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Ο Ερντογάν φέρεται να είπεν ότι εν να έρτει Κύπρο να πειθαρχήσει τους τουρκοκύπριους... σε μιαν ακόμα αποκαλυπτική στιγμή της άτυπης ιστορικής συνεργασίας μεταξύ του τουρκικού κράτους τζαι της ελληνοκυπριακής ακροδεξιάς [που εκατσιάριζεν τούτην την περίοδο ενάντια στις επαφές των 2 κοινοτήτων – όπως για την συναυλία της δικοινοτικής χορωδίας] ...
Αλλά καλά κάμνει ο Ερντογάν να αθθυμάται.. Η Κύπρος εν «μιτσήν αλλά εν ροτσίν»...Εν τζαι μέσω των τουρκοκυπριακών κινητοποιήσεων στις αρχές του αιώνα που έσπασε το καθεστώς των κεμαλικών. Τζαι τωρά μπορεί η Κύπρος να εν πάλε σημείο καμπής...για τζήνον...
Τζαι εν γενικό σύνδρομο των ιθαγενων – τζαι οι ελληνοκύπριοι, ας πούμε, ενομίσαν αρχικά ότι η ελληνική μεραρχία, μετά το 1964, θα τους επροστάτευκεν... Τζαι σε 3 χρόνια ανακουφιστήκαν που εσηκώθηκεν τζαι έφυεν. Τζαι στις εκλογές του 1968 εψηφίσαν με πάθος ανεξαρτησία στο πρόσωπο του Μακάριου, του εφικτού..
Υπήρξαν 2 μεγάλες κλοπές στην μεταμοντέρνα εποχή της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας: το σκάνδαλο του χρηματιστήριου, τζαι η μετατόπιση των σκανδάλων των τραπεζών στο δημόσιο το 2013, τζαι την συνακόλουθη υφαρπαγή γης, σπιθκιων κοκ από το δίκτυο των τραπεζών σε συνεργασία με το ημέτερο τους δίκτυο στην Βουλή τζαι στην εκτελεστική εξουσία...
Η σχέση Νικολάτου-Πολυβίου [οι αμοιβαίες συναλλαγές] εν εκφραστικές πώς οι τράπεζες φαίνεται να λειτουργούν πκιον σαν παρακράτος με το δικαστικό σύστημα σαν πλυντήριο ξεπλύματος των ημέτερων..
Η αρπακτική πρακτική συνεχίζεται...
Να αθθυμάστε όμως που εκατάληξεν η πρώτη μεγάλη αρπακτή των τοκογλύφων την δεκαετία του 1920...
Την δυσαρέσκεια της Κοινοβουλευτικής Επιτροπής Νομικών εκφράζει ο Πρόεδρός της, Νίκος Τορναρίτης, με επιστολή του προς τον Πρόεδρο του Διοικητικού Συμβουλίου του Συνδέσμου Εταιρειών Πιστωτικών Διευκολύνσεων και Διαχειριστριών Εταιρειών Πιστωτικών Διευκολύνσεων (ΣΕΔΠ), για την άρνηση του Συνδέσμου για εκ νέου παροχή αναστολής εκποιήσεων, πλειστηριασμών ή/και ανάκτησης ακινήτων (repossession), μέχρι να τεθεί σε ισχύ η προωθούμενη σχετική νομοθεσία. Καλεί τον Σύνδεσμο να μην προχωρήσει σε εκποιήσεις.
Με την επιστολή ο Πρόεδρος της Επιτροπής επισημαίνει την «ανάγκη εξεύρεσης τρόπου προστασίας των εγκλωβισμένων αγοραστών υπό το φως της πρόσφατης απόφασης του Εφετείου με την οποία κρίθηκαν ως αντισυνταγματικές οι ρυθμίσεις που αφορούν την προστασία τους», αναφέροντας ότι το ζήτημα έχει εγγραφεί προς εξέταση από την Επιτροπή.
Η αντιπαράθεση με τα πανεπιστήμια στις ΗΠΑ, διευρύνεται: δημιουργειται συμμαχία πανεπιστημίων για αντιμετώπιση της επίθεσης Τραμπ. Για την αυτονομία τους τζαι για το δικαίωμα της διδασκαλίας τζαι της έρευνας χωρίς έλεγχο Μακαρθισμού..
Ο Τραμπ εξεκίνησε δυναμικά, αλλά σαν να κτίζει την επόμενη μέρα των αντιπάλων του; ..Η αντιπαράθεση φέρνει στην επιφάνεια όχι μόνο τον διχασμό της αμερικάνικης κοινωνίας, αλλά φαίνεται να βοηθά, σαν απρόσμενη συνέπεια, τζαι στην συγκρότηση μορφών αντίστασης...
83% απαιτούν να συμμορφωθεί ο Τραμπ με τα ομοσπονδιακά δικαστήρια..
Διότι όπως βιώνεται το σκηνικό εν πρωτοφανής αντιπαράθεση δικαστικής τζαι εκτελεστικής εξουσίας... Ακόμα τζαι για την μετανάστευση που ήταν το αρχικό επιθετικό «όπλο/θέαμα» του Τραμπ, οι αντιδράσεις εξισορροπούνται - όσοι διαφωνούν εφτάσαν τζαι ξεπερνούν οριακά όσους υποστηρίζουν την πολιτική Τραμπ – 46% vs 45%...
Τζαι για πρώτη φορά την εφτομάδα που επέρασεν η δημοτικότητα του Τραμπ έππεσε στο 42%..
«A striking 83% of respondents demand Trump comply with federal court rulings, amid tensions over potential contempt charges against members of his administration. This reflects an unprecedented institutional crisis, with the executive branch repeatedly ignoring rulings that limit its most controversial actions.
While 45% approve of his immigration policies, 46% oppose them, revealing a near-even split. This issue, traditionally central to his base, is eroding amid criticism of measures deemed xenophobic and human rights violations.
59% of Americans believe the U.S. is losing international influence under Trump, particularly due to aggressive tariff policies and deteriorating strategic alliances. This contrasts sharply with the “America First” narrative promoted by the Republican since 2016.»
Οι λαμπρατζιες ένεν τελετή/έθιμο που εκφράζει κατ’ ανάγκη παραβατικότητα. Εκφράζει συμβολική βία – δεν σκοτώνεται κάποιος/α πραγματικά. Σκοτώνεται συμβολικά ο «κακός». Σε τούτο το πλαίσιο μπορεί να γίνει παραβατική σε περίπτωση περιορισμού η ευρύτερης κοινωνικής έντασης... Ψυχολογικά θα μπορούσαμε να πούμε ότι εκφράζει επιθυμία εκτόνωσης συσσωρευμένης αρνητικής ενέργειας...
Τζαι το ότι εν οι έφηβοι που την ζουν σαν τελετή θέαμα, με συλλογική προσπάθεια συλλογής ξύλων, προστασίας του χώρου από κλοπές ξύλων κλπ, εν εκφραστικό... Εν έθιμο στο οποίο βρίσκουν την ευκαιρία να κάμουν τελετή εκτόνωσης... Ο άλλος ανάλογος χώρος εν η κερκίδα...
Κοινωνιολογικά θα μπορούσε κάποιος/α να πει ότι τέτοιες τελετές εν αναπόφευκτες. Τζαι για την εφηβεία τζαι για την συλλογική μορφή οργάνωσης...
Αν υπάρχει κάτι που είναι παράδοξα αντιφατικό, εν η σχέση της λαμπρατζιας σαν τελετής, με το πλαίσιο – της ανάστασης του Χριστού κατά την θρησκευτική τελετή στο εσωτερικό του κτηρίου της εκκλησίας..
Ανασταίνεται [συμβολικά πάλε] ένας θεός που κήρυξε το «αγαπάτε αλλήλους» [τούτη εν η ιστορική εισφορά του Χριστού/χριστιανισμού στην εξέλιξη του ανθρώπινου πολιτισμού...]...Τζαι ακριβώς την στιγμή που αποκαλύφκεται το μεγαλείο που κηρύσει την «αγάπη», οι οπαδοί/πιστοί του έξω από την Εκκλησία «εκδικούνται» συμβολικά με το κάψιμο «του Ιούδα»..
Με ένα παράξενο τρόπο η τελετή της λαμπρατζιάς [η οποία εν τζαι ιστορικό έθιμο γενεών] είναι η ταυτόχρονη αντίθεση σε ότι γίνεται/λεγεται μέσα στον ναό...
Όπως στην τελετή του γάμου, που όταν ο ιερέας λαλει το «Η δε γυνή να φοβείται τον άνδρα» η κυρία πατά το ποϊν του γαμπρού σαν μορφή ακύρωσης του τι λαλει ο «ιερός λόγος»..
Εκκλησιαστική προ-φεμινιστική πράξη..
Έθιμα ιθαγενών ανατολικής Μεσογείου, οι οποίοι επεράσαν από τις αρχαίες λατρείες, στον μονοθεισμό αναμειγνύοντάς τελετουργίες...
· Η αναπόφευκτη διάσπαση της παγκόσμιας, τζαι τοπικής, ακροδεξιάς
Μετά την ρήξη στην Γερμανική ακροδεξιά για την στήριξη [ή υιοθέτηση του μοντέλου] Τραμπ, ανάλογα φαίνεται να πλανιούνται τζαι στην Ουγγαρία....
Ο Τραμπ, μετά τους δασμούς, εν δύσκολο να πουληθεί σαν πρότυπο, αφού η προτεραιότητα της πολιτικής του [με βάση την ρητορική του] εν η στήριξη των ΗΠΑ [τζαι της εικόνας του] ...Χάνει η κυβερνητική εικόνα στις δημοσκοπήσεις όταν ηταν ταυτισμενη με τον Τραμπ...
«Ahead of a general election early next year in Hungary, the Tisza party, led by a former ally, now has a four-point lead over Orban’s long-ruling Fidesz, according to Budapest-based pollster Median. Other pollsters give the opposition an even bigger edge. Institutes close to the government say Fidesz is still ahead.»
Εν ενδιαφέροντες οι συνειρμοί του Ανάστου: η αναφορά στον Μιλόσεβιτς, αφορά την σπάσιμο του δυτικού εμπάργκο στην νέα Γιουγκοσλαβία, την εποχή μετά-τον- σοσιαλισμό, διάλυση της Γιουγκοσλαβίας... Εξήχασε όμως ο Αναστος, όπως κάμνει συνήθως, ότι η απόφαση επάρθηκε στο εθνικό συμβούλιο, την εποχή προεδρίας Κληρίδη... Αλλά εν στο «Μαρί» που φαίνεται να παραμιλά όντως. Διότι αν θα πάρουμεν σαν σημείο αναφοράς το τί έννοαν ο Αναστασιάδης με το «λαϊκό δικαστήριο», τότε [ιντα τζαιρούς έφτασες Ανάστο] ουσιαστικά ταυτίζεται με τον Δ. Χριστόφια.. τζήνος εδαιμονοποιήθηκε που μια συμμαχία που εξεκίναν που τον Πολυβίου [τζαι τα συμφέροντα των τραπεζών] τζαι έφτανε φυσικά στον Αναστασιάδη, που ωρύετουν να μεν θεωρηθούν σαν τεκμήρια οι έρευνες της αστυνομίας που εκαταγράφαν τζαι τις μαρτυρίες των στρατιωτών ότι ήταν ο διοικητής ο Ιωαννίδης που εδιάταξεν τους πυροσβέστες τζαι τους ναύτες να πάσιν κοντά στο σημείο της έκρηξης... Εν καταγεγραμμένα πκιον...[AM1] Δαμε, τζαι ο Τσαγκαρης της παράταξης του Αναστου εκαταγραψεν το ότι ο Δ. Χριστόφιας ηταν το πρώτο θύμα των fake news..
Τζαι τότε ο Ανάστος μια χαρά τα είσιεν με τον Δρουσιώτη, που χωρίς τσίπα έγραφεν τζαι πρωτοσέλιδο χωρίς τεκμήριο για «ευθύνη Χριστόφια»... Τότε που ο κόσμος εθκιέβαζεν τον Πολίτη... Ήταν τζήνη η αθλιότητα που έκαμεν τον Πολιτη να βολοδέρνει μετά, ως σήμερα... Τζαι ο Αναστασιάδης παραμιλά γιατί η λάσπη του [της ρητορικής, της εμπάθειας, τζαι του «να φάμεν να σπάσουμε»] έρκεται τζαι βρίσκει τον τωρά...
