDF που μας στάλθηκε, που αρχειοθετεί περιπτώσεις φασισμού, ξενοφοβίας, εκμετάλλευσης μεταναστών/τριών και προσφύγων στην Κυπρο την περίοδο 1993-2020 από διάφορες πηγές.
Φασισμός, Ξενοφοβία, Εκμεταλλευση και Ρατσιστική Βία στην Κύπρο - Έβδομη Έκδοση
Εισαγωγικό Σημείωμα
Η συγκρότηση του παρόν αρχείου ξεκίνησε το 2013. Ήταν αρχικά μια περισυλλογή των διάφορων άρθρων που είχα μαζέψει τα προηγούμενα χρόνια, μια μικρή προσωπική προσπάθεια να μαζευτούν όλα τα λεγόμενα “μεμονωμένα περιστατικά” ρατσισμού, φασισμού και ξενοφοβίας στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία. Η πρώτη έκδοση (Οκτώβρης 2013), η οποία κάλυπτε την περίοδο 2009-2013, σύντομα έφερε την δεύτερη έκδοση τον Μάρτη του 2014, καλύπτοντας την περίοδο 2003-2014. Η συλλογή των “μεμονωμένων περιστατικών” άρχισε να φαντάζει σαν μια διαδικασία χωρίς τέλος, σκιαγραφώντας σιγά σιγά την βαθύτατα ρατσιστική δομή της (ελληνο)Κυπριακής πολιτείας. Η αρχειοθέτηση περιστατικών και πληροφοριών συνεχίστηκε τα επόμενα χρόνια σε διαφορετικά επίπεδα έντασης. Το αρχείο εμπεριέχει υλικό από διάφορες πυγές, συμπεριλαμβανομένων τοποθετήσεων και φυλλαδίων πολιτικών ομάδων, αναρτήσεων σε μέσα κοινωνικής δικτύωσης και στήλες δημοσιογράφων - η συντριπτική πλειοψηφία του υλικού, παρόλα αυτά, προέρχεται από μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης. Η λογική πίσω από την αρχειοθέτηση του υλικού ήταν και παραμένει η καταγραφή περιστατικών και πληροφοριών γύρω από τον φασισμό, την ξενοφοβία, την εκμετάλλευση και την ρατσιστική βία στην Κύπρο, χωρίς να επιβάλλεται κάποιος αυστηρός έλεγχος στο ιδεολογικό ή άλλο περιεχόμενο των πηγών, π.χ. προσωπικές απόψεις των αρθρογράφων. Κάθε άρθρο που έχει συμπεριληφθεί μέσα στο αρχείο εμπεριέχει κάποιο στοιχείο ή πληροφορία σχετικά με τις ποιό πάνω θεματικές. Καθώς το αρχείο έχει συγκροτηθεί κυρίως μέσω από ηλεκτρονικά άρθρα και ψηφιοποιημένο υλικό, είναι φυσικό επακόλουθο πως η καταγραφή σταματά στην δεκαετία του 90, ενώ παράλληλα υπάρχει μια πληθώρα πηγών για τα γεγονότα των τελευταίων χρόνων. Ένα ευχαριστώ αρμόζει να επεκταθεί εδώ προς όλα τα άτομα, καθώς και στις διάφορες ομάδες που προωθήσαν τις εκδόσεις του αρχείου όλα αυτά τα χρόνια: την ΚΙΣΑ, την Αγκάρρα, την Εργατική Δημοκρατία, το Κυπριακό Κινηματικό Αρχείο, την ΕΡΑΣ, την ομάδα ΑΝΤ.ΑΡ.Τ.Ε.Σ, την Σκαπούλα, την Συσπείρωση Ατάκτων, την ομάδα antifa λευkoşa, την Bandiera και την Νέα Διεθνιστική Αριστερά, καθώς και άλλες ομάδες και συλλογικότητες οι οποίες μας διαφεύγουν αυτή τη στιγμή.
Γλώσσα πηγών: Ελληνικά, Αγγλικά. Γλώσσα Τίτλου, Περιεχομένων: Ελληνικά, Ελληνικά/Αγγλικά.