[AM1]Όπως τζια τα του Αναστασιάδη ;)
Ο κ. Ψάλτης του Πανεπιστήμιου Κύπρου, τζαι η ομάδα γενικότερα η οποία κάμνει τις σχετικές δημοσκοπήσεις, προσφέρει μια πραγματική [επιστημονική όσον αφορά την κοινωνική έρευνα] βοήθεια κατανόησης της κυπριακής κοινωνίας – τζαι τι φαίνεται να θέλει..
Η σαφής στήριξη της ΔΔΟ είναι καταγεγραμμένη σε διαδοχικές έρευνες... διότι τζήνο που μετρά ιστορικά ένεν η φευγαλέα εικόνα μιας συγκυρίας, οπου το κοινό μπορεί να χειραγωγηθεί - τζήνο που μετρά εν τζηνο που παγοποιείται [«τσιμεντώνεται» κατά την έκφραση του Δ. Χριστόφια] σε βάθος χρόνου..
Μόλις ανακοινώσαμε τα αποτελέσματα της πιο πρόσφατης ακαδημαικής έρευνας φέτος για τη στάση των Ελληνοκυπρίων προς τη Διζωνική Δικοινοτική Ομοσπονδία (ΔΔΟ). Ακόμη μια έρευνα προστέθηκε σε όσες διεξήχθηκαν μετά το Κρανς Μοντανά που καταδεικνύουν την ανοδική τάση αποδοχής της ΔΔΟ. Τα τελευταία τρία χρόνια, η ομάδα που βλέπει την ΔΔΟ ως ικανοποιητική λύση και όχι ως απλώς μια λύση που μπορεί να κάνει αποδεκτή αν είναι ανάγκη έχει περάσει πρώτη. Το σύνολο των ατόμων που την θεωρούν ικανοποιητική μαζί με αυτούς που θα μπορούσαν να την αποδεκτούν αν είναι ανάγκη είναι 79%. Δηλαδή 21% απορρίπτει την ΔΔΟ σήμερα το 2025
Birleşik Kıbrıs Partisi Genel Başkanı İzzet İzcan yayımladığı mesajda, işçi ve emekçinin birlik, mücadele ve dayanışma günü 1 Mayıs’ı kutladı.
1 Mayıs’ın, işçi sınıfının her türlü sömürüye karşı direniş ve mücadelesini simgelediğini belirten İzcan, sınıfsız, savaşsız ve sömürüsüz bir dünya için mücadelenin devam etiğini vurguladı.
İzzet İzcan, Emperyalist kapitalizmin her türlü saldırısına karşı direnen, tüm dünya işçi sınıfını ve tüm ezilen halkların şanlı mücadelesini selamladıklarını, uluslararası işçi sınıfı ve ezilen halklar ile dayanışma içerisinde olduklarını vurguladı.
Kıbrıs’ta barış ve sosyalizm için canlarını feda eden işçi sınıfı önderlerini saygı ile andıklarını belirten İzzet İzcan, “ Derviş Ali Kavazoğlu, Kostas Mişaulis, Fazıl Önder ve daha nice işçi sınıfı öncüsü yoldaşımızı katledenler, mücadelemizi geriletmeyi başaramamışlardır. Mücadelemiz güçlenerek devam etmektedir “ dedi.
“ Yurdumuzun bütünlüğünü sağlayıp, tüm Kıbrıslıların insan haklarına saygılı, birlikte özgürce yaşayacağı günlere ulaşmak ve sosyalizm bayrağını açmak temel amacımızdır “ diyen BKP Genel Başkanı İzzet İzcan, “ Yaşasın 1 MAYIS, yaşasın Kıbrıslı Türkler ve Kıbrıslı Rumların ortak vatan yaratma mücadelesi, yaşasın sosyalizm “ dedi.
Article written by Zeynep G in 2005 and published on the website 'In Defence of Marxism'. Backup version can be located by pressing here.
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Cyprus is one of several countries that is to be admitted into the European Union in 2004. But there remains the problem of the unresolved national question on the island. Turkey's continued hold over the northern part of the island has become a major obstacle to Turkey being accepted as an EU member. The debate among the ruling elite in Turkey has swiftly turned into a blunt choice of "whether to abandon Cyprus or to annex it". This article by Zeynep Günes, a Turkish Marxist, presents a socialist perspective on the question of Cyprus.
As membership of Cyprus to the EU draws closer, the pressure exerted by liberals in the Turkish press on Denktas (the president of the so-called, but unrecognised KKTC, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus) has been increasing. All of a sudden they have started to complain about how many millions of dollars Cyprus has cost Turkey in these hard times of economic crisis, and what a huge fetter this is for Turkey's entry into the EU. The debate has swiftly turned into a blunt choice of "whether to abandon Cyprus or annex it".
On top of this we have had the statements of TUSIAD, the most powerful organisation of the bourgeoisie in Turkey. They have announced that "Cyprus may be a strategically important island, but on the other hand we have the task of improving the living-standards of sixty-five million people by becoming a member of the EU, by becoming a rich country and part of the modern (civil) world. We cannot miss the opportunity simply because of the problem of Cyprus."
The debate became extremely heated when TUSIAD issued the statement in which they said, "we do not agree that Turkey's support for Rauf Denktas' uncompromising hard-line policy is correct." The pressure was becoming so strong that Denktas was compelled to do something at the end of the day. That same Denktas who had earlier tried his best to obstruct and avoid any negotiations was forced to approach Glafcos Clerides (leaders of the Greek speaking southern part of the island) to start new talks, the first round of which took place on August 4. Both before and after the meeting, the hawkish Denktas was compelled to smile and hinted that there existed the hope for a "solution".
Of course, the issue of EU membership is not the only element bringing about this change. In the current conjuncture, there are many coinciding factors: the US designs for a "new order" throughout the world starting with the Afghanistan War; the role of the Middle East in this plan; and the role that Turkey is supposed to play in this game. All these factors further complicate the balance in this region and means that the problem of Cyprus has to be placed within a broader framework. Thus we see another big power stepping in to ‘solve" the problem: the USA.
The formula of the "United States of Cyprus", which was spelled out by Denktas after the December 4 talks, was later revealed to be of US origin. The rumour is going round that an unofficial document has been prepared by US foreign ministry experts, which is presently being examined by both Turkey and Greece. The United Nations are said to be in favour of the document which is also supported by Turkey. Thus it is evident that when the official negotiations start, this will be one of the most important documents on the table.
Another aspect of the problem is that both the USA and the EU wish to use the island as a military base. It is not difficult to understand the crucial significance of Cyprus especially when we consider the potential of impending big conflicts in the Middle East. Once again Cyprus is seen as an "unsinkable aircraft carrier" as was the case during the "Cold War" years.
In order to understand how the present situation came about and find where the real solution lies for the working-class, we have to look into the history of the Cyprus question.
Cyprus became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1571 and the first Turkish community was sent to the island in the same year. The Ottoman State, in order to get back the territories lost to Russia in the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, rented the island to Britain in exchange for help, with the understanding that once the Ottomans got their territories back, the island was to be handed back to the Ottoman Empire. But when the Ottoman Empire backed Germany in World War I, Britain announced that it had annexed the island. The Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 confirmed the annexation of Cyprus and the island officially became a colony of Britain in 1925. At that time, the majority of the island's population consisted of Greeks with a minority of Turks.
In 1931, the island's Greek speaking population burnt down the British imperial governor's palace during a revolt against British imperialism. Britain then formed a police force from among the Turkish speaking population who had not taken part in the revolt, but had opposed it. Thus started the familiar British policy of Divide and Rule, playing off the Greeks and Turks against one another – with pogroms on both sides.
After the uprising, as the idea of Enosis (uniting with Greece) prevailed among the island's Greek population, Britain set about organizing the Turks as a counter-balancing force. In 1943, a British-manipulated organization, the Institution of the Turkish Minority of Cyprus Island (KATAK), was founded. However, this organisation proved incapable of achieving the desired influence. And in 1944, Dr. Faz?l Kucuk founded the National Turkish People Party of Cyprus.
The Communist Party of Cyprus (KKP), founded in 1926, had been declared illegal after the uprising of 1931. The KKP founded the AKEL in 1941 in order to carry on its legal activities. After three years of co-existence, in 1944 the KKP dissolved into AKEL. At that time, the anti-imperialist movement was led mainly by the AKEL and the Orthodox Church.
Since the 1950s, one of the most important factors that increased the importance of Cyprus were the oil reserves in the Middle East. Another factor was that Cyprus was an important base from which to intervene in the conflicts that erupted throughout the region (for instance in the Arab-Israeli conflict). Britain was losing its military bases throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, and therefore it gave great importance to Cyprus.
When we look at the position of the Turkish ruling class prior the 1950s we see an interesting picture. Prior to the 1950s, as Turkish senior officials declared at that time, "there was no such thing as the Cyprus" for Turkey. On January 23, 1950, the then Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Necmettin Sadak, announced in the TBMM (The Grand National Assembly of Turkey) that "there is no such thing as the Cyprus question… our strong conviction is that Britain has no intention or inclination of handing Cyprus over to another state today. No matter what happens in Cyprus, the British government will not hand the island of Cyprus over to any other state. Therefore the stirrings among our youth are in vain." Again in July of the same year, Fuat Köprülü, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government of the Democrat Party, also said that "there was no such problem."
Of course the most important factor determining this policy, that was maintained until the mid-1950s, was NATO. Turkey and Greece both joined NATO in 1952. Turkey was in favour of maintaining the status quo, and had no desire to be in conflict with Greece over Cyprus, which would have jeopardised its NATO membership. At the same time hysterical anti-communism, whipped up by NATO, was prevalent in both countries and this affected the whole policy to a great extent. It was the independence struggle on the part of the Greek Cypriots that was to force Greece to break with its indifference.
In 1954, Greece appealed to the United Nations to force Britain to acknowledge "the right of self-determination" for Cyprus. In the negotiations, Turkey lined up with Britain saying that the island was Britain's and the appeal was rejected. As a matter of fact, this attitude of Turkey siding with the colonialists is not an accident at all. During the independence struggles of Algeria and Tunisia against French colonialism, Turkey was on the side of France. And quite naturally, Turkey was seen as a pro-colonialist country in the eyes of the Middle East and other underdeveloped countries.
In order to stop such a strategically important island from falling under the sphere of influence of the USA, Britain attempted to legitimise its own presence on the island by drawing Turkey into the problem and creating a de facto Turkish-Greek conflict. In fact, the strengthening of both Greek and Turkish nationalism (which were both artificially intensified), suited the interests of Britain very well. In fact it was no accident that EOKA (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters, founded on nationalistic bases in 1955) launched provocative attacks against ordinary people including the Turks. Nor was the granting of a seat to Turkey at the London Conference in the same year. The same applies to the plotting of the infamous November 6-7 incident coinciding with the last days of the conference.
On November 6, 1955, a state-sponsored newspaper spread the news that Atatürk's former house in Salonica (Thessaloniki) had been bombed. Then began the attacks on Greeks and other non-Muslims in Istanbul which devastated their houses, shops and churches. Three people were killed and 30 injured. The attacks were conducted in an extremely organized and well-prepared manner. Backed by the MAH (the then Turkish intelligence service), organisations such as the ‘Cyprus Belongs to Turkey Society' and the Union of Istanbul Higher Education Students effectively led the attacks. Immediately the government announced "communists" as the scapegoats, and a witch-hunt against them began. Only years later did a retired army general reveal the real perpetrators when he declared that "the incidents of November 6-7 were the act of the Special War Unit. It was a great operation and it achieved its aim." Also it was disclosed that the Turkish government itself had plotted the bombing of the house in Salonica (Thessaloniki).
At the same time, all over Turkey there were demonstrations organised by the state behind the main slogan of "Partition or Death!" School students and university students were stirred up to participate in the demonstrations. And thus with a massive campaign Cyprus became a "national cause".
At the same time, another campaign was started in Cyprus to decimate the left. In mid-December, AKEL and many left organizations were banned and all left publications were prohibited. Around 140 people were arrested and sent to the concentration camps and gaols. During the period of underground work, which lasted until December 1959, many left cadres were assassinated under the guidance of ringleader Grivas, one of the fascist leaders of the EOKA. In spite of this AKEL managed to maintain its underground struggle during this period.
Having started negotiations with Makarios for "autonomy" in early 1956, Britain had him arrested and sent into exile when he insisted on "the right of self-determination". [1] However, in July of the same year there was more bad news for Britain in the region. The Nasser government of Egypt announced the nationalisation of the Suez Canal and the British military bases situated in Egypt were closed. In the meantime the struggle of the Greek Cypriots had intensified. Having lost its bases in Egypt, Britain was compelled to acknowledge "the right of self-determination" for fear of losing the whole of Cyprus, whose regional importance had been massively increased. But Britain added that its military bases on the island should remain.
In the same year, Turkey presented the idea of "partition" to the United Nations, which was originally the position of Britain. According to this idea the island was to be divided into Greek and Turkish parts and then these parts were to be joined to their own "fatherlands." This was perfectly suited the "divide and rule" policy of British imperialism.
EOKA announced a cease-fire in early 1957 after Makarios' release. On the other hand, during the same months NATO got involved in the question under the guise of "mediating" between Greece and Turkey. From then on, the process became more complicated and one plot followed another. On October 27, the former British imperial vice-attorney-general Rauf Denktas was appointed as chairman of the Federation of Turkish Cypriot Institutions. On November 29, an organisation called the Turkish Resistance Organisation (TMT) appeared with its first leaflets. A year later, EOKA revived its attacks. In reply the TMT declared war on the Greeks as well. However, the TMT did not target only Greeks but also some Turkish workers who were in favour of peace and independence of the island. After a joint mass demonstration by Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the TMT began murdering Turkish trade union members. In the same manner, left-wing Greek workers were murdered by the Greek chauvinists. In order to carry through the policies of imperialism, it was necessary to smash the will of the working class whose attitude in favour of fraternity, peace and independence was an obstacle.
As tension increased, Greece and Turkey, both members of NATO, came close to war. Following this, the new American backed formula of "independence" was introduced. With the signing of the Zurich-London Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance in 1959, Turkey, Greece and Britain became the guarantors of the Cypriot constitution.
With the Constitution of Cyprus in 1960, the island became a so-called "independent" country, but with British military bases still on the island. Turkey and Greece also had military forces on the island and Cyprus was not allowed to be member of any alliance in which Greece and Turkey were not also members. Also, the Cypriot people would not be permitted to amend the constitution, otherwise, as stated in the treaty, Britain, Turkey and Greece were entitled to intervene in order to "re-establish order."
The president of the newly-founded Republic of Cyprus was to be a Greek (Makarios) and the vice-president a Turk (Faz?l Küçük). In all decisions relating to political, military and security problems both the president and vice president had equal rights of veto. There were two official languages. The Assembly was to consist of 70% of Greeks and 30% of Turks. Seven ministers would be Greeks and three Turks, in a ten-person cabinet. Bear in mind that at that time, the Turkish population on the island was just 18% of the total population. The fact that they had a disproportionate representation of 30% and that they were accepted as an "equal" party meant that ground was already being prepared for the future conflicts.
After 1960, the electoral support of the pro-Soviet AKEL began to grow. At the same time the Republic of Cyprus became one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement. This movement had been known for its close relations with the USSR. All these were sufficient reasons to cause Turkey and the imperialist bourgeoisie to have nightmares. As was stated in New York Times of December 12, 1961: "The Soviet Union can seize power in a democratic manner only in one country, that is Cyprus. After independence communist influence increased, the unemployment rate rose high. According to the forecasts of some diplomats, in a free election the communists can get 35% of the vote. When we remember the strategic significance of Cyprus, we understand how dangerous it is for the West." These fears of the "danger" would lead to an exacerbation of the designs and plots over Cyprus.
In November 1963, president Makarios attempted to amend the constitution in thirteen different clauses. This was partly because of EOKA's (The Organization of Cypriot Fighters) pressure. Most of the amendments were aimed at restricting the rights that had been given to the Turkish community in the constitution. The constitution had been based on the principle of the recognition of two different societies. For instance, the judicial and municipal services in each part were run by people from the respective communities within the existing order. The number of officials, MPs, soldiers and police were determined proportionally. The amendments involved a transition to a state with no separate rights for any single community. Thus the level of conflict increased. While Makarios took firm measures, the Turkish Cypriots leaders showed absolutely no interest in negotiations. Thus they abandoned parliament and all the other institutions beating the drum and accusing the other side that "they have thrown us out of the republic" (To this day, the seats reserved for the Turks are still empty in the Assembly of Republic of Cyprus).
Thereafter Turkey once again put forward the idea of partition. The intensified attacks on the Turkish speaking population, which led to 24 Turks being killed, together with their claims that there had been a violation of the constitution, were used as ground for intervention. And quoting past treaties, Turkey hinted at a possible intervention on the island. US president Johnson stated, in his famous letter of June 5, 1964, that the US was against a possible intervention on the island, warning Turkey in a "bitter tone". One month later, within the framework of a plan prepared by the US Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Dean Acheson, negotiations with Greece and Turkey began.
According to Acheson's plan, there would be a region in the upper north-east of the island consisting of Turks and Turkey could station as many soldiers there as it wanted. However Makarios rejected the idea alleging, that it meant an indirect "partition", and no agreement could be reached. On August 8-9, Turkey bombed the Greek region of the island for two days, resulting in the death of 33 Greek Cypriots and 230 injured. The US and Britain remained silent about the bombing. In fact they gave it implicit support. A short while after the famous Johnson letter, Acheson said in his private talks with Nihat Erim (later prime minister of Turkey) and Turgut Sunalp, "as a friend, I tell you off the record that you can go and seize the region allocated to you with your military forces if you can do it without shedding much blood. The American fleet will not hinder you but protect you." That revealed the implicit support of the US for the intervention. This was because the plan that was being carried out meant that the island would come under indirect control of NATO.
The bombing of the island, despite Johnson's letter, did not mean that Turkey "stood up" to the US. To present things in this way is nothing but an exaggeration which serves only to prop up nationalism.
With the coup d'état of April 21, 1967, Greece entered a dark period under the rule of the Colonels' Junta. When the Junta rejected US requests to use Greek airports during the Arab-Israeli War of 1973, a counter coup d'etat took place on November 25, 1973 against the former junta, which had lost the support of the US. And on July 15, 1974, a fascist coup d'état, led by Sampson, was carried out in Cyprus against the regime of Makarios, which was an attempt to set up a fascist-type administration. But five days after the coup, on July 20, 1974, Turkey invaded the North-Eastern part of the island and on July 23, both juntas in Greece and Cyprus collapsed. [2]
Turkey legitimised its invasion on the grounds of its entitlements stemming from the guarantor-treaties and this initially had the support of the West. At the same time, the invasion provided NATO with its long-desired chance of gaining a presence on the island. [3] The USSR, which had supported Makarios previously in the Non-Aligned Movement, also sided with Turkey in order to prevent the island passing under the sovereignty of Greece.
Nevertheless, through a second military operation on August 14, the Turkish army occupied 37% of the island's territory by pushing its troops forward. [4] The USSR withdrew its support when it realised that Turkey had no intention of putting Makarios [5] back at the head of government. Likewise, the US launched a three-year arms embargo beginning in February 1975.
Since the invasion, 40,000 Turkish Cypriots (at that time, one-third of the Turkish population in the island) have emigrated to Western countries, especially to Britain. On the other hand, Turkey started to send a lot of settlers to the island in order to increase the Turkish population. Having invaded the island under the guise of protecting the constitutional republic, Turkey abandoned its own pretext by setting up the Turkish Federal State of Cyprus (KTFD) on February 13, 1975 and installing Denktas as its president. According to the treaties of the same year, the Turkish population of the South and the Greek population of the North were exchanged and the people of the island were compelled to live in two separate regions according to their ethnic origins. On November 15, 1983, another step was taken with the declaration of an independent state, namely the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC). Interestingly, the "left" parties in the Turkish area, such as the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) and the Social Liberation Party (TKP), acknowledged the decision by submitting to the threats of Denktas without any resistance. Thus, an internationally un-recognized, self-proclaimed "republic" was set up. The main figure in this process was Britain's former imperial attorney, and now Turkey's imperial governor, Denktas, the same man who had been trying to silence his rivals using every method possible for the previous 27 years.
Meanwhile, in Turkey the military dictatorship that had come to power in the September 12 (1980) coup had just come to an end and elections had taken place. But the government had not yet been formed. Turgut Ozal, the winner of the elections, together with the generals and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, initially were not in favour of the proclamation of the KKTC. However, they had to accept Denktas' fait accompli, who had taken advantage of the situation, and they then recognised the KKTC.
The proclamation of this so-called state was the result of Denktas' personal calculations. According to the constitution of the KTFD, Denktas did not have the right to be elected for a third term to the presidency. However, with the proclamation of the new "state", both the constitution and the electoral system were changed and therefore the reign of Denktas and his party, the National Union Party (UBP), could be maintained for many more years.
After the partitioning of the island into two regions, in the wake of Turkish invasion, countless negotiations took place between the Turkish and the Greek sides, but no agreement has ever been reached. In this deadlock, both Turkey and Greece have played major roles, each considering the island a colony to be ruled by their respective governors. The question of Cyprus, just as the question of the Aegean islands, is stirred up whenever public opinion has to be diverted away from internal problems - a ploy that is still going on today. When the class struggle becomes intense, the ruling class puts nationalism back on the agenda by using Cyprus and the Aegean islands to push the fundamental problems into the background.
When we examine the views of the Turkish side in Cyprus, we see constant changes. From 1974 to the present day, Turkey initially offered a cantonal structure, then, with the foundation of the KTFD, jumped to the idea of a federation and then shifted to the idea of independence. But because nobody recognises this independence, the idea of confederation has been put into circulation. And despite their accepting the existence of two separate states on the island with the proclamation of the KKTC, Turkey and the KKTC insist on not recognizing the Republic of Cyprus. Above all, Turkey is adamantly opposes to the Republic of Cyprus joining the EU (the "Republic of Cyprus" which they refuse to recognise) and threatens the annexation of the north to Turkey if membership of the EU is accepted. This KKTC is so independent that speeches referring to annexation to Turkey receive standing ovations from the "president" of this so-called "independent state". With this position Turkey has ironically demonstrated how "independent" the KKTC really is, at the same time as it struggles to get the KKTC recognised on an international scale.
As to the economic situation… Northern Cyprus has become a paradise for laundering black money with its casinos, which have blossomed over the last years, and its suspect banks where organised crime and the MIT (National Intelligence Service of Turkey) rule supreme. Except for the private universities, it has hardly any income and the north of the island has become thoroughly dependent on Turkey. Most of the island's natives have emigrated abroad owing to the lack of employment. Now the number of Turks who were brought from Turkey as new settlers is nearly equal to the number of native Cypriot Turks and the majority of these newcomers are mainly lumpen-nationalist elements. This tends to sharpen the conflicts between these people and the native people.
As the EU accepted the application of the Republic of Cyprus as a candidate in 1993 the question of Cyprus has become an "official" EU problem and therefore it began to occupy a greater place in the membership negotiations between Turkey and the EU. The fact that Greece joined the EU in 1981 has been a great disadvantage for Turkey since Greece can use its right of veto in relation to the membership negotiations between Turkey and the EU. Having been compelled to make a lot of concessions before being accepted for membership, Turkey was finally accepted as an official candidate in 1999 at the Helsinki summit.