This year’s 21st March, proclaimed by the General Assembly of the United Nations as the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination for the killing of 69 peaceful demonstrators by the apartheid regime of South Africa, finds the whole of humanity in the vice of the coronavirus pandemic and the efforts to deal with it. These have led to the cancellation of marches and other events planned in Europe and all over the world, including ours here in Cyprus, to raise our voices and declare our opposition and resistance to racism and xenophobia.
The demonization of the right to asylum and the refugee flows and their interconnection with terrorism, structural racism and discrimination, hate speech and hate crime against migrant and refugee communities, against minorities and diversity, the demonization of NGOs and human rights defenders, all take on terrifying dimensions and they are fomented by the government narrative and policies, sections of the media and social media, which often uncontrollably spread fake news, thereby threatening people’s democratic achievements and decimating solidarity with vulnerable communities and groups, which experience racism and exclusion and inability to enjoy their basic and fundamental rights on a daily basis. The coronavirus pandemic further adds to the above and is used as a tool for legitimising policies, narratives and rhetoric against those most vulnerable.
It was only yesterday that the state, in breach of the basic principle of the customary international law, that of non refoulement, chased away a boat with refugees in the territorial waters of Cyprus that had approached the Cypriot shores, violating their right to asylum. The government was applauded for this action by extreme right and nationalist groups on social media, while the media almost totally ignored it and other quarters chose to remain silent. It was only yesterday again that an Iranian citizen with long-term residence in Cyprus was killed by police shots as a result of a complaint by Cypriots for causing disturbance in their village. A victim of institutional racism that wills the life of migrants and refugees to count less. Migrant women and girls were for years unclaimed by the authorities until their murders by a serial killer was revealed. Migrants remain uninformed about the measures for the coronavirus and they lose their jobs but the state’s protection net does not include these most vulnerable groups as the announced measures are essentially addressed only to Cypriots. The Kofinou Reception Centre for asylum seekers has been turned to a closed centre, because of the coronavirus, despite the fact that there is no case of the virus, simply on the basis of the status of the persons staying there as asylum seekers. The Pournara Centre of Temporary Hospitality for asylum seekers has been turned to a detention centre for African asylum seekers, on the basis of a clearly racist policy that wills some asylum seekers to move freely and others to be in detention, the only criterion being their colour and ethnic origin.
The Cyprus government, based on an unprecedented extreme right narrative, has developed an “Action Plan on migration”, which aims to prevent refugees from coming to Cyprus, to the effective exclusion of a large number of refugees from the right to effective legal remedy, the enclosure of asylum seekers in closed detention centres and the forced return of migrants and refugees to their countries of origin.
It has repeatedly interconnected refugees with terrorism and public safety as well as with Turkey, the perennial enemy, in the context of a narrative about its organised efforts to change the demographic character of Cyprus by channeling refugees to Cyprus, a narrative that is well received by extreme right and racist forces, instead of responsibly informing and sensitising its citizens and society about asylum and to explain that no human being leaves their country if there is no serious reason compelling them to do so.
At the same time, the Cyprus government has unleashed a relentless war of fake news, defamation and criminalisation of the action of NGOs engaged in the area of migration and asylum, creating thus fertile ground in society for their targeting and demonization.
In view of many of its member states having adopted the above policies and rhetoric, the E.U. seems unable to face up to the challenges of asylum and to maintain and strengthen the principles on which it is based –equality, the rule of law and respect of human rights, either by tolerating the violations of European law by its member states and/or through the adoption of policies that undermine these principles, such as the agreement between the E.U. and Turkey, which has recently been updated.
Today is the day we must once again declare and emphasise the necessity for resistance to all the above and the necessity to declare clearly our commitment to intensifying the struggle against racism and xenophobia, against nationalism and neo-nazism. Today is the day we, as a society, must declare our commitment to the principles of the rule of law, equality and human rights but also our support and solidarity to migrant and refugee communities, the most vulnerable groups of our fellow human beings to the scourge of racism and xenophobia.
Steering Committee