According to the decision taken in this summit the EU will decide on the Republic of Cyprus' membership in December 2002. If the Cyprus question has been solved, its membership will be approved. If not, a decision will be taken to consider who was responsible for the continuation of the problem. That is the main reason why Turkey is extremely alarmed. The "solution" to the problem of Cyprus is thus an urgent matter that can no longer be delayed in terms of both the membership of Turkey and of Cyprus. That means that, unlike in the past, the policy of evading or putting off a "solution" seems no longer possible. If Turkey continues to be a "troublemaker", the south of Cyprus could become an EU member regardless of the status of the northern part of the island. Although Turkey threatens to annex the north if such a scenarios were to become reality, neither Turkey nor Denktas know how to curb the population. Most of the Turkish Cypriots are in fact in favour of joining the EU together with the south. Despite all dangers involved, the rapidly increasing number of Turkish Cypriot applicants for Republic of Cyprus (Southern) passports demonstrates this. The path to EU membership for Turkey, in one way or another, passes through some form of a united Cyprus, which is what Turkey has always wished to avoid.
One of the reasons why Denktas and his colleagues do not want the Greek speaking part of Cyprus to join the EU is that the freedom of travel, settlement and property (the so-called "three freedoms") would then become almost impossible to restrict. One of the hard-line advocates of the Turkish policies, Gunduz Aktan, a columnist and a former ambassador, referred thus to the proposals made by Annan during the negotiations which Denktas abandoned: "In short, Annan ... implies that Turkey must accept the three freedoms beforehand. That means that the rich Greeks supported by mainland and American Greeks will come to the north with the aim of settlement and investment and will purchase the estates of poor Turks easily. They will be able to change the composition of the population and property of the north in a short time to their advantage. So the solution will bring about the liquidation of the Turks in a more civilized manner." (Radikal, January 10, 2001)
One must realise that there is a sizeable section of the people who stand for the status quo on the island. There are those who launder all their black money through the island, those who do not want to lose their rent thanks to the invasion, and those who were promoted from the position of imperial attorney general to the presidency together with their bootlickers. And there is a section of the Turkish bourgeoisie (which extends into the army, etc.) which is against Turkey's membership of the EU,. Of course, there are also their Greek counterparts as well.
Among the Turkish population on the island, which has been silent owing to years of intimidation and oppression, new dissident voices have begun to be heard over the last couple of years and this process has begun to accelerate. Big mass demonstrations have broken out since July 2000 as civil servants and public workers have not had their salaries paid, creating serious difficulty for them, and this is a direct reflection of the economic crisis in Turkey itself. Two months later, in September, as well as a massive rally, there was a general strike with the participation of 35,000 people. On the rallies, the workers expressed their anger against the economic measures which are being forced onto them in parallel with what is taking place in Turkey. They shouted slogans like "Ankara! We want neither your money, nor your package, nor your officials... We don't want to be slaves."
The austerity programme of hunger, poverty and repression imposed by the IMF on Turkey has simply been transmitted by Turkey onto northern Cyprus. KTÖS (the Teacher's Union of Turkish Cyprus) expressed its opposition to any attempt to coerce them into accepting such austerity measures with an advertisement in a daily newspaper, Avrupa (Europe), saying that "this country is ours, we are the ones who should rule." In reply to this, Denktas, this lackey of Ankara, said "I was shocked. This can only come from the Greek side," and added that "these kind of people shouldn't be allowed to teach." Moreover Prime Minister Dervis Eroglu accused the trade union of being "ungrateful," and pressure on the trade union has been stepped up. The leaders were arrested, union premises were raided, the teachers were forced to give statements and were taken to court with the intention of barring them from teaching. It did not stop there. Two writers of Avrupa, which stands for a united and independent republic on the island, were arrested on the accusation of "spying" and shortly afterwards its printing offices were set on fire. Curiously enough, there then appeared a new organization, namely the UHH (National People's Movement), founded by those who are in favour of union with Turkey and against joining the EU. In its public statements, it has raised its demands for union with Turkey, opposition to the EU and the need to wage "a firm struggle against the internal enemies." The leader of the organization is a former DP (the party of Denktas) member and an adviser to the president! Moreover, Denktas did not deny his obvious "sympathies" for the organisation and even said that although he was not the chairman of this organisation he would in fact have been proud to be running it. As can easily be guessed, the UHH stood behind the acts of sabotage and threats although it was not proved officially.
The pressures on the opposition, especially on the progressive layers of society, are still continuing. For instance, recently, a teacher, Nilgun Orhon, was barred from teaching and an investigation into her was launched after she wrote in Avrupa that the Turkish army should go home putting an end to the invasion. [6] A lot of members of the KTOS and other trade unions protested against this, but they were beaten and arrested. The KTOS, on December 12, organized a one-day warning strike in Lefkosa (Nicosia) and Magusa. The students also took part in the demonstrations refusing to attend school. Opposition parties boycotted parliament. But the government took its revenge on Avrupa. Denktas had previously sued Avrupa demanding compensation. The lawsuits filed by Denktas were rushed through and concluded immediately and as a result of the heavy fines and sequestrations inflicted on the paper it was forced to close down.
In spite of his repressive measures, all this shows that Denktas is no longer able to maintain his arbitrary dictatorship as comfortably as he used to do.
For centuries, the people of Cyprus have been denied any real self-determination and have been kept out of the game. The island was purchased, sold, rented out, invaded, annexed, carved up against the will of the islanders who have never been allowed to have a say. And the situation, is in fact, no different today.
The workers in both the northern and the southern parts lack their own organisations that are capable of putting forward a solution based on their real class interests. This explains why they are sometimes misled by the "solutions" of the bourgeois. Now on both sides of the divide there are widespread illusions that EU membership will solve all the problems. For instance, there is a growing demand amongst the Turkish community in the north to unite with the Greek part in the south. This is because of the low level of GDP per capita in the Turkish north compared to that of the Greek south ($3,000 compared to $13,000). Yet it is the EU, as well as the others (the US, Turkey and Greece), who created the mess on the island in the first place. Wasn't Britain, a member of the EU, hugely responsible for this mess? It is clear that unless the working class comes out clearly against bourgeois politics, it will always end up falling into a trap.
A lasting solution to the problem of Cyprus is impossible under capitalism. None of the imperialist "solutions", whether as a member of the EU or as an independent Cypriot state, can provide Cyprus with permanent and lasting peace. The problem will be provoked again and again by the very same agents who are now being presented as those who are going to solve the problem. The only permanent solution is a united socialist federation comprising Greece, Turkey and Cyprus.
No doubt this may sound utopian to some. However history has confirmed many times over that the real utopians are those who have been trying to solve the problem on a capitalist basis. In spite of this, now the same illusions are being spread again. Yet the futility of these bourgeois dreams is not only demonstrated by the bitter history of Cyprus. These bourgeois delusions have been proven not to withstand the test of reality, above all in Palestine, Northern Ireland, Kashmir and many other parts of the world. Only the internationalist programme of the working class can solve the problems of these peoples who have been poisoned for years with all kinds of nationalist, ethnic and religious chauvinism.
Within the framework of this internationalist programme for a permanent socialist solution to the conflict in Cyprus the following immediate demands need to be put forward:
December 20, 2001
Notes
[1] Makarios was released in March 1957 but was exiled from the island and forced to settle in Athens. He was able to return to the island only after the Republic of Cyprus was founded in 1960.
[2] On the basis of this some argue that the intervention played a progressive role. They even present it as if it were the intended aim of the intervention. However, the invading Turkish army had no such aims. It would be nothing but mere speculation to say that had it not been for the intervention the military regime in Greece would have lasted for a long time. Moreover, it amounts to attributing to the reactionary Turkish army a democratic role which has never been the case. Remember that the very same army that is supposed to have "saved" Greece from the military junta, brought a similar nightmare to Turkey just 6 years later (the military coup of September 12, 1980). Also it was the same Turkey that was the first country to recognise the regime of the Colonels' Junta back in 1967.
[3] In 1964 there were plans to establish a NATO military base on the island, however the opposition of the USSR and Makarios hindered the plan. Instead, UN troops were placed on the island. After the Turkish invasion, Greece, in protest, declared that it was withdrawing from the military side of NATO, and this lasted until 1980.
[4] Most of those in the Turkish socialist movement, unfortunately adopted a nationalistic attitude towards the invasion of Cyprus. The fact that the military juntas collapsed in both Greece and Cyprus helped Turkish nationalism disguise its real nature behind the façade of anti-fascism for quite some time. The fact that the USSR supported the invasion, at least in the early stages, encouraged the pro-Soviet socialists (who were tail-ending Ecevit, the then Turkish prime-minister) to support the invasion. From Turk-Is to the DISK, all the trade unions in Turkey supported this nationalist madness and backed Ecevit. For instance DISK even launched a campaign for its members to donate one-day's wages to the state. Those revolutionaries who described the "Operation Peace" as an invasion were labelled "enemies of the Turks". That such an accusation in the name of "left" could be regarded as an insult shows just how deep nationalist sentiment had permeated the left.
[5] Makarios returned to Cyprus on December 7 and took over as the president.
[6] There are 35,000 Turkish troops on the island today, which is a stunning figure when we consider that the total Turkish population is only 150,000.
[7] Britain still has a 100 square-kilometre military zone and has 20,000 troops based there.
I have encountered, on several occasions, rape denialism when talking with Cypriot pro-Palestinian leftists in relation to the October 7 Hamas attack. Since every such discussion has left me, frankly, nauseated, I decided to collect here some of the documented proof regarding the matter. I am responding here to one claim only, that rapes and sexual violence did not take place during Hamas' attack.
I am not interested in writing a detailed rebuttal of every pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian propaganda point surrounding the narratives over sexual violence. Others are better equipped to do so than me, and indeed have done so. What I have encountered is not a discussion of such points, but merely the plain denial that sexual violence took place in any form or consistency. In relation to the facts themselves, we have reports and statements from credible organisations whose purpose is to document human rights violations across the globe, and who have not been shy of documenting atrocities committed by Israel both in the past and in the present. The three sources I quote below do not exhaust the available documentation.
"Overall, based on the totality of information gathered from multiple and independent sources at the different locations, there are reasonable grounds to believe that conflict-related sexual violence occurred at several locations across the Gaza periphery, including in the form of rape and gang rape, during the 7 October 2023 attacks. Credible circumstantial information, which may be indicative of some forms of sexual violence, including genital mutilation, sexualized torture, or cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, was also gathered" (page 21).
You can read it by pressing here.
"Amnesty International has interviewed one person who described being subjected to rape at the Nova festival by members of a Palestinian armed group. It has spoken to several mental health and legal professionals who, between them, reported treating or providing legal services to a number of survivors and witnesses of rape or other sexual violence during the attacks, and a psychiatrist who said that some returned hostages reported being subjected to sexual violence by men guarding them. The organization has received testimonies describing bodies of people killed during the attacks that raise concerns about rape or other sexual violence and is reviewing several images of bodies of victims of the attacks that also appear to prompt such concerns" (page 5).
You can read it by pressing here.
"Human Rights Watch found evidence of acts of sexual and gender-based violence by fighters including forced nudity, and the posting without consent of sexualized images on social media. [...] The extent to which acts of sexual and gender-based violence were committed during the October 7 assault will likely never be fully known: many victims may have been killed; stigma and trauma often deter survivors from reporting; and Israeli security forces and other responders largely did not collect relevant forensic evidence from the attack sites or the recovered bodies" (Pages 7-8).
You can read it by pressing here.
Survivor Testimonies
It has been more than once that I encountered the argument that there are no public accounts of rape victims themselves. In the minds of some people, this is apparently proof that rape and sexual violence did not occur. I always found the demand that victims of rape must publicly expose themselves bizarre, a demand that I frankly have never encountered amongst Cypriot leftists in any other occasion of sexual violence.
These accounts are indeed scarce, and the reason is obvious. Many of the victims of rape and sexual assault were killed on the same day by Islamist militants. Those who survived have to endure the psychological fallout of their abuse, as well as social stigma in a patriarchical society that has long been shifting towards conservatism and religious fundamentalism. But for those who desperately need such proof, here is one statement of a survivor of the Nova massacre witnessing rape, and another by a survivor experiencing rape. Although not relevant to the October 7 attack as such, there is also this long piece of a former Hamas hostage detailing her experiences, including being raped at gunpoint.
A Recent Instance of Misinformation
In January 2025, Israeli prosecutor Moran Gez gave an interview to Yedioth Ahronoth, stating, amongst other things, that:
“Unfortunately, it will be very difficult to prove these crimes. In the end, we don’t have complainants. What was reported in the media compared to what will ultimately be established will look very different—either because the victims were murdered or because women who were raped are unwilling to come forward.
We reached out to women’s rights organisations and requested cooperation. They told us no one had contacted them. Some parents reached out to these organisations, asking what to do if something happened to their daughters, but they didn’t disclose the assaults.
In this area, I would temper expectations. I know the public is expecting action and understands the need to address the horrific sexual offences and assaults that occurred, but the vast majority of these cases won’t meet the evidentiary threshold in court, and the criticism will ultimately fall on the prosecution—unjustly so.”
Moran Gez was here commenting on the legal dimension - it is not enough in a court of law to prove that rapes did take place, as the reports above indicate. One has to connect each individual rape to an individual perpetuator, who needs to be first identified, taken into custody, formally charged, and proven guilty based on the standard of proof demanded by the judicial system. So for Gez, the chances of legal persecutions and convictions of October 7 rapists are slim, even if surviving victims do come forward - which they are unlikely to do, as has been the case in past examples of conflict-driven sexual violence, including that of Cyprus.
How was the above reported by some pro-Palestinian sites? By misrepresenting the statements made in the interview, cherry-picking them to promote the narrative that no rapes or sexual violence ever took place, and that Gez herself confirmed that. This is what Electronic Intifada did, as well as the Middle East Monitor, the World Socialist Website, and the Iranian Press TV, just to name a few. And with the way (mis)information spreads in today's algorithm-driven social media, it does not take long for the content of a propagandistic article on a website to be repeated to me by a friend over coffee during a lazy afternoon.
Propaganda & Ideology
Lies during conflicts spread like Los Angeles wildfires. Early on in the conflict, Israeli narratives promoted spectacles of abysmal violence, descriptions of brutal acts that fall well within Islamophobic stereotypes, orientalised caricatures and dehumanising discourses whose purpose is to strip any human resemblance of Palestinians at large. This was a propaganda uninterested in careful documentation, aimed at dominating public discourse at day one, and good propaganda needs its exaggeration. When some of the accounts circulating on international media proved to be false, various pro-Palestinian groups, websites and activists grasped the opportunity to produce their own counter-narrative, that no rapes or sexual violence whatsoever took place during the October 7 attack. This counter-narrative is no less propagandistic than the Israeli one, it concerns itself not with the truth, but with its distortion for political ends. Its presence is neither surprising nor new. Encountering it amongst local feminists and socialists, whose commitment to social justice I do not doubt, is what I increasingly find disturbing.
The first time that I noticed such levels of misinformation within the alternative left in Cyprus was during the Covid-19 pandemic. The second time was during the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and there is a long report on this blog (in Greek) documenting the denialism of Russian crimes against humanity by a popular leftist social media page. In all cases, what became blatantly obvious was the inability of people to separate a reliable from an unreliable source, to effectively fact-check what they are consuming and to identify obvious misinformation. I will simply list here again some of the news media sources that have proven to be consistently reliable in terms of their reporting of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: Associated Press, Reuters, Al Jazeera, Bellingcat. These are to be viewed as complimentary news media sources, as each has a different focus. In relation to human rights violations and crimes against humanity, the reports of Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the United Nations are the focal points of reference.
On the left, we often accuse others of having been brainwashed by hegemonic discourses. Leftist ideology, like all counter-hegemonic ideologies, perceives itself as being located outside broader ideological processes, looking in. Indeed, much of the self-gratification in leftist politics can be traced to the (un)conscious belief that one sees beyond the ideological facade, participating in a politics that brings to the surface social reality as it itself objectively exists. It is a dangerous belief, making those holding it easily susceptible to all sorts of misinformation, precisely because they perceive themselves exempt from it. And when you are repeating the talking points of rape denialists, it might be time to ask yourself how you got there.
Delirium
There are a
few simple ways to access blocked websites. These
include using the Wayback Machine, proxy sites, and VPNs. It should be noted
that the tools below are not meant for online security but simply for accessing
a blocked site.
Wayback Machine
One way of accessing a blocked website is by checking captures of said website on the Wayback Machine database – as long as you have the link to the website you want to access. The Wayback Machine creates digital copies of internet websites. This allows for access to (versions of) websites that have gone permanently offline, or in our case, of websites that are blocked by our internet provider. This works because what you are in fact actually accessing is the Wayback Machine website, rather than the blocked website in question. As long as the Wayback Machine is not blocked by your provider, you are good to go. In is important to note that the database has partial captures, so it may not necessarily have up to date captures of the link you input, and captures tend to be more numerous depending on the popularity of the site you are trying to access.
Proxy Sites
Another way to access a blocked site is through the use of a proxy server. Proxy servers will load for you the site, bypassing the block, as again what you are technically accessing is the proxy server website in question, rather than the website you are in fact trying to access. One example of a free proxy site is proxysite.com. Again, you will need to have the link of the site you would like to access.
VPNs
A VPN (Virtual Private Network) works by sending your internet traffic through a secure connection to a special server run by the VPN company. This hides your real location and makes it hard for others to see what you're doing. It also helps you access websites or content that might be blocked in your country.
There are many free VPNs available as extensions for browsers that are good enough to use if what you are simply trying to achieve is access to a blocked website. However, if what you are concerned with is also to protect your IP and personal data, paid options appear as an inevitability, as free VPNs tend to collect and sell the data of their users. Nonetheless, for simply accessing blocked websites, free VPNs are good enough. One example of a free VPN extension is ProtonVPN.
The following is a brief discussion on various tools for the effective scanning, digitization, and long-term preservation of documents and media. It highlights accessible hardware and free software options for individuals and organizations working with limited resources.
Scanning & Digitization
Access to a scanner is essential for archiving documents. A4 scanners remain relatively cheap in the market (around €100) and come a long way in allowing for the preservation of printed material. These scanners have their limitations – they may not be able to produce images of the highest quality and will typically not be able to scan film negatives, which high-end quality scanners are able to do. Nonetheless, their relatively low cost and accessible interface makes them suitable for individuals and groups with limited financial resources. In terms of A3 scanners, the only affordable scanner we were able to locate is the Plustek OpticSlim 1180, which costs less than €400.
In cases where a document is in such a dire state of decomposition that the very process of scanning it may result in its destruction or any other significant damage, a simple solution is the careful photographing of each page with a relatively decent digital camera. Photographing documents is however a time-consuming process which I would not advise pursuing as a substitute for scanning.
I highly recommend the digital preservation of documents in the form of PDF files. An exceptionally useful tool is PDF24, a free software that allows for the creation, simple editing and compression of PDF files. It further has the capacity to convert images to text through OCR.
Useful Free Software
For those who have limited knowledge of image editing and no access to commercial software, like me, I recommend Paint.NET, a free image and photo editing software. GIMP is a more advanced alternative, while for very simple stuff, Microsoft Paint remains remarkably handy.
For converting a DVD into a video file, HandBrake is excellent, while WinCDEmu is only one of many free programs allowing the emulation of CD/DVD/BD drives. VLC Media Player remains exceptional for playing video files, while OpenShot Video Editor is an accessible free open-source video editor.
In terms of viewing PDF files, Sumatra PDF is undoubtedly superior to Adobe Reader, being extremely fast and lightweight, unlike its Adobe competitor. Although most operating systems have their own snapping tools, Greenshot is another lightweight free software allowing for easy screen capturing that has proven quite useful over the years. Regarding opening and creating archive files, 7-Zip remains essential. Lastly, when creating a digital archive, consistently in file naming is of the essence, especially as files keep accumulating. Bulk Rename Utility is an excellent tool allowing for the bulk renaming of files, saving its user a lot of time and effort.
Creating Backups
Beyond accessibility, one of the great advantages of creating a digital archive is the possibility of creating multiple copies of the archive, reducing the risk of damage and loss. Creating multiple copies of a digital archive is thus essential to avoid possible loss of data. Loss of data can come in many forms –physical destruction of the hardware where the files are stored (external hard disks, flash drives, laptops etc.), theft of hardware, collapse of a server, online hacking and so on. It is thus important to maintain multiple backups of the digitized files. An easy practice is to create backups by using multiple external hard drives, which are then stored at different locations. In the case of the physical destruction of one hard drive (for example, due to a house fire) other backups survive. There are of course also cloud services, which nonetheless come at a cost.
This practice, although essential, protects digital archives only offline. Assuming an archive is publicly and openly available online, the collapse of its website infrastructure will inevitably lead to the archive going offline as a whole, since files will be hosted on the website’s server. To avoid this, it is worth considering uploading digital files of archived material on alternative databases as well – creating such copies preserves access to the files even if one server hosting them falls apart.
An easy solution to this dilemma is the uploading of files (depending on copyright etc.) on the Internet Archive database. The Internet Archive hosts an enormous amount of files and is an excellent website to upload files for backup. Setting up an account is easy and straightforward, as is uploading files on the database. In addition, the Internet Archive also hosts the Wayback Machine, which creates digital copies of internet websites. This allows for access to (versions of) websites that have gone permanently offline. Capturing your own site’s URLs in the Wayback Machine, including the URLs to digital files, is another way to create backups of an online archive. Another website, archive.is, does something similar and can be used as an alternative, but Wayback Machine is preferable, as it belongs to a broader project dedicated to open access to information. Wayback Machine also has an official browser extension that is very handy and which I highly advise installing.
The last official census conducted in Cyprus to include all the islanders was dated 11 December 1960.[1] Here, the number of Turkish Cypriots was determined as 104,320. The same census gave a figure of 104,942 for the total Muslim population living on the island. In this case, it is understood that 475 gypsies and other Muslims, who generally lived together with the Turkish Cypriot community and were Muslims, were included in this figure.
Following the inter-communal clashes that began in December 1963 due to constitutional disputes, the Turkish Cypriots were separated from the state machinery and a census could not be conducted in the enclaves where the Turkish Cypriots were living. However, according to information compiled from a study by Canadian researcher Richard A. Patrick, who also served in the UN Peace Force in Cyprus, in early 1971, there were a total of 119,147 Turkish Cypriots living in the Turkish Cypriot settlements spread over the island.[2]
In the 1973 population estimates made by the Greek Cypriot administration in Cyprus, the number of Turkish Cypriots was given as 114,960. [3]
A short while after the island was divided in two in the summer of 1974, a report dated 20 October 1974 prepared by Ahmet Sami, Secretary General of the Ministry of Interior and Justice of the "Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration", included the following information:
"A total of 83,719 Turkish Cypriots live in the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration area. A total of 32,039 Turkish Cypriots remained in the south. Of these, approximately 10 thousand were in the British Sovereign Base Area, 4,200 in Limassol and its villages, 12, 000 in the district of Paphos, 2,630 in the district of Larnaca, and 3,209 in the villages of the district of Nicosia. In another part of the same report, it is stated that approximately 12,000 Turkish Cypriots migrated to the north by their own means until 19 October 1974."
In this case, there were 71,719 Turkish Cypriots living in the north and 44,039 Turkish Cypriots living south of the division line, making a total of 115,758 Turkish Cypriots. This figure is essentially close to the number given in Patrick's study.
A report in the Zaman newspaper dated 9 August 1977 stated that Hakkı Atun, the Minister of Settlement and Rehabilitation of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC), announced that 20,934 families, or 83,650 people, were settled in the north in the three-year period between 1974 and 1977. Since the number of Turkish Cypriot immigrants from the south was determined as 44,039 in October 1974, it is understood that the remaining 39,611 people were settlers brought from Turkey.
SETTLERS BROUGHT FROM TURKEY
In October 1974, Turkish immigrants were first brought to the occupied part of the island to work in the gardens and hotels left by the Greek Cypriots. In January 1975, this situation was expanded with the settlement of the families of those who were martyred in the 1974 war. Those who were discharged from the military and wanted to settle in Cyprus were also added to these. After the signing of the “Agricultural Labour Protocol” in February 1975, the first wave of immigration from Turkey began. A secret regulation was published under the title of “Regulation on the Elimination of the Labour Deficit in the Region”, prepared upon the request of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus. It was stated there that even if all the Turkish Cypriots living south of the division line were to come to the north, there would not be enough labour force and therefore the northern part should be filled with the population brought to the island from Turkey as soon as possible.
Citizenship was granted to all those brought from Anatolia and settled in the part of the island occupied by the Turkish Armed Forces by the decision of the “Council of Ministers” of the Turkish Administration. In addition, the houses and lands of the Greek Cypriots who were forced to leave their ancestral homes were distributed. They were not allowed to leave the places they settled for at least five years. If they left, everything given to them would be taken back from them. Those who could not adapt to the new local conditions later returned to Turkey, but the vast majority remained on the island. According to a study, 82,500 Turkish settlers were settled in the occupied part of Cyprus between 1975 and 1979. However, 20-25% of them could not adapt and returned to Anatolia. [4]
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF TURKISH SETTLERS
This group, who were settled in the part of the island occupied by the Turkish military and made citizens of the separatist state, initially participated in general elections with the political parties they founded. The Turkish settlers, who participated in the 1981 elections with the Reformist Welfare Party and the Turkish Unity Party, founded by retired Turkish officers, came together under the single roof of the New Birth Party (YDP) in January 1984 with the help of the Turkish Embassy in Nicosia.
These parties, supported by the votes of the Turkish settlers, took part in coalition governments during the periods when the ruling party lost power, ensuring the continuation of the established order.
Thanks to the 8% vote threshold election system, which was tried in the separatist state in 1985 without being implemented in Turkey, the National Unity Party-UBP- (36.7%), which had 25 deputies instead of 18, joined the coalition with the New Birth Party-YDP- (8.7%), which had 4 deputies, and the ruling party was able to maintain its majority until the end of April 1988.
After Aytaç Beşeşler, the Party Chairman and Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, lost the election at the YDP Congress, three YDP deputies resigned from their party. One of them later returned to the YDP, while the other two joined the UBP. The new leader of the YDP was Orhan Üçok, a member of the Party Assembly of the True Path Party (DYP), who came to the island to participate in the congress and won the election. In other words, he was one of those who maintained both Turkish and TRNC citizenship.
POPULATION OF TURKISH CYPRIOTS IN THE 1990’S
In my study titled “What is the population of Turkish Cypriots?” published in Söz magazine on 31 October1986, I stated that the number of Turkish Cypriots, which was announced as 115,758 on 20 October 1974, had increased to 157,984 by the end of 1984 and that 47,186 Turkish citizens were settled in Northern Cyprus as of 1983. By 1994, it was estimated that this number had reached 100,000.
In an article in which I criticized the fact that the number of immigrants brought from Turkey to Cyprus and made to vote was kept secret and never published before the general census conducted for the preparation of the electoral rolls prior to the Presidential and General Elections held in the spring of 1996, I wrote the following:
“The participation of dual nationals in the elections, who have been preventing the true will of the Turkish Cypriots from being reflected in the election results for years, should be opposed and a definite stance should be taken regarding the elements whose existence prevents the Cyprus problem from being resolved in the interest of the Cypriots. Another issue should be to make a definite decision not to go to the elections with an anti-democratic election law.” [5]
The opposition parties, the Republican Turkish Party (CTP) and the Communal Liberation Party (TKP), which received a total of 57.2% of the votes in the 1985 general elections, participated in the elections under the name of the Democratic Struggle Party (DMP), which was formed by Turkish immigrants together with the New Birth Party, and the three parties could only reach 44.4% of the votes. The entry into Parliament of two MPs of YDP origin from DMP who gambled and lost by saying “the anti-democratic election law may be beneficial for us” and two MPs who won from the TKP list (E. Vehbi and İ. Kotak), caused the party to disintegrate in this election. When the 7 MPs of CTP and the remaining 5 MPs of TKP refused to take office on the grounds that “we will not be extra members in Parliament”, their seats were filled by UBP candidates (except for one) in the by-elections that were held.
The articles I wrote to draw attention to the problem created by the Turkish settler population who moved to the part of the island occupied by Turkey and were made citizens and allowed to vote were not given much importance. [6] On the other hand, CTP officials created a definition that Turkish immigrants were also “labourers with calloused hands” and, moreover, they integrated with the party of TKP and Turkish settlers (YDP) and entered the 1990 elections under the name of “Democratic Struggle Party” (DMP). But when their calculations did not prove right, they decided to boycott the Parliament, which led to the 1991 midterm elections. This increased the number of seats of the UBP in the 50-person Parliament from 34 to 45.
HIDING THE CHANGE IN THE DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE
The Turkish Cypriot population, which was 104,942 in 1960 and 115,758 in 1974, was shown together with immigrants of Turkish origin as of July 1974, and in the census conducted on 26.5.1990 to determine the number of voters, this figure reached 173,224. When asked why the 1990 census results were not announced in detail, Rauf Denktaş, the head of the regime established in the north of Cyprus, said, "If we announced it, it would be clear who came from where." [7]
It is a well-known fact that the population transfers carried out in violation of the Geneva Convention to the territory under Turkish military control in the north of Cyprus since 1974 have disrupted the demographic structure. The legal status of an occupying power over the territory it occupies, as well as its rights and responsibilities, are regulated by international agreements. These were specified one by one in the 4th Geneva Convention for the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, dated 12 August 1949.
A report was prepared by Spanish socialist parliamentarian Alfons Cuco on behalf of the Committee on Migration, Immigration and Population of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe regarding the population, transferred to the north of Cyprus by the occupying Turkey after 1974. According to this report, dated 27 April 1992 and titled “Demographic Structure of Cypriot Communities”, between 1974 and 1990, the population in the south of the Republic of Cyprus increased by only 13.70%, while the population in the north increased by 48.5%! The report, referring to UN Representative Camilion, stated that in addition to 30 thousand Turkish military units, a civilian population of 40-45 thousand people was transferred to the occupied northern region, and that 40 thousand Turkish Cypriots left the occupied region for various reasons.
The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which discussed the Cuco Report, in its recommendation numbered 1197, adopted on 7 October 1992, instructed the European Population Committee to determine the population of the island in cooperation with the relevant authorities and to obtain reliable data instead of population estimates. In the meantime, the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot Administration were requested to keep a definitive record of foreigners entering the island and the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus to keep records of Turkish citizens residing in Cyprus and visiting the island. Unfortunately, no census could be carried out in the north of the island under the supervision of international organizations in the intervening period and the number of Turkish Cypriots who were settled in the north or were living illegally could not be determined. The general elections of 12 December 1993, which were decided to be held after Rauf Denktaş was squeezed in the UN peace talks and the CTP was pulled even further to the right after the Democrat Party emerged from the UBP, were held under conditions where the YDP, the party of Turkish immigrants, was dissolved into Denktaş’s new party, the DP.
Before the decision to hold early elections and the amendment of the election law, the opposition parties, who had demanded that a census be held and especially the number of immigrants of Turkish origin be announced, withdrew their demands when the election mood began. For some reason, no political party touched on this issue after the election results were announced. However, in the census conducted on 19 September 1993, it was announced that the population was 155,994 and the number of voters was determined as 106,688, but no information was given about Turkish immigrants. No one even mentioned the headline in the Kıbrıs newspaper published the day after the census, which read “We are approaching 200 thousand.” However, what we heard was that the population had reached 204 thousand.
The data of the first population census, conducted by the Turkish Cypriot authorities on 15 December 1996 and evaluated at the Turkish State Institute of Statistics in Ankara, was only announced two years later. Accordingly, the de facto (actual, not based on residence) population was 200,587 people. Since the question "permanent place of residence" was also included in the questionnaire, the de jure (based on residence) population was reported as 188,662 people. Prime Ministry Planning Organization Undersecretary Ahmet Bulunç, who made the statement, said that the difference of 11,925 people was due to the fact that people who were in the TRNC on the day of the census declared that their permanent place of residence was outside the TRNC. [8]
Total.................. 200,857 100%
TRNC nationals.............. 164,460 82%
TRNC born..................... 137,398
TC born........................... 23,924
3rd country born................ 3,138
TC nationals..................... 30,702 15%
Students.............................. 8,287
Employees........................ 12,922
Unemployed....................... 1,327
Other (employed, income earners,
retired etc.).......................... 8,166
Other nationals.................... 5,425 3%
The number of Greek Cypriots living in the north was 384 and the number of Maronite Cypriots was 173.
As can be seen from the figures above, it was not stated how many children were born in the TRNC to parents born in the TRNC. Furthermore, no mention was made of the families of approximately 35 thousand soldiers and officers of the Turkish Armed Forces on the island. The number of illegal workers, whose number was estimated at 25-30 thousand at the time, also shows that the figure stated as the de facto population was low. In a news report given with reference to some officials who did not want to be named, it was stated that the number of people who were granted citizenship in Northern Cyprus since 1974 was around 46 thousand, and that 20-25 thousand of these people did not permanently reside in the TRNC.[9] Among these were also famous politicians and members of parliament from Turkey.[10] According to the statements of Kenan Akın, who is of Turkish origin and served as Minister of Agriculture and Forestry in the TRNC government, there were 60 thousand Turkish immigrants in the TRNC.[11]
In the elections of 12 December 1993, which took place after the New Birth Party joined the Democrat Party, which was formed by Rauf Denktaş's son in 1992 with those who left the UBP, 4 of the 15 seats won by the DP belonged to Turkish immigrants. It was striking that 76 (22%) of the 351 candidates who ran in the same elections were born in the Republic of Turkey.
After the results of the early general elections of 12 December 1993 were announced, I wrote an article titled “Election Results Do Not Reflect the Will of Turkish Cypriots” and made the following assessment:
“Of the 351 candidates for parliament, 1 of whom was independent and 350 of whom were members of 7 parties, 76 (22%) were born in Turkey. Of the 50 elected MPs, 4 were of Turkish origin and all were elected from the Democrat Party. In the final analysis, it can be said that “Denktaş” won the election.”[12]
IN 1998, “40% OF THE POPULATION WAS OF TURKISH ORIGIN”
In the general elections of December 6, 1998, 61 (17%) of the 352 candidates who were candidates were born in Turkey. Moreover, it was reflected in the press that there were fierce discussions between immigrants of Turkish origin and Turkish Cypriots during the determination of the MP candidates within the DP. The unrest in the DP, which emerged from the loss of votes in the parliamentary elections, brought forward the idea of reviving the New Birth Party of Turkish origin, which merged with the DP in 1992 and became history. In a paid advertisement given to the press by these disgruntled people, they protested "the cunning division of the votes of a large segment of the population, representing 40% [13] or approximately one third of the population, and the prevention of the fair and balanced representation of this segment in the Parliament." [14]
THE EXACT NUMBER OF TURKISH CYPRIOTS CANNOT BE KNOWN
Since the 137,398 TRNC citizens, born in Cyprus given in the 1996 census results above, include those of Turkish origin, this number also prevents reaching an exact figure regarding the Turkish Cypriot population in the TRNC.
Mustafa Miralay, Director of the TRNC Immigration Department, stated that approximately 49 thousand people were granted TRNC citizenship between 1984 and 1999, and that the number of those granted citizenship between 1974 and 1984 is unknown due to "no records being kept", and that the Council of Ministers has so far granted citizenship to many people, including some Turkish ministers, members of parliament and artists. The newspapers reporting Miralay's statement also used the following headlines: "It was reported that some of those who were made citizens by the decision of the Council of Ministers never came to the TRNC... While an average of 3,300 people are made citizens in the TRNC every year, approximately 30% of our new citizens live outside the island." [15]
A day later, in statements made by the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Interior on the subject, it was claimed that "Miralay made a historical error due to a slip of the tongue", and it was claimed that 49 thousand people were made citizens since 1974, not 1984, and it was stated that "it is impossible not to keep records, all citizens are registered". [16]
Although there is no reliable official number of official citizenships granted to settlers from Anatolia, Arif Albayrak (CTP), a member of parliament, stated in the Kıbrıs newspaper on 23 October 2003 that the total number of citizenships granted between 1974 and 14 October 2003 was 53,904.
The Birlik newspaper on 24 October 2003 also gave the following details of citizenships granted after 1994, a total of 17,293 persons: By decision of the “Council of Ministers”: 3,675; with approval of the “Ministry of Interior”: 7,272; as third generation: 2,246; through marriage: 1,971; citizens of a third country: 1,142; Bulgarian Turks: 987.
A total of 10,203 persons were granted citizenship due to marriage in 2004, but the number of those who received citizenship due to “spouse and child” was 4,480.
The CTP was very critical of this practice when the party was in opposition, but during the CTP governments (2013-2016), the granting of “TRNC” citizenship to Turkish settlers continued. 796 people became citizens by the decision of the “TRNC” Council of Ministers. (Including natural means, this number was 3,916 people in total.)
During the UBP-DP coalition governments (2016-2017), 7,200 Turkish citizens were granted “TRNC” citizenship. If each person is multiplied by 4 (spouse and at least 2 children), this number becomes 28,000 new citizens.
According to the 2011 census, the total population living permanently on the island was: 286,257 people. Their breakdown by place of birth was as follows:[17]
Born in TR: 104,641
Born in 3rd country: 14,933
Born in UK: 6,476
RESULTS OF CHANGE IN DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE
The results of various censuses conducted in the Turkish-controlled area in the north of Cyprus since 1974 and the number of voters who voted in the general elections are given below [18]:
DATE POPULATION NUMBER OF VOTERS
11 December 1960 (Census) 104,942
5 July 1970 (Presidential) 110.000 63,500
Early 1971 119,147
1973 (RoC est.) 114,960
20 November 1974 115,758
- (parents born in Cyprus: 98,000)
8 June 1975 (Referandum) 126,949 52,926
20 June 1976 (General) 130,136 75,724
20 July 1976(Pres.) 75,781
28 June 1981(G) 151,233 84,721
28 July 1981(P) 84,721
5 May 1985 (Ref.) 157,984 91,810
23 June 1985 (G) 93,934
9 July1985 (P) 160,287 95,124
22 April 1990 (P) 171,469 101,306
6 May 1990 (G) 173,224 103,218
13 October 1991 (Interim) 173,224 106,303
12 December 1993 (Early) 177,120 108,370
15-22 April 1995 (P) 181,363 113,440
8 February 1998 162,482 122,574
23 June 1998 (Local) 163,610
6 December 1998 163,860 126,675
15 April 2000(P) 170,416 126,675
30 June 2002 (Loc.) 177,416
14 December 2003 (G) 183,604 141,596
24 April 2004 (Annan Ref.) 184,350 143,639
20 February 2005 (P) 188,372 147,249
(both parents born in CY:120,007)
25 June 2006 (L) 191,388 151,635
19 April 2009 (G) 200,466 161,373
18 April 2010 (P) 203,260 164,072
Official 2011 census: de jure: 286,257 -de facto: 294,906 (excluding military)
190,494 TRNC citizens (=only TRNC: 136.362 + dual TRNC+TR: 38.085 + dual TRNC+ other: 16.047)
Results of the 2nd Stage of the 2011 Population and Housing Census (Ali Korhan):
Born in CY: 160,207 (%56) + born in TR: 104,641 (%36.6)= 264,848
Born in UK: 6.476 + born in other countries: 14.933= 21.305+264.848=286.257 total de jure population
May 25, 2014 ROCy EUP Elections 58,642 TC voters
June 29, 2014 (L) 175,258
IN TRNC, NUMBER OF REGISTERED TR VOTERS IN FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS HELD IN TR ON AUGUST 10, 2014: 92,171
April 30, 2015 (P) 218,609 176,980
2017 230,747 190,551
(Citizens made citizens between 1974 and March 2017: 76,181 people)
January 7, 2018 (eG) 252,497 191,553
IN TRNC, THE NUMBER OF REGISTERED CITIZENS FOR THE GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD IN THE TURKEY ON JUNE 7, 2015: 94,135 PEOPLE
IN TRNC, THE NUMBER OF REGISTERED CITIZENS FOR THE GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD IN THE TURKEY ON NOVEMBER 1, 2015: 95,366 PEOPLE
IN TRNC, THE NUMBER OF REGISTERED TR CITIZENS FOR THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT REFERENDUM HELD IN THE TURKEY ON APRIL 16, 2017: 104,509 PEOPLE
IN TRNC, THE NUMBER OF REGISTERED TR CITIZENS FOR JUNE 18, 2018 GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD IN TR: 106,506 PEOPLE
-Population: 343,000 people (Mustafa Akıncı said: “This is the figure the Minister of Interior gave me at the beginning of March 2019. Then the Minister of Interior announced it as 350,000. In this case, the number of our citizens increased by 130 thousand in 3.5 years. While previous governments granted citizenship to approximately a thousand people per month, the current government grants it to 400-500 people per month” (27 March 2019-YD- The Minister of Interior had given Akıncı the population figure of 220,000 before the talks in 2016.)
-351,000 citizens, 61 thousand people outside the country = 290 thousand people TRNC citizens living in the country. (Kudret Özersay, 15 March 2019 – YD)
-372,486 people (State Planning Organization, Cenk Mutluyakalı, 17 March 2019, YD)
- Ayşegül Baybars : Foreigners staying in the country with permission = 62,381 people (53,844 with work permits + 542 with business establishment permits + 4,297 with companion permits + 3,698 with visitor permits) + 90.438 (54.966 TR+35.472 other) students with permission=TOTAL: 152.819 people with permission + 252,497 TRNC citizens = 405.316 people (Bugün newspaper, 26 March 2019 and Gündem Kıbrıs, 9 October 2019)
-2018-19 academic year (14 Universities):
TRNC nationals 12,508 + TR nationals 54,875 + 3rd country nationals 35,318= TOTAL: 102,701 university students (Only 85,000 of 102,701 students were active students (=12,000 TRNC+45,000 TC+28,000 3rd country)
-2019-20 academic year (22 Universities=16 local, 4 foreign-sourced, 2 higher vocational schools):
TRNC nationals (-265) 12,243 + TR nationals (-4,689) 50,286 + 3rd country (+5,901) 41,219 (from 140 countries = 7,916 Nigeria, 3,405 Jordan + Syria, Cameroon, Iran, Iraq, Zimbabwe Pakistan, Congo, Libya, Egypt, Palestine) TOTAL: 103,748 (91,505 foreigner university students)
5,755 lecturers (2,195 from TR and 982 3rd country citizens = 3,177 foreigners) - There were a total of 94,682 foreigners in universities.
May 26, 2019 RoC EUP elections 81,611 TC voters
October 11, 2020 (P) 198,867
TOTAL EMPLOYMENT: Number of people employed in the private sector in 2018 (Kıbrıs, 13 and 16 October 2019): TRNC citizens 11,738 (workers, employers, public workers) + TR citizens 33,255 + 14,657 from 3rd countries (total 47,912 registered foreign workers)= TOTAL: 59,650 people + Number of people employed in the state sector: 82,761= 132,411 people (+6,742 illegal workers (%5) or 8,930 illegal workers (%20-40)
End of 2019 de facto POPULATION ESTIMATE:
TRNC citizens 252,496
Foreigners with permits 62,381
Uni. foreigners 94,682
Illegal workers 8,930 TOTAL: 418,489 people
Soldiers and their families 45,000 people
RESULT: Approximately 465,000 people live in the northern occupation territory of Cyprus.
***
August 3, 2021 (interim) 382,836 199,029 (+ Non-citizen:95,606=478,442 people)
359,692 people are citizens (mother-father Cy. Born: 131,556) (Under 18: 65,219)
198,867
(126,000 CY + 256,000 TR) (75,000 CY + 124,000 TR)
128,512 -CY and EU- citizens)
November 2021 245,869 (+foreigners=382,000 people)
End of 2021 projection: 390,745
January 23, 2022 (eG) 203,792
Before the local elections in Dec’ 22 203.183(= 81.600 CY+121.583 TR)
December 25, 2022 (L) 208,236
May 12, 2023 209,837
June 25, 2023 (By-election) 210,121
On 8 October 2022, the GC press wrote: 105,252 IDs and 92,000 passports were received by the TCs from the RoC. (Evrensel, 20 July 2024, information from Hüseyin Yalyali)
THE NUMBER OF REGISTERED TR VOTERS IN THE TRNC FOR THE 14 MAY 2023 TR GENERAL ELECTIONS: 140,680. (Of the 240 thousand Turkish citizens living in the TRNC, 142 thousand registered as overseas voters. – Özgül Çelik, EMU Business Administration graduate-Dersim/TR)
End of Year Projection Population: (TRNC Statistical Institute)
2019 420,556
2020 419,810
2021 448,268
2022 462,747
2023 476,214
Number of Turkish citizens registered in the TRNC in the 2022 Turkish General Elections: 140,680 people. (In 2014, it was 92,171 people.)
June 9, 2024 ROC AP elections 103,281 TC voters
Number of foreigners staying with a residence permit at the end of 2024: 104,278 people (64,161 student permits + 12,465 family residence permits + 7,652 short-term permits + 1,020 permanent permits (Yenidüzen, 13 December 2024)
-Ayşegül Baybars (Ex-Minister of Interior): Over 30.000 people were granted citizenship in 4 years from 2020 to 2024. (YD, 17 December 2024)
- According to official data, active insured and minimum wage workers: 159,321 people (TRNC nationals: 76,550 + Foreign nationals: 82,771 + TR nationals: 44,172 + Other country nationals: 38,599) (TRNC Central Bank Bulletin, 4th Quarter/2024)
ILLEGALLY LIVING: 82,606 PEOPLE (YD, 28 June 2024) Ürün Solyalı (MP): More than 100 thousand people are illegal or have not made any transactions - Özgür Gazete, 5 July 2024)
- Total number of students who have not made any transactions: 48,517
- Total number of residence permit holders who have not made any transactions: 33,789
- Number of people with illegal status in prison: 300
Illegal workers 10,300 people + 9,500 people whose procedures are not completed + 2,000 people whose residence permits are not renewed
3RD COUNTRY NATIONALITIES WITH WORK PERMITS (Total: 32,948 people, from 109 countries) Vatan Mehmet, Kibris Postasi, 1 December 2024)
The nationalities with the most work permits are as follows: Pakistan: 9,868 people, Bangladesh: 6,720 people, Turkmenistan: 6,241 people. These countries are among the countries known to work intensively, especially in the construction, service and agriculture sectors. Other highlighted data is as follows; Notable in the top 10: Countries such as Iran (1,299 people), Philippines (596 people) and Nigeria (431 people) are also high on the list. European countries such as Ukraine (467 people), Russia (365 people) and Moldova (218 people) also constitute the workforce in the TRNC. Countries with low representation: Only 1 person each from countries such as Switzerland, Japan, Kuwait and Malta is in the TRNC with a work permit. [19]
-Total number of people receiving salaries from the Central Budget in January 2025: 45,758 (YD, February 24, 2025)
-Number of retirees receiving salaries from the Social Insurance Department in January 2022: Nearly 48 thousand.
-Total number of university students in the 2023-24 academic year: 108,180 (65-70 thousand of 110,266 students are active, 32% are missing-illegal (YD, Salih Sarpten, February 26, 2024))
- 14,594 TRNC (14,498)
- 93,586 foreigners - 49,047 TC (44,562)
44,539 3rd country (51,206)
According to the Immigration Department: There are 63,613 foreign students. (Where are 29,973 students?) - Sami Özuslu's speech in the Parliament - Cenk Mutluyakalı, YD, March 14, 2024),
AT THE BEGINNING OF 2025, POPULATION ESTIMATE IN THE OCCUPIED REGION OF CYPRUS: At least 650 thousand people (476,214 Official population projection + 104,278 foreigners with permits (December 13, 2024-YD) + 82,606 unauthorized, unregistered, illegal foreigners (June 28, 2024-YD) = 645,869 people)
There were 210.121 registered voters for the by-election on 25 June 2023. We can estimate that 75.000 of them were TCs and the remaining 135.000 were Turkish settlers!
References:
[1] Census of Population and Agriculture 1960, Government Printing Office, Nicosia
[2] Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict 1963-1971, Ontario, 1976
[3] George Karouzis, Proposal for a solution to the Cyprus Problem, Nicosia 1976, p.13
[4] The details of this settlement were recorded by two Turkish scientists, Hatice Kurtuluş and Semra Purkis, under the title “The Social Exclusion of Immigrants through Citizenship, Identity and Belonging: Being a Turkish citizen in Northern Cyprus!” A 41-page summary of the 300-page Project studies conducted between 2007-2009: “The Nature of Turkish Migration to Northern Cyprus and the Economic, Socio-Spatial Integration Problems of Migrants”, 2010 Scientific and Technical Research Council (TÜBİTAK) Project Number: 106K330, in the book titled “History, Classes and the City” edited by Besime Şen and Ali Ekber Doğan, Dipnot Publications, Istanbul 2010, 465-506
[5] Demokrat, January 10, 1996
[6] a. What is the population of Turkish Cypriots? Söz Magazine, October 31, 1986
b. The deterioration of the demographic structure in Cyprus and Turkish immigrants, Demokrat, December 28, 1988
c. Towards the census and election, Demokrat, January 10, 1990
d. Election results do not reflect the will of the Turkish Cypriots, Yeni Çağ, 27 December 1993
[7] Yeni Düzen, 23 July 1993
[8] Kıbrıs, 28 November 1997
[9] Avrupa, 31 January 1998
[10] Ortam, 17 October 1996
[11] Avrupa, 6.6.1998
[12] Yeni Çağ, 27 December 1993
[13] Kıbrıs, 15 December 1998
[14] Hürriyet-Kıbrıs, 22 December 1998
[15] Kıbrıs, 2 June 1999
[16] Kıbrıs, 3 June 1999
[17] Kıbrıs Postası, 13 August 2013
[18] “Written Evidence” by Ahmet Djavit An as published in the Second Report (22 February 2005) of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs of the British Parliament
[19] Vatan Mehmet, Kibris Postasi (1 December 2024) Total list: Pakistan 9,868, Bangladesh 6,720, Turkmenistan 6,241, Iran 1,299, Philippines 596, Kyrgyzstan 516, Nepal 484, Ukraine 467, Nigeria 431, Uzbekistan 416, Sri Lanka 392, Russia 365, Kazakhstan 352, India 286, Indonesia 256, Azerbaijan 256, Moldova 218, Belarus 173, United Kingdom 169, Cameroon 160, Vietnam 103, Georgia 99, Bulgaria 98, Morocco 78, Syria 76, Germany 52, Jordan 51, Zimbabwe 47, Guinea 45, Ireland 37, Czech Republic 37, Tajikistan 36, Afghanistan 35, Sierra Leone 34, Egypt 32, Lebanon 30, Uganda 29, Romania 28, Congo 28, China 28, Palestine 25, Ghana 22, Kenya 22, Uzbekistan 21, Brazil 19, United States 18, Algeria 16, Israel 15, Iraq 14, Thailand 13, Tanzania 12, Senegal 12, Lithuania 12, Democratic Republic of the Congo 11, Gambia 10, Ethiopia 10, Australia 9, Kosovo 9, Sweden 9, Italy 9, South Africa 9, Libya 8, Colombia 8, Macedonia 8, Ivory Coast 8, Slovenia 7, Andorra 7, Liberia 6, Spain 6, Sudan 6, Georgia 6, Yemen 6, Rwanda 5, Hungary 5, Cuba 5, Albania 5, Belgium 5, Finland 5, France 4, Austria 4, Angola 4, Central African Republic 4, Canada 4, Poland 4, Mongolia 4, Monaco 4, Saudi Arabia 4, Tunisia 4, Namibia 3, Central African Republic 3, Greece 3, Togo Republic 3, Serbia 3, Zambia 3, Mali Republic 3, Montenegro 2, Slovakia 2, Latvia 2, Portugal 2, Venezuela 2, Cyprus 2, Netherlands 2, Honduras 2, United Arab Emirates 2, Bosnia & Herzegovina 2, Denmark 2, Ecuador 2, Dominican Republic 1, Bahamas 1, Argentina 1, Hong Kong 1, Croatia 1, Haiti 1, Japan 1, Cambodia 1, Switzerland 1, Kuwait 1, Malta 1, Mexico 1, Uruguay 1, Suriname 1, Somalia 1, Paraguay 1, Mozambique 1, Djibouti 1, Zaire 1, Saudi Arabia 1, Myanmar 1, West African Rep. 1, Burkina Faso 1.
(This research article was read on 8 April 2025 at a seminar, organized by the Department of Turkish and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Cyprus, Nicosia.)
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Διακήρυξη
Μια νέα προσπάθεια για τη λύση του Κυπριακού έχει αρχίσει.
Οι ελπίδες πως μπορεί επιτέλους να υπάρξει μια συμφωνημένη λύση που θα επανενώνει τον τόπο μας στο πλαίσιο μιας Ομόσπονδης Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας έχουν αναπτερωθεί. Το όραμα αυτό μοιράζονται οι δύο ηγέτες, μεγάλα πολιτικά κόμματα, ενεργοί πολίτες αλλά και η μεγάλη πλειοψηφία στις δύο κοινότητες. Το ενδιαφέρον της διεθνούς κοινότητας είναι δεδομένο και ενισχυμένο. Η τοπική και διεθνής συγκυρία είναι ευνοϊκή.
Η συντριπτική πλειοψηφία των Κυπρίων θέλουμε ειλικρινά να υπάρξει συμφωνημένη λύση και κατανοούμε ότι αυτή θα είναι προϊόν αλληλοκατανόησης και συμβιβασμού. Δεν θεωρούμε το στάτους κβο ως τη λύση του προβλήματος. Κανένας δεν προτείνει τη βία και τη σύγκρουση ως μέσο επίλυσης. Το μοντέλο της Ομοσπονδίας είναι ο μόνος κοινός τρόπος για να υπάρξει συμφωνία. Πέρα από τους φόβους και τις ανησυχίες, που είναι φυσιολογικές λόγω του βεβαρημένου ιστορικού, όλοι οι Κύπριοι θέλουμε να εισέλθει ο τόπος σε μια νέα εποχή μακρόχρονης ειρήνης και να μετατραπεί σε πρότυπο δημοκρατίας, πολύ-πολιτισμικότητας, προόδου και ευημερίας. Αυτή η προοπτική είναι αναγκαίο να στηριχθεί και να ενισχυθεί, ώστε, αναλόγως και της πορείας των διαπραγματεύσεων, να μπορεί να αγκαλιαστεί πλειοψηφικά και να οδηγήσει στην Κύπρο που όλοι ονειρευόμαστε.
Είμαστε μια ομάδα πολιτών με δράση στον ευρύ χώρο της κοινωνίας των πολιτών στην ελληνοκυπριακή κοινότητα, που έχουμε αποφασίσει να συνεργαστούμε για να στηρίξουμε αυτή την προσπάθεια. Δεν έχουμε τις ίδιες πολιτικές ή ιδεολογικές προσεγγίσεις. Μας ενώνει όμως το όραμα για επανένωση της πατρίδας μας. Ανήκουμε ηλικιακά στη νεότερη γενιά - ο μέσος όρος ηλικίας μας είναι κάτω από 40 - που έζησε και μεγάλωσε μετά τα τραγικά γεγονότα που διαίρεσαν το νησί και το λαό μας. Τόσο εμείς, όσο και πολλοί άλλοι, είμαστε ενθαρρυμένοι από τη βούληση και την αποφασιστικότητα των δύο ηγετών να προχωρήσουν με τόλμη και όραμα, και είμαστε πρόθυμοι να συμβάλουμε, ως εθελοντές, στην ευόδωση της προσπάθειας.
Ο δικός μας ρόλος είναι η παραγωγή και εφαρμογή ιδεών για την επικοινωνιακή στήριξη της ειρηνευτικής διαδικασίας και της διαπραγματευτικής προσπάθειας. Επικεντρωνόμαστε σε θέματα ανάλυσης επικαιρότητας, διεξαγωγής ερευνών κοινής γνώμης, διατύπωσης λόγου και χρήσης των νέων τεχνολογιών επικοινωνίας. Στις προτεραιότητές μας είναι η αξιοποίηση των μέσων κοινωνικής δικτύωσης αλλά και των πιο παραδοσιακών Μέσων Ενημέρωσης, προκειμένου να αναδείξουμε και να στηρίξουμε την εν εξελίξει ειρηνευτική διαδικασία, με ενημερωτικό υλικό, απόψεις και αναλύσεις. Τα συμπεράσματα και οι εισηγήσεις μας θα είναι στη διάθεση όλων όσοι προσβλέπουν και εργάζονται για την επανένωση: πολιτική ηγεσία, οργανωμένοι φορείς, κοινωνία πολιτών. Δεν έχουμε απαντήσεις σε όλα τα πιθανά ερωτήματα, έχουμε όμως τη βούληση να αναζητήσουμε εποικοδομητικές απαντήσεις με σεβασμό σε όλες τις ανησυχίες.
Ξεκαθαρίζουμε ότι δεν είναι στις προθέσεις μας ανάμιξη στις συνομιλίες και στην κομματική πολιτική. Η διαπραγμάτευση του Κυπριακού αποτελεί αρμοδιότητα και ευθύνη των δύο ηγετών και της πολιτικής ηγεσίας. Θεωρούμε, ωστόσο, ότι η ειρηνευτική διαδικασία πρέπει να γίνει πιο κατανοητή στον μέσο πολίτη ως προς τα προσδοκώμενα ευεργετικά της αποτελέσματα, πιο διαφανής, και στο μέτρο του δυνατού να εμπλέκει την κοινωνία η οποία μπορεί και πρέπει να φορτίσει θετικά την ειρηνευτική διαδικασία και τους πρωταγωνιστές της.
Πέραν των ατόμων που απαρτίζουν την Ομάδα, είμαστε ανοιχτοί για συνεργασία με ευρύτερους κύκλους συμπολιτών μας που έχουν γνώσεις και εμπειρίες σε τέτοια θέματα.
Δεν έχουμε ενώπιον μας ένα σχέδιο λύσης. Κατανοούμε και σεβόμαστε ότι ο πολύς κόσμος είναι αμφίθυμος ως προς τη λύση και ότι θα τοποθετηθεί όταν και εφόσον θα έχει μπροστά του ένα ολοκληρωμένο πλαίσιο. Το ίδιο ισχύει και για εμάς.
Πρόθεσή μας είναι να λειτουργήσουμε νομότυπα και με πλήρη διαφάνεια και λογοδοσία σε ό,τι αφορά τη χρηματοδότηση των δράσεων που πρέπει να διεκπεραιωθούν.
Τέλος, ονομάσαμε την προσπάθεια μας Ομάδα Κύπρος- ΟΚ γιατί βλέπουμε την Κύπρο μας σαν μια Ομάδα. Μια Ομάδα που περιλαμβάνει όλους τους Πολίτες της ισότιμους και συμμέτοχους στον αγώνα για ένα μέλλον αντάξιο των προοπτικών που έχει η Πατρίδα μας. Τα αρχικά Ο και Κ δημιουργούν το γνωστό σε όλους μας ΟΚ. Μια έννοια που αναδεικνύει τη θετικότητά μας στην επιχειρούμενη προσπάθεια για λύση. Λέμε τους ηγέτες «ΟΚ, προχωρήστε! Είμαστε εδώ, στηρίζουμε, ενισχύουμε και, ταυτόχρονα ελέγχουμε!»
Ανεπίσημο αρχείο με τις βασικές αρχές και κείμενα του Κινήματος Κυπριωτισμού από το 2021 τα οποία ανακτήθηκαν μέσω του Wayback Machine.
Μπορεί να εντοπιστεί πατώντας εδώ.
Ανεπίσημο αρχείο με τις βασικές αρχές και κείμενα του Κινήματος Κυπριωτισμού από το 2021 τα οποία ανακτήθηκαν μέσω του Wayback Machine.
Μπορεί να εντοπιστεί πατώντας εδώ.
One Radical Planet